“He who loses money, loses much; He who loses a friend, loses much more, He who loses faith, loses all.”
Eleanor
“जो व्यक्ति धन गंवाता है, बहुत कुछ खो बैठता है; जो व्यक्ति मित्र को खो बैठता है, वह उससे भी कहीं अधिक खोता है, लेकिन जो अपने विश्वास को खो बैठता है, वह व्यक्ति अपना सर्वस्व खो देता है।”
एलेयानोर
SpaceX, led by visionary entrepreneur Elon Musk, is set to make history once again by launching the world’s largest private satellite to space on July 27. The satellite, named JUPITER-3 and developed by Maxar Technologies, is a breakthrough in the field of communications satellites, boasting impressive size and cutting-edge technology.
SpaceX’s Falcon Heavy rocket, known for its triple-booster design, will carry the JUPITER-3 satellite into space. This upcoming launch will signify the Falcon Heavy’s seventh mission, gaining widespread attention since its inaugural flight in 2018. The rocket has proven to be a reliable workhorse in the aerospace industry.
JUPITER-3 is not just any ordinary satellite; it is the largest commercial communications satellite ever built. Developed by Maxar Technologies in Palo Alto, California, this satellite represents a major leap in satellite technology.
Upon complete deployment, the JUPITER-3 satellite’s dimensions will resemble the wingspan of a commercial airliner, ranging from 130 to 160 feet (approximately 40 to 50 meters). Beyond its size, what sets JUPITER-3 apart are its advanced technological features and capabilities.
One of the primary aims of JUPITER-3 is to double the capacity of Maxar Technologies’ satellite fleet with an additional 500 Gbps. This substantial increase in capacity will enable the company to better serve customers, especially in regions where cable and fiber connectivity are unavailable or unreliable, such as in remote areas.
The JUPITER-3 satellite will cater to various communication needs. Its applications include supporting in-flight Wi-Fi, maritime connections, enterprise networks, backhaul for Mobile Network Operators (MNOs), and Community Wi-Fi solutions across North and South America.
JUPITER-3 features an updated technological architecture that allows for the miniaturization of electronics. It includes solid-state amplifiers and enhanced antenna efficiency. The satellite underwent rigorous vibration and temperature testing, including Thermal Vacuum Testing, to ensure its resilience in the extreme conditions of space.
Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla accepted the Opposition’s no confidence motion against the Government earlier today (July 26), saying that he will speak to leaders of all parties and announce when the discussion on the motion will be taken up.
The motion was brought to the House by Congress Party MP Gaurav Gogoi amidst the Opposition’s ongoing protests demanding a statement on the situation in Manipur from Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
Adhir Ranjan Chowdhary, Congress’s Lok Sabha leader, had on Tuesday (July 25) told the media that the Opposition will be introducing a no-confidence motion in the house.
“Today, it has been decided that we would not have any other alternative but to resort to a no-confidence motion because the government is not accepting the demand of the opposition to have an elaborate discussion with the Prime Minister on Manipur,” Chowdhary said, as per news agency ANI. “He should make a statement on the Manipur violence as he is our leader in the parliament,” he added.
What is a no confidence motion?
In a parliamentary democracy, a government can be in power only if it commands a majority in the directly elected House. Article 75(3) of our Constitution embodies this rule by specifying that the Council of Ministers are collectively responsible to the Lok Sabha.
For testing this collective responsibility, the rules of Lok Sabha provide a particular mechanism – a motion of no-confidence. Any Lok Sabha MP, who can garner the support of 50 colleagues, can, at any point of time, introduce a motion of no-confidence against the Council of Ministers.
Thereafter, a discussion on the motion takes place. MPs who support the motion highlight the government’s shortcomings, and the Treasury Benches respond to the issues they raise. Finally, a vote takes place – in case the motion carries, the government is bound to vacate the office.
Should the government be worried?
No. With the majority mark at the Lok Sabha being 272, currently, the NDA government has 331 members, with the BJP alone boasting of 303 MPs. This means that even if all non-NDA parties come together (which is highly unlikely), the BJP still has the numbers to survive a no confidence motion.
The newly named INDIA alliance has 144 MPs while ‘neutral’ parties such as the BRS, YSRCP and the BJD have a combined strength of 70.
However, the no confidence motion has historically been used as a strategic tool to force a discussion on a certain topic or issue. The Opposition knows that it does not have the numbers but still has moved the motion to force the government to address their concerns about the situation in Manipur.
It was during the third Lok Sabha in 1963 that the first motion of no confidence was moved by Acharya J B Kripalani against the government headed by Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. The debate on the motion lasted for 21 hours over four days, with 40 MPs participating.
In his reply, Nehru remarked, “A no-confidence motion aims at or should aim at removing the party in government and taking its place. It is clear in the present instance that there was no such expectation or hope. And so the debate, although it was interesting in many ways and, I think profitable too, was a little unreal. Personally, I have welcomed this motion and this debate. I have felt that it would be a good thing if we were to have periodical tests of this kind.”
Since then, there have been 26 more no-confidence motions moved in the parliament (not counting the latest one), with the last one being in 2018, moved by the TRS against the previous Narendra Modi government.
Source: Indian Express, 26/07/23
Lok Sabha on Tuesday (July 25) gave its approval to a Bill to amend some provisions of the Biological Diversity Act of 2002. The Biological Diversity (Amendment) Bill seeks to address concerns of several central ministries, state governments, researchers, industry, and other stakeholders, regarding the implementation of the 20-year-old law that is meant to preserve the country’s biological diversity and to ensure its sustainable use.
Among other things, the amendments aim to encourage Indian systems of medicine like Ayurveda, attract more foreign investment in the preservation and commercial utilisation of India’s biological resources, and simplify and streamline processes so that it is easy for everyone to comply with its provisions.
Biological diversity refers to all kinds of life forms — animals, plants and microorganisms — their gene pools, and the ecosystems that they inhabit. The 2002 Act was a response to the global need to protect and conserve biological resources, which are under threat due to human activities.
The extent of the damage was highlighted, much later, in a landmark 2019 report by the Intergovernmental Science Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES), a scientific body similar to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC).
That report issued a stark warning: about 1 million animal and plant species, out of a total of about 8 million, were facing the threat of extinction. About 75 per cent of the Earth’s land surface and 66 per cent of the oceans had been “significantly altered”, it said.
But efforts to protect biological diversity had begun much earlier. In 1994, countries including India had agreed to a Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), an international framework agreement similar to the more famous one on climate change. There was a general agreement on three things: (i) that indiscriminate use of biological resources needed to be halted, (ii) that sustainable use of these resources, for their medicinal properties for example, needed to be regulated, and (iii) that people and communities helping in protecting and maintaining these resources needed to be rewarded for their efforts.
India’s Biological Diversity Act of 2002 was enacted by the government of Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee with these objectives in mind. It set up a National Biodiversity Authority as a regulatory body, and prescribed the conditions in, and purposes for, which biological resources could be utilised. The purposes mainly related to scientific research and commercial use.
So why did the need for amendments to the law arise?
Over the years, several stakeholders, like those representing the Indian system of medicine, the seed sector, pharmaceutical and other industries, and the research community, have pointed out that some of the provisions of the 2002 law restricted their activities, and thus needed to be modified.
In addition, countries agreed to the Nagoya Protocol in 2010, an important international agreement under the CBD, that contained an Access and Benefit Sharing mechanism.
Under this mechanism, biodiversity-rich countries needed to provide access to their biological resources to those wanting to use it for research or commercial reasons, and the user agencies, in turn, were mandated to share the benefits of their use with the local communities. This access and benefit-sharing works at both the domestic and the international levels.
Over the last few years, the government too has been trying to encourage traditional systems of medicine, all of which rely on these biological resources.
The Bill passed on Tuesday makes several amendments to the 2002 Act, addressing most of the concerns raised by the practitioners of traditional systems of medicine, the seed sector, and the pharmaceutical industry.
Certain categories of users of biological resources, like practitioners of Indian systems of medicine, have been exempted from making payments towards the access and benefit-sharing mechanism.
Companies registered in India and controlled by Indians are now treated as Indian companies, even if they have foreign equity or partnership, thereby reducing the restrictions on them. Provisions have been included to speed up the approval process in cases of use of biological resources in scientific research, or for filing of patent applications.
The penalty provisions for wrongdoing by user agencies have been rationalised.
Source: Indian Express, 27/07/23
The remarkable transformation of India’s digital landscape has been made possible by pioneering digital public infrastructure (DPI) experiments. Functionally mimicking physical infrastructures, these DPIs are digital pathways that enable a seamless provision of essential services, benefiting society. The Indian DPI ecosystem envisioned as “India Stack” has been pivotal in unlocking the power of identity, payments, and data sharing to drive economic growth and foster a more inclusive digital economy. Imagine the India Stack as interconnected yet independent “blocks of a stack”. Each block serves as a vehicle for financial and social inclusion across sectors, ultimately catering to our diverse population. Its transformative ability lies in its potential to be used across multiple use cases, enabling the creation of novel solutions that drive innovation, inclusion and competition in the digital realm through its modular layers.
India has so far had a successful run in creating DPIs that have seen wide adoption. The World Bank estimates that Aadhaar has facilitated financial inclusion. The Jan Dhan-Aadhaar-Mobile trinity has played a pivotal role in transparent direct benefit transfers of welfare subsidies to bank accounts of the underserved. On the payments front, Unified Payments Interface — the interoperable electronic payment system — has empowered us to conveniently transfer money from one bank account to another bank account digitally and in real-time.
From promoting financial as well as digital inclusion of citizens belonging to less privileged socio-economic backgrounds and empowering small businesses to improve access to healthcare, Indian DPIs hold the promise to bridge the wealth gaps and build an efficient and resilient digital economy that supports citizens and organisations. The next decade of India’s DPI journey will witness sector-specific DPIs such as account aggregators, Open Network for Digital Commerce, Ayushman Bharat Digital Mission and Agristack. To unlock the enormous benefits and efficiencies of DPIs, their adoption and acceptance at the population scale are paramount, requiring a comprehensive approach to cater to diverse needs, situations, and experiences.
As India leads the conversation on DPIs and digital transformation at the G20, it is an opportune moment to steer the wheel towards inclusive DPIs, both globally and locally. Through knowledge and resource sharing, while simultaneously scaling local DPI initiatives, we can ensure that no one is left behind. Reflecting on past experiences and developments occurring internationally, we can draw several key lessons to inform our path forward.
First, the importance of placing users at the forefront. We must prioritise user-centric design to reduce the risks arising from the use of technology and prevent the exacerbation of extant inequalities amongst rural and urban populations, genders or economic groups. To avoid reinforcing disparities in DPI usage, enabling compatible protocols for feature phones, assisted-tech models and Interactive Voice Response System should be explored and implemented, offering handholding support to consumers with limited smartphone access or low digital literacy. The RBI’s launch of UPI123Pay is a notable step towards inclusivity, which gives feature phone owners an app that enables them with most UPI features. The RBI has even enabled cardless cash withdrawals at ATMs through the UPI app.
Second, inclusion should be a key policy objective for DPI participants, embedded within the regulatory framework. Several jurisdictions, including Nigeria, the UK and Brazil, have embraced open banking with the aim of financial inclusion within the regulatory framework itself. Estonia’s information policy emphasises avoiding information disparities between regions or communities — an important consideration for data-sharing DPIs equipped with advanced consent technologies, where there is a risk of the ecosystem benefiting only digitally-savvy consumers. By prioritising inclusion from the outset, DPIs can create an ecosystem that benefits all individuals, regardless of their digital literacy, thereby cultivating a more equitable and accessible digital economy.
Third, to truly drive inclusivity, DPI participants must identify the underserved target segments and proactively develop use cases tailored to their needs. For instance, for the MSMEs, who have limited access to formal sources of credit, the account aggregator ecosystem holds immense potential to enable access to low-cost, low-ticket-size, collateral-free sources of credit by utilising the digital trail of all consented transactional data, including cash flows generated by the enterprise. Moreover, monitoring the impact of DPIs on vulnerable consumers through disaggregated data collection is essential to prevent the deepening of gaps for underserved customers and foster equitable growth.
Lastly, to meaningfully adopt any DPI at the population scale, it is necessary to build engagement with the DPI. In a country like ours, where digital connectivity and literacy pose obstacles, it becomes crucial to address these challenges. Offline channels must be considered, alongside building institutional capacity to generate trust and awareness. It would not only ensure last-mile access but also foster digital comfort among vulnerable consumers, empowering them to leverage these tools for their benefit. For instance, business correspondents are a vital cog on which banks rely to increase access to and usage of financial products. Exploring the potential of leveraging these trusted human points of contact to mitigate further exclusion risks can be immensely valuable for DPIs in the financial sector as they move forward.
Written by Manvi Khanna
Source: Indian Express, 31/07/23