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Showing posts with label Research & Knowledge. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Research & Knowledge. Show all posts

Wednesday, April 21, 2021

Think global, promote local

 

What can India do to promote more quality Ph.D programmes and avoid playing the “catch up” game with institutes abroad?


India needs to increase the quality and quantity of its research. There are many compelling reasons for this; a critical one being its necessity for the innovation ecosystem. It is clear that economies have become much more innovation-driven. And innovation uses new knowledge to generate value.

For example, algorithms created by machine-learning researchers are being used for innovation in a range of sectors and domains. Further, in the process of innovation, knowledge gaps are often found and further research is required to plug them. Therefore, a thriving innovation ecosystem requires a parallel in research and both need to thrive cohesively.

The Indian research ecosystem is relatively small and far behind leading nations in terms of quality and capability. Perhaps the most important indicator of the health of the research ecosystem is the quality and quantity of the doctorates it produces.

In the U.S., while two million graduate from Bachelor’s programmes, the corresponding number for Ph.D is 185,000; i.e. about 9% of undergraduates go on to do Ph.Ds. In India, the total number of students enrolled in undergraduate programmes is about 28 million, and the corresponding number for Ph.D programmes is around 140,000 or less than 0.5% of the graduates.

There is no doubt that there is a need to increase the number of Ph.Ds. The near-term goal must be to encourage 1-2% of graduating students to opt for Ph.D. But there has to be an equal increase in quality. For this, we need to attract bright and talented graduates into Ph.D programmes. Currently, many students who join Ph.D programmes are those who could not get a job, or want to prepare for a competitive exam, or are teachers who need a Ph.D for promotion. In addition, we should also ensure that their output is of high quality. The institutes also need to have the systems and faculty in place to achieve this. In the U.S., the top 50 institutions account for 50% of the Ph.Ds.

Luring talent

To understand what may motivate graduates, a small survey was done a few years ago. Graduating B.Tech students in some IITs were asked what they would require to enrol for a Ph.D programme in India. While better stipends and infrastructure were among the answers, a top sentiment was “the ability to spend a year in an overseas university”.

This can be addressed by providing Overseas Research Fellowships (ORFs) to top universities to send Ph.D scholars abroad. The only condition should be that the work done during the overseas period must form part of the Ph.D thesis, preferably under a joint programme with or a co-guide from the foreign university.

This programme could be awarded only to those institutions that have a good ranking and rigorous Ph.D evaluation systems, a good past record of producing quality Ph.Ds, and the capability and research record/standing. ORFs could be awarded each year to 100 institutions, leading to a rejuvenation of the programme. If 25 ORFs worth $20,000 each were awarded to an institution, the total would be $50 million per year. This is not a large amount, even by Indian standards.

Collaborative efforts

In the next round, the the number of ORFs given to an institution can be based on how many it was able to utilise, the universities its students went to, the number of joint publications, support provided by partner universities, and so on.

Given that ORFs can be established only with universities that are not likely to dilute their standards, a programme like this will raise the bar for Indian students. Another key advantage would be that the student is enrolled in an Indian institution and will go abroad only for a year and return to India to complete the Ph.D. The genuine collaboration in such programmes can lead to other collaborative research projects.

There is no doubt that we need to attract talented students to go in for research and also ensure that the output is of good quality. Without increasing the quantity, quality and variety of research, India risks playing the “catch up game” perpetually.

Pankaj Jalote


The writer is a Professor and Founding Director of IIIT-Delhi and the author of Building Research Universities in India (Sage Publications

Source: The Hindu, 4/04/21

Friday, January 15, 2021

How to pollution-proof doorstep delivery

 The near-death blow dealt by the COVID-19 pandemic to global economies notwithstanding, e-commerce companies have not just thrived but have witnessed a much higher growth rate. According to the India Brand Equity Foundation, e-commerce companies registered a growth of 31 per cent in the third quarter of 2020 compared to the same period in 2019. The consequent increase in demand for e-commerce deliveries has had an impact on the environment in urban areas and will inevitably lead to rise in emissions and air pollution.

To reduce this environmental impact, e-commerce companies need to promote zero-local-emission delivery strategies. While “true” zero emission vehicles are still some distance away — even electric vehicles (EVs) are ultimately powered by the grid fuelled primarily by thermal power plants — the realisation of zero local emissions will go a long way in reducing air pollution in major cities.

On an average, major e-commerce players in India such as Amazon, Flipkart and Bigbasket deliver around 1.5–2 lakh orders per day; 65 per cent of this demand comes from just five cities, namely, Delhi, Mumbai, Chennai, Kolkata and Bengaluru. This demand increases significantly, by 1.5 times, during the festive season. For instance, according to a report in Business Insider, Flipkart witnessed a 10-fold increase in shipments during the Diwali festival sale this year compared to the same period last year.

Though there are no conclusive numbers yet, the increased sales of commercial vehicles, such as mini-trucks and pick-up vans, during the pandemic is proof that the e-commerce industry helped the automobile sector stay afloat when it was struggling because of hugely decreased demand. However, these are mostly conventional vehicles and may lead to environmental impacts in the long run. According to a World Economic Forum study on the future of the last-mile delivery, the increase in demand will lead to an increase in emissions by 32 per cent globally.

Introduction of electric vehicles (EVs) and non-motorised transport (NMT; walking and cycling), and optimising delivery trips are a few of the solutions for realising sustainable last-mile deliveries in urban areas. Flipkart and Amazon have recently announced plans to introduce EVs in their delivery fleet. While Flipkart aims to convert 40 per cent of its fleet to EVs, Amazon plans to introduce 10,000 EVs in India in the near future. However, the introduction of EVs comes with challenges as electric transportation is still an evolving segment and not a run-of-the-mill solution. In addition, the introduction of NMT needs strategic implementation and planning.

A major challenge is that most of the e-commerce companies outsource the logistics and last-mile delivery. These delivery service providers need to convert their fleet to clean vehicles. Additionally, the location of warehouses pose a challenge, with a majority of them situated in the outskirts due to affordable rentals.

Return deliveries (in case the addressee is not available or when goods are exchanged) add to the cost of operation, increasing the man-hours and the travel/trip length per order. The different categories of delivery slots (priority, same day, free, etc.) also complicate trip planning.

Delivery service providers need to convert their fleets to clean vehicles; private players can play a vital role in minimising the potential air pollution from this sector. DOT, a Delhi-based start-up, provides EVs to Swiggy, Amazon, and Bigbasket for last-mile delivery. Further, leased EVs can be a viable option for both delivery service providers and e-commerce companies. The latter can even forge tie-ups with EV manufacturers to directly lease the required fleets.

The peripheral location of warehouses provides an opportunity for not only EV implementation but also traffic reduction within cities, ultimately reducing emissions. Within cities, strategically located warehouses shared by multiple e-commerce players can make EV introduction financially viable through sharing of land and charging infrastructure cost, streamlining the flow of heavy and light commercial vehicles, efficient fleet utilisation, and ease of operation for delivery service providers.

A potential solution to reduce the travel required by delivery executives is to set up a pickup point network, with smart lockers every 1 km or so, considering the location-wise number of shipments. Bus stops, shopping malls, etc. could be used as potential locations for such lockers. Such a network can also open up the option of NMT delivery to the consumer’s doorstep. Gated communities can install lockers at the entrance to avoid travel inside their premises.

Cities need to understand delivery movements, as well as the location of warehouses, consolidation centres, and delivery hotspots to prioritise sustainable last-mile delivery. Further, assessing the socio-economic and environmental impacts of urban last-mile deliveries and freight movement will help cities develop sustainable transport policies. Zero-emissions vehicles (electric or non-motorised vehicles), off-peak-hour deliveries, centralised pick-up points, and a network of freight hubs throughout a city are some of the solutions to meet the growing demand of urban last-mile deliveries. Finally, to realise long-term sustainable mobility, cities need to develop urban freight policies with an emphasis on strategic interventions in last-mile delivery.

By Trupti Deshpande and Anantha Lakshmi Paladugula

The writers work in the area of environment and the ecosystem at the Center for Study of Science, Technology and Policy (CSTEP), a research-based think tank

To truly become self-reliant, invest in research and development

 India has long had a reputation about its ability to thrive on “jugaad technology” which can be loosely translated as innovative solutions which get around the rules. This needs to become a story of the past now. For India to evolve into a self-reliant economy, the importance of investment in research and development (R&D) is critical in this new decade.

Despite all efforts, the gross domestic expenditure on R&D as a fraction of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) has declined from 0.8% in 2010 to 0.6% in 2018. It has been hovering around this level for more than two decades. This pales in comparison to R&D investment in developed countries such as Japan (3.2%), Germany (3.0%), the United States (2.8%) and developing ones such as South Korea (4.8%) and China (2.2%) in 2018. Most R&D expenditure in India comes from the government and this is unfortunate.

A higher expenditure on R&D usually correlates with high technology exports. India’s share in high technology exports stands at 9.1%, while for China and South Korea, it is 31.4% and 36.3% respectively. To move up the manufacturing value chain and enhance competitiveness, there is a need to increase R&D expenditure in sectors which are import-dependent.

Though hundreds of international companies having set up R&D shops, utilising the talent pool at lower cost, Indian corporates have failed to keep pace.

The heightened need for R&D creates opportunities for financing its expansion. This will not only lead to augmenting exports but also reduce the country’s dependence on R&D-related product imports — something which can make the trade deficit more manageable. In fact, according to the government’s Invest India report, each $1 million invested in R&D in India per year by multinational corporations (MNCs) is likely to generate a demand for around eight to ten researchers.

In this context, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) and the government may possibly consider setting up a credit facility solely for investments in R&D in industries in which India requires import substitution. The initiative would provide lending at rates lower than the prevailing repo rate, for 10 to 12 years, to finance investments that create technological and production capacity in R&D-intensive sectors.

To further ensure greater access for the R&D sector, the government can consider a sub-category under the priority sector lending (PSL) which will boost access to finance. However, there should be clarity on the list of industries to be covered in order to ensure that benefits are not skewed to select ones only.

India has always been found lacking in terms of academia-industry linkages. This is a bedrock in developed economies. In fact, private-public partnerships aligned with national innovation and industrial strategies such as China’s Industry-Research Strategic Alliances, Canada´s Strategic Network Grants, the Netherlands´ Top Sectors, Germany´s Innovation Alliances, Israel´s Magnet Consortium, and France´s Strategic Industrial Innovation Programme are all worth looking into.

The government should set up a mechanism wherein the grants received by Central Universities and technology and management institutes are linked to their collaboration with the public and private sectors and designed to produce concrete outcomes, not just cooperation agreements on paper.

Economies worldwide have graduated in the production chain from low and middle technology exports and have been focusing on R&D-related high technology exports which bring in greater foreign exchange earnings. In fact, Samsung’s global R&D spending in the first nine months of 2020 hit a record high of $14.3 billion and was equivalent to 9.1% of its sales amid the Covid-19 pandemic. This clearly demonstrates the importance such firms give to R&D.

India needs to show flexibility and offer differential treatment to Indian companies in the form of tax incentives, uninterrupted support, and stringent supervision. The upcoming Budget in 2021 could possibly be just the right moment to support R&D in the backdrop of the government’s Aatmanirbhar Bharat initiative.

Rahul Mazumdar is an economist with EXIM Bank, India

Source: Hindustan Times, 13/01/2021

Thursday, November 26, 2020

IIT Kharagpur innovation hub on AI and ML to translate research to industrially scalable products

 

IIT Kharagpur has set up a technology innovation hub on artificial intelligence (AI) and machine learning (ML) to translate academic research to industrially scalable products and processes, a spokesperson said.


IIT Kharagpur has set up a technology innovation hub on artificial intelligence (AI) and machine learning (ML) to translate academic research to industrially scalable products and processes, a spokesperson said.The institute recently set up a special purpose vehicle, the IIT Kharagpur AI4ICPS I Hub Foundation (the Technology Innovation Hub on Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning) for translation of academic research at the ‘proof of concept level’ to ‘industrially scalable products and processes’, focussed on AI interventions, the spokesperson said on Tuesday.

“While research has been happening in AI and ML for decades, mostly limited to software with limited inclusion in consumer goods and daily used gadgets, graduating innovation to technology readiness for industrial production is crucial,” Principal Investigator Dr Debdoot Sheet, who is also Assistant Professor with the Department of Electrical Engineering and the Centre of Excellence in Artificial Intelligence said.

“The Hub is envisioned to be a unique establishment in the country to undertake a diverse spectrum of activities linking academic research to the industry through an inclusive co-working partnership,” he added.The institute received a grant of Rs 170 crore from the Department of Science and Technology, Government of India under the NM-ICPS to set up the infrastructure and undertake the related research and training programmes.

“We are also committed to promote fundamental research and foster the creation of start-ups to scale production for their off-shelf market availability,” Sheet said.

The hub will further develop critical infrastructure for the nation, an AI Cloud for CPS, a National Knowledge Portal for training human resources on the future-ready AI technology for CPS.

“Tractors and farm machines, 3D printing technology, structural health and road traffic, wastewater engineering, energy-efficient buildings, next-gen wireless communication, human physiology and in-silico disease models are to name a few of the 32 technologies to be developed at the hub,” said Dr Ashish Ranjan Hota, Assistant Professor in the Department of Electrical Engineering.The R&D work will span over core research in algorithms, methods, enabling technologies like machine vision, speech, natural language processing (NLP), text analytics, technology for the internet of things (IoT), and application of AI and ML technologies in a diverse range of industry verticals including healthcare, precision agriculture.

“IIT Kharagpur is a pioneer in AI education and research with more than a hundred faculty members working in theory and methods of AI and its applications across various disciplines.

“This hub will create a multidimensional ecosystem to foster innovation and commercialisation of AI&ML interventions to ICPS spanning across several sectors along with facilitation of new knowledge creation, upskilling human resources, entrepreneurship and job creation,” said Director, Prof Virendra K Tewari.

Along with Dr Sheet are Prof Surjya Pal, Prof Sudeshna Sarkar, Dr Ashish Ranjan Hota, Dr Rajendra Machavaram and over 80 faculty members from diverse disciplines of the institute in driving the hub’s establishment.Their R&D work will have close collaboration with over 50 companies and PSUs who are engaging early on, scouting for potential technologies, the spokesperson said.

Research collaborations are also being discussed with over 30 global research partners towards furthering the objective of an unifying effort to converge the world in building AI for industries of the future across sectors ranging from agriculture to heavy machinery. PTI SUS RG RG

Source: Hindustan Times, 25/11/20


Monday, October 19, 2020

Why India is special to Armenians: Their land of prosperity

 

Historians agree that the Armernians always existed in India in small numbers. Yet it is here that the south Caucasian community-acquired significant economic and cultural prosperity.

For the last few weeks, Vachagan Tadevosyan has been frantically making calls to relatives and friends across the world and closely following every bit of news streaming in from his home town in Armenia. At 55, Tadevosyan is a music teacher by profession and lives with his wife in the Armenian school located bang in the centre of Kolkata at Mirza Ghalib Street, which adjoins Park street. As he speaks to me over the phone, he says he has picked up much of Hindi and Bengali in the last 20 years spent in Kolkata and is proud of the large number of Indian friends he has here.

“Today Armenia is in trouble. Nobody wants war. But I can’t describe how happy it makes me feel when my Indian friends call everyday to find out the situation back in my home, and many have even donated money to help those affected by the war,” he says in a heavy East European accent, that he has been unable to shake off in the last two decades. Tadevosyan has been reading about the popular support that Indians are giving to Armenia in the ongoing conflict with Azerbaijan over Nagaro-Karabakh, and says it is only expected given the strong historical relations the two countries share. “Our ancestors came here centuries ago and became prosperous businessmen here. Since then, India has continued to remain a most important country for Armenians,” he says.

For centuries, India and Armenians have shared a unique relationship. Historians agree that the Armernians always existed in India in small numbers. Yet it is here that the south Caucasian community-acquired significant economic and cultural prosperity. “India has been more important to Armenians than Armenia was,” says Sebouh Aslanian, professor of modern Armenian history at University of California, Los Angeles. “India in the 17th and 18th centuries is where Armenians made a ton of money, and they funneled that money into cultural productions like Armenian newspapers, books etc. The most important, intelligent and forward-thinking Armenians lived in India,” he adds.

The earliest footprints

In 1699, the Court of Directors of the English East India Company (EIC), made an observation about the Armenian community in their letter to Bengal, stating that “most certainly, they are the most ancient merchants of the world.” “Those people (the Armenians) are thrifty, close, prudent sort of men that travel all over India and know almost every village in the Mughal’s dominions and every sort of goods with such a perfect skill and judgement as exceeds the ancientest of our linen drapers,” says the letter as reproduced by historian Sushil Chaudhury in his book, ‘Armenians in international and inter-continental trade.

The Armenians indeed had the most extraordinary presence in the world of trade and commerce of medieval times. In the 15th century, as Ottomans and Safavids made conquests into the Armenian highlands, the community there branched out in search of better economic prospects. They established small networks in Baghdad, Persia, Russia, and parts of the Mughal empire in India like Delhi and Agra. “They came to this country by the overland route through Persia, Bactria (Afghanistan) and Tibet and were well established in all the commercial centres long before the advent of any European traders into the country,” writes historian Mesrovb Jacob Seth, in his book, ‘Armenians in India, from the earliest times to the present day’. Seth explains that unlike the Europeans, the traders from Armenia formed no permanent settlements and built no colonies. “They were merely birds of passage who came all the way from the land of Arahat of Biblical fame, to purchase the spices and the fine muslin for which ancient India was famous.”

The earliest Armenian in India is known to have been a merchant by the name of Thomas Cana who came to the Malabar coast in 780 CE and was given trading privileges by the ruler of Kodungallur. However, it is only from the 16th century that we find references to Armenians acquiring positions of power and privilege under the Mughals. Seth writes that it was Akbar who, taken by the commercial spirit of the community, induced the Armenians to settle in his dominions instead of being mere sojourners.
Consequently, he asked the Armenians to settle at Agra, his imperial capital. Eventually, in the next few centuries, Armenians formed settlements at Delhi, Surat, Madras (Chennai), Murshidabad and Calcutta (Kolkata), where the remnant of their vivacious past exist in the form of churches, cemeteries, as well as hotels, bridges and other infrastructural contributions.

Several important members at Akbar’s court happened to be Armenians, including one of his wives, Mariam Zamani Begum. “Abdul Hai, the chief justice was, according to the Ain-i-Akbari, an Armenian. The lady-doctor in the royal seraglio was an Armenian, Juliana by the names,” quotes Seth.

Marking their own space in European colonial India

It is interesting that at the peak of their presence in India, in the 17th and 18th centuries, the Armenians shared space with some of the most ambitious colonisers from European countries. The Armenian diaspora was operating in the Indian ocean much before the European companies arrived on the scene, and they were also well integrated into the local society. “In some ways, the Armenian presence in India seemed like a threat, commercially speaking to some of the companies,” says Aslanian. He explains that “the British in fact signed a treaty with the Armenians in 1688 to live up to the old saying of ‘if you can’t beat them, join them.” “The Armenians cooperated with the British, but they also had vested interests in the local societies,” he says.

The agreement of 1688 between the EIC and Khwaja Phanoos Kalantar entailed that the Armenians were to provide goods from Bengal with their own capital and risk, at a 30 per cent profit. A few years later, the Company made a similar agreement with Kalantar for providing goods from Patna.

Among the Armenians in Bengal, it was Khwaja Wajid who played a very powerful role in the commercial and political life of the region in the mid-18th century. As an astute businessman, he was actively engaged in the inland trade of Bengal and acted as a supplier for European companies. Chaudhury notes the extensive business transactions that he had with the Dutch, the French and the English.

One of the most telling examples of the unique ways in which the Armenians were operating the landscape of colonial India is the case of Khojah Peterus Arathoon, a merchant in Murshidabad, and his brother Khojah Gregory. “Khojah Petrus was afterwards employed by (Robert) Clive as a confidential agent in negotiating with Mir Jafar for the overthrow of Siraj us-Dualah, the author of the ‘black hole’ tragedy,” writes Seth.

“And in 1760 when it was found expedient to remove the imbecile Mir Jafar and place his son-in-law Mir Qasim on the Masnad of Murshidabad, Khojah Petrus’ services were requisitioned as he was known to be very friendly with Mir Qasim,” he notes.

Interestingly, in 1764, when the British were fighting against Mir Qasim at Buxar, the latter’s army happened to be under the command of Gorghin Khan (originally Khojah Gregory), who was the youngest brother of Khojah Petrus. “This shows that the Armenians were stepping stones for the expansion of colonialism in some cases. At the same time, in the 1760s for example, the Bengali army had Armenian contingents fighting for Bengal,” says Aslanian.

Their land of cultural prosperity

A majority of the Armenians in India began leaving the country after its Independence in 1947, and more so after Armenia acquired independent statehood following the disintegration of USSR in 1991. Yet, among the Armenians, the diaspora continues to play a most significant role.

As per a 2008 report in the New York Times written by Leonard M. Apcar, “of the nine million Armenians in the world, only about a third are in Armenia. The bulk are in Russia, the United States and France, with a smattering along the trading routes of Asia.”

Among this widely spread out Armenian population, India is held up with an extraordinary degree of reverence. Apart from the fact that the community-acquired enormous amounts of wealth and power in the country, they also made the first most significant cultural productions on Indian soil. The first-ever Armenian language newspaper in the world, for instance, was published in Madras (now Chennai) in 1794. The Azdarar (Intelligencer), as the paper was called, was established by Father Harutyun Shmavonyan, and contained important commercial details for the mercantile community in Madras, news about various Armenian communities in India, as well as world news. It was soon followed by Armenian language publications in other cities including those in Bombay and Calcutta.

Aslanian explains that not more than 200 Armenians lived in Madras in the 18th century, and yet apart from the newspaper, “they also wrote the very first constitution for the Republic of Armenia that did not exist on a map anywhere in the world, at Madras. They also opened a printing press in Madras. The city became one of the most important beacons of Armenian culture in the 17th and 18th centuries.”

Similarly, in Calcutta, the Armenians are believed to have written one of the very first novels in the Armenian language. “In Calcutta too, the Armenians were in small numbers, but made huge accomplishments. In the hotel industry of the 20th century, for instance, they had a major role to play, including the Grand Oberoi, which was initially operated by an Armenian,” explains Aslanian.

At present about 100 Armenians continue to live in India, a majority of whom are in Kolkata. Apart from the churches, the most important living residue of early modern Armenian history in India is the ‘Armenian College and Philanthropic Academy (ACPA)’ where Tadevosyan currently lives. It was established in the 18th century by the community, primarily to educate their own children, and continues to play a vital role in the preservation of Armenian culture. “In the 19th century, it was one among the three greatest places for learning among Armenians across the world, the other two being in Venice and St. Petersburg,” says Aslanian.

Tadevosyan explains that children from Armenia and Armenian students from across the world continue to come to the school each year for their education. At present, the school hosts some 70-90 students and has classes till the 12th grade. “Since this is a philanthropic school, it is open and free for Armenians from anywhere in the world. The school looks after the children from their education, lodging, food, medicines and everything else,” he says.

Apart from education, Armenians also come down to India for their annual cultural events like Christmas on January 6 and Easter. “It is a way of connecting with their roots,” explains Rangan Dutta, a freelance writer who has been documenting the Armenian community in Calcutta for the last several years. “The Armenian college will celebrate 200 years next year. Many old students will come down to attend the celebration,” he adds.As the war continues to rage on between Armenia and Azerbaijan, Tadevozyan is filled with hope from his country of residence for the last two decades, and one where his ancestors made huge accomplishments. Meanwhile, on the internet, hashtags like #IndiasupportArmenia and #IndiastandswithArmenia has been trending, even though the Indian government is exercising caution in its stance on the conflict.

After we hung up following a 40 minutes long conversation over the phone, Tadevozyan called me back hurriedly to make an addition to his comments. “I will be very happy if these powerful countries like India, Russia, America, where Armenians have made a mark, come together and recognise Karabakh as a separate, sovereign country. Then peace will come automatically.”

Further reading:

Armenians in international and inter-continental trade by Sushil Chaudhury

Armenians in India, from the earliest times to the present day by Mesrovb Jacob Seth

From the Indian ocean to the Mediterranean: The global trade networks of Armenian merchants from New Julfa by Sebouh Aslanian

Adrija Roychowdhury

Source: Indian Express, 17/10/20

Monday, February 17, 2020

Remembering the British journalist who was deported for his fearless reporting on the Jallianwala Bagh massacre

Horniman was also known to have smuggled into Britain the photographs of the massacre, which were published in the Daily Herald. His defiance, however, resulted in deportation.

After the rifles of Brigadier-General Reginald Dyer and his 50 men fell silent at Jallianwala Bagh, the press was gagged from reporting on the indiscriminate firing at hundreds of people peacefully protesting against the British rule.
Benjamin Guy Horniman, a British journalist working with the Bombay Chronicle, defied the order and reported fearlessly on the protests being held across India against the infamous Rowlatt Act and the nationalist sentiment that was on the rise in the country in general. “His was a very unbiased account because he was British and had nothing to gain from reporting what he saw as the truth,” says author Kishwar Desai who has referred extensively to Horniman’s report on the incident in her book ‘Jallianwala Bagh, 1919: The real story’.
Horniman was also known to have smuggled into Britain the photographs of the massacre, which were published in the Daily Herald. His defiance, however, resulted in deportation.

Who was Benjamin Guy Horniman?

Horniman was born at Sussex county in England in 1873. He began a career in journalism in his early 20s at the Portsmouth Evening Mail. He worked in several British dailies including the Manchester Guardian and the Daily Chronicle.
Horniman moved to Calcutta in 1906 to join the Statesman as its News Editor and Assistant Editor. During his stint in India, Horniman was one of the very few British reporters to write about the impact of colonial rule and the authorities failure in maintaining law and order.
In 1913 Horniman moved to Bombay to take up the job of editor of The Bombay Chronicle, a nationalist newspaper founded by the political leader, Pherozeshah Mehta. The newspaper became a mouthpiece of the freedom movement in India and the scathing attack on the British regime soon earned Horniman the criticism of his own countrymen. He also played a huge role in assisting Motilal Nehru begin the Allahabad-based newspaper ‘The Independent’, which was known for its radical stance and unabashed criticism of the British rule.

Horniman’s reportage of the protests against the Rowlatt Act

In the days preceding the Jallianwala Bagh tragedy, the atmosphere in the country was thick with resentment against the British enactment of the Rowlatt Act. Press censorship was among the several other draconian measures undertaken by the British to control the rising nationalist sentiment in the country. Horniman’s efforts at reporting the truth, defying the gag orders deserve special mention. He wrote extensively on how the spirit of nationalism had spread like wildfire among even those who had never been politically active.
“He is one of the first British reporters to have pointed out to the Hindu-Muslim unity that existed during that time,” says Desai. “Subsequent events in Punjab served to strengthen this feeling of unity between the two great sections of the Indian people so greatly that never again will the ruling powers be able to look at the principle of Divide et Impera for their good,” wrote Horniman in his book ‘Amritsar and our duty’, as cited by Desai.
His coverage of the Jallianwala tragedy, however, irked the colonial authorities and he was deported to Britain. “There was huge censorship going on in Punjab at that time, but since he was British they did not censor him initially. When the authorities started feeling uncomfortable they just deported him,” explains Desai. He passed away in 1948, just a year after India gained independence. His fearless journalism had influenced and inspired several in India and he continues to be commemorated in Mumbai’s ‘Horniman Circle Gardens’. “Gandhi too had expressed his sadness and sorrow because someone like Horniman had been forced to leave by the British,” says Desai.
Source: Indian Express, 14/04/2019

Thursday, February 13, 2020

The Real Prince of Awadh

Following up on The New York Times article on the imposters who called themselves the descendants of Wajid Ali Shah, we trace the last prince of Awadh and the story of a family that settled in Kolkata after decades on the move.

Dr Kaukab Quder Meerza, 86, doesn’t keep well these days. Long conversations are challenging for him and his children and grandchildren have to help him walk short distances inside the house. His home, deep inside a bylane in the heart of Kolkata, an old, unassuming, one-storey building, is easy to miss if one isn’t paying attention. The modest interiors of his residence give no indication of who Meerza is or his family’s legacy. They are the last remaining descendants from the ruling line of Nawab Wajid Ali Shah, the last ruler of the kingdom of Awadh in India.
In November, The New York Times article titled ‘The Jungle Prince of Delhi’, brought focus back on the descendants of the Nawab after the story revealed that a family living in the ruins of a 14th-century hunting lodge in New Delhi for decades, claiming to be the descendants of the Awadh rulers, were actually imposters.
An ‘absurd’ story
Meerza and his family in Kolkata are familiar with the story of Wilayat Mahal, as are most people who have been associated with the former princely state of Awadh in various capacities or have spent time researching on Nawab Wajid Ali Shah. Wilayat, the woman at the centre of the deception, along with her son Ali Raza, also known as Cyrus, and her daughter Sakina, entertained journalists, mostly those from overseas, with her claims of ancestry, and the journalists, in turn, dedicated hours of time and spools of newsprint in telling their dramatic story.
“It was absurd,” says Meerza, recalling his meeting with Wilayat Mahal in the 1970s-80s. When Wilayat made her first appearance at the New Delhi railway station, Meerza and his brothers Anjum Quder and Nayyer Quder agreed that it was necessary to meet her to learn more about the basis of her claims. The family decided that Meerza would travel to Delhi for that purpose, having studied the family history most extensively. He doesn’t remember his first meeting with her very well—some four decades have passed since—but the second visit is more vivid in his memory.
Sometime after his first meeting with Wilayat, Meerza took another trip to Delhi and met her at the Maurya Hotel, now called ITC Maurya. “She said many things about herself,” recalls Meerza. “With great difficulty, she met me because the place (the room they met in) was reserved for VIPs. The lady talked about nothing in particular.” It isn’t immediately clear why it was a challenge to meet Wilayat because Meerza’s age and health have impacted his speech.
A few of Meerza’s children and grandchildren who still live in Kolkata are gathered around him and his younger daughter Manzilat Fatima, 52, and son Kamran Ali Meerza, 46, express surprise at the revelation. Although Wilayat’s story is familiar to the family, this is the first time they have heard about their father’s second meeting with her. As he begins his tale, his voice becomes louder, emphatically denouncing the stories Wilayat and her children had spun over the years.
“It was a dark place and the meeting was absurd,” Meerza continues. Wilayat wore a sharara, he recalls, just like women did centuries ago in Lucknow, in the royal courts, not a sari, perhaps to add more credence to the character she had been attempting to play. “She wasn’t wearing jewellery. It was absurd. She spoke to us in Urdu and sometimes in English.” During their conversation, not once did Wilayat disagree that Meerza’s family members were descendants of Wajid Ali Shah. “We were interested in knowing the background of the lady. Of course, we told her about us. She never denied that we were from Wajid Ali Shah’s family, but she presented herself as a representative of the family. I told her that she was not a representative and that she was talking (about) absurd things.”
Meerza remembers that Wilayat showed some newspaper cuttings, not legal documents, to lend credibility to her claims. “Whenever I said anything about the branch of Birjis Quder’s family, she never (responded). I said that whatever she was talking about the background of the family was absurd. That she was not talking correctly about the family.” In this meeting, Meerza says, there was no sign of Wilayat’s daughter Sakina. “Only her son was there. A little older than Kamran now,” says Meerza, gesturing towards his son. “I’m sorry that I met her.”
After The New York Times story was published, Manzilat told her father that the world now knew what the family had been trying to tell people about Wilayat Mahal for decades. “What is there to say about that?” asks Meerza about the story. To Meerza and his family, and to many others who met Wilayat over the years, the revelation came as no surprise.
The Nawab’s 300 wives
“There is a saying that if you throw a stone in Lucknow, it will fall on a Nawab’s kothi (house). All fake. Most of them are fake,” says Manzilat. Nawab Wajid Ali Shah was a documented hedonist, who found joy and solace in music, women and extravagance and had some 300 wives, many of whom he divorced when the period of his decline started, presumably in an attempt to lessen his financial burden and responsibility. It is difficult to state the exact number of his descendants, but the figure would be somewhat in proportion to the number of Wajid Ali Shah’s consorts, in addition to his official spouses and the children he had with them.
The British officials who deposed and drove Wajid Ali Shah out of Awadh and imprisoned him in Calcutta in 1857, recorded the names of 185 officially recognised wives of the Nawab and his children. This list was published in the Awadh Pension Book of 1897 after the death of Wajid Ali Shah’sThe descendants mentioned in the Awadh Pension Book of 1897 were allotted political pensions, first given by the British government in India, a responsibility that later transferred to the government of independent India in 1947. The central government made no alterations to the names of the descendants mentioned in the Awadh Pension Book of 1897 and has continued paying the required monthly pension ever since. The Awadh Pension Book, however, hasn’t prevented pretenders in Lucknow and elsewhere from sprouting, claiming ancestry to the family, because few bother to check official documents to verify such claims.
Meerza’s family are direct descendants of Birjis Quder, the son of Wajid Ali Shah and his wife Begum Hazrat Mahal, a courtesan who became the second official wife of the Nawab. But it would be doing Hazrat Mahal a disservice if she were to be dismissed as a mere court dancer whose fortunes changed when she captured the Nawab’s fascination and favour. son and successor, Birjis Quder, the last official ruler of Awadh
“She was a warrior and she was a purdah nasheen,” says Manzilat of her ancestor, who lived wearing a customary veil that she removed to launch into war with the British. When Wajid Ali Shah was dismissed and dispatched from Awadh, Begum Hazrat Mahal actively engaged in opposing the British during the Rebellion of 1857 on her own accord, without having been given any special political appointments by the deposed Nawab.
Her resistance against the British proved to be futile and she was compelled to flee Awadh. Taking her son Birjis Quder, she sought asylum in Nepal under the protection of King Jung Bahadur Kunwar Rana who demanded hefty financial compensation in return. The mother and son spent close to two decades in Nepal, but not much is known about their circumstances or where they found the finances to live in the country. Hazrat Mahal died away from her homeland, in a nameless grave in Kathmandu, forgotten till only recently.
The last Nawab of Awadh
Sometime in 1893, according to her father’s research, says Manzilat, Birjis Quder, now the ruler of Awadh in exile, was coaxed by the other wives and children of Wajid Ali Shah who had followed the Nawab to Calcutta, to join them in the city. “It was a conspiracy,” says Meerza, a statement he repeats several times during the interview with indianexpress.com. “It was a conspiracy among the other families of Wajid Ali Shah and the British because Birjis Quder was the last legal heir. The conspiracy was hatched and he was invited by deceit. They told him that he was the head of the family now and Birjis Quder was taken in by the sweet talk. So of all the places, he came to Calcutta. He could have also gone to Lucknow,” says Manzilat.
According to the story passed down in the family, Birjis Quder and his eldest sons Khurshid Quder and Jamal Ara were invited for dinner by the other families of Wajid Ali Shah on the night of August 14, 1893. All three died the next day, having been poisoned. When news reached of their murders, Birjis Quder’s wife, Mahtab Ara Begum, who was the granddaughter of Bahadur Shah Zafar, the last Mughal Emperor of India, fled Metiabruz, the neighbourhood in Calcutta where they had been staying, while she was pregnant with Mehr Quder, along with her remaining daughter, Husn Ara and reached central Calcutta in search of a safe house.
“When news of the death arrived, she ran from Metiabruz, along with her precious potli of jewels. These things I don’t know (much about), but my father will know,” says Manzilat. The house where the family now live in is not only unique because of its residents, but the building itself is of little-known historical importance.
“Perhaps she didn’t buy this house that very night itself. But she put up in another place somewhere close by in some small room, while she was trying to find some protection. From that time onwards, we are here and it’s my father’s wish that as long as he is around, we cannot construct anything here,” says Manzilat, looking around the living room of their home. Mahtab Ara Begum’s son Mehr Quder had three sons and one daughter, including Manzilat’s father Kaukab Quder Meerza.
“The last pension holder is Dr. Kaukab Quder Meerza, the last living member of that generation,” says Sudipta Mitra, author of the book ‘Pearl by the River: Nawab Wajid Ali Shah’s Kingdom in Exile’, who has conducted research on the Nawab for more than a decade. The various provisions of this pension mean that Meerza is the last remaining recipient of this monthly pension that will not be transferred to Manzilat or her five siblings, Irfan Ali Meerza, Talat Fatima, Saltanat Fatima, Rafat Fatima and Kamran Ali Meerza. Prince Anjum Quder died in 1997, years after the death of his daughter Parveen. His two sons, Yusuf and Burhan live elsewhere in the country with their families and don’t spend much time in Kolkata these days. Prince Nayyer Quder never married. Unlike his brothers, Kaukab Quder Meerza never used the title of ‘Prince’ before his name, preferring to use the title of ‘Doctor’ to signify the Ph.D that he earned, explains Manzilat.
Mitra says this list and its provisions, left by the British, documenting the descendants of Wajid Ali Shah, not only provide a monthly pension to listed descendants, but it also serves to provide recognition to the descendants because it is the most authentic documentation available of the Awadh royal family tree. It also helps weed out pretenders like Wilayat Mahal and her children, who find no mention in either the Awadh Pension Book of 1897 or in other historical documentation and research on Awadh.
Asked about Wilayat Mahal, Mitra dismisses her entirely. “I did not find their names in the records and was hence not interested in them. They did it for publicity,” says Mitra.
Fake nawabs of Lucknow
The controversy surrounding claimants who say they are descendants of the Nawab or of the larger Awadh royal family is nothing new, but according to Mitra, there is very clear historical documentation that helps sift out fraudulent claims for those bothering to do the research. “When Wajid Ali Shah lived in Lucknow, there were many taluqdars who lived like kings themselves. So their descendants call themselves ‘royal’,” says Mitra of some such claimants. Mitra believes that although the Awadh Pension Book of 1897 is not the full and final record of all of the Nawab’s wives and children, it is the most authentic record available.
Source: Indian Express, 4/01/2020

Wednesday, February 12, 2020

In West Bengal, some villages celebrate Independence Day after August 15; here’s why

The village of Ratua in the district of Malda and the village of Balurghat in Dakshin Dinajpur district are two other towns that celebrate independence day after August 15.

As the whole of India celebrates Independence Day on August 15 every year, for some villages in West Bengal it is their time for an annual wait: they celebrate their day of independence a few days later, when they officially became a part of India in 1947.
On August 12, 1947, Viceroy Louis Mountbatten announced that the country would be given its freedom on August 15, 1947. Bengal, however, remained a contentious subject because according to the recommendations of Cyril Radcliffe, the British official in charge of drawing up the demarcations for maps for the partition of India, several districts like Malda and Nadia with large Hindu populations were given to East Pakistan, now Bangladesh.
According to some residents of villages near the Indo-Bangladesh border interviewed by indianexpress.com, Mountbatten’s announcement was followed by widespread protests in the region and August 15, for them, was not a cause for celebration of independence. The villagers say that according to stories passed down in their families, political leaders like Syama Prasad Mukherjee and members of the Nadia royal family took their protests to the British administration in Kolkata and the matter was brought to the attention of Mountbatten. In the following days, Mountbatten hastily ordered a redrawing of the partition of Bengal to include the protesting Hindu-majority districts into Indian territory and gave Muslim-majority districts to East Pakistan, a process that was concluded on the night of August 17.
This lesser-known part of Indian history continues to be commemorated in some villages near the Indo-Bangladesh border in West Bengal even to this day. Instead of August 15, every year these villages mark August 18 as their day of independence, not only from the British but also from East Pakistan, and recognise it as the day they officially joined India.

PM Independence Day top quotes | ‘We neither nurse problems nor keep them pending’

At Shibnibash, a small village in the Nadia district, approximately five hours away from Kolkata, 49-year-old Anjan Sukul has been organising Independence Day celebrations on August 18 since 1991. “My grandfather was a freedom fighter and I heard the story from him, but there are no written records of this,” says Sukul in an interview with indianexpress.com.
According to Sukul, the story of how the village came to commemorate its independence on August 18 was common knowledge passed down over generations, but nothing had been done to mark the day till Sukul took the initiative. “Prior to this we didn’t have the courage to fly the flag after August 15,” says Sukul, explaining the hesitation felt by the villagers in doing something that would be considered unusual by other people.
Eleven years ago, in the town of Bongaon in North 24 Parganas district in West Bengal, the Bongaon Bar Association decided to mark the day they became a part of India by hoisting a flag on August 18 on the Bongaon court premises. “The Bongaon subdivision got independence on August 18, 1947 and at 10:30 am we became a part of India. We didn’t get independence on August 15,” says Samir Das, Bongaon public prosecutor in-charge and secretary of the Bongaon Bar Association.
According to Das, there are some records of this date in the Bongaon sub-divisional office and residents had been aware of the town’s history. “Many weren’t sure of how this would be perceived, so we didn’t (celebrate) it before,” says Das. The first location where Bongaon residents hoisted the national flag of India was the local Treasury Office after which the location was moved to the local courthouse. “East Pakistan flags were flown on the days after August 15, 1947 till they were taken down and replaced by the Tricolour that was hoisted on August 18,” says Das.
Other than Shibnibash, in the Nadia district, the towns of Shantipur, Kalyani, Bongaon, Ranaghat, Krishnagar, Shikarpur and Karimpur were all part of East Pakistan and also celebrate Independence Day after August 15. “Ranaghat became a part of India on the night of August 17 and so they celebrate it on that day,” says Sukul.
The village of Ratua in the district of Malda and the village of Balurghat in Dakshin Dinajpur district are two other towns that celebrate independence day after August 15. The varying dates on which these villages celebrate Independence Day is due to the fact that not all villages were included as part of India on the same day. Hence, the villages mark their day of independence on the date on which they were officially removed from East Pakistan. “We also hoist the flag on August 15, but we officially celebrate Independence Day on August 18,” says Sukul.

Bengal: One state, two partitions

The Partition of Bengal which was first announced in 1905 by Viceroy George Curzon, to split provinces along religious lines between Hindus and Muslims, led to the official start of the Swadeshi movement against the British on a pan-India scale. The widespread protests against this decision went on for six years and ultimately forced the British to reverse their plans for the Partition. In 1911, the reigning King George V announced the reversal and ordered the assimilation of affected provinces into the Bengal Presidency.
The chaos over this decision was the trigger for the start of separatist Muslim politics, with the British having succeeded in creating the framework for the division of the nation on religious lines. In 1947, Bengal was subjected to partition once again on the basis of religion that led to the formation of the independent nations of India, Pakistan and East Pakistan, that later became Bangladesh in 1971.
Prior to the appointment of Louis Mountbatten in February 1947, Archibald Wavell served as Viceroy of India and during his tenure drew up a crude map of borders dividing the nation. Soon after Mountbatten arrived in India, he appointed Cyril Radcliffe to chair two Boundary Commissions for Punjab and Bengal, to divide the nation along religious lines between Muslims and Hindus.
Radcliffe, a lawyer by profession, who had never been to India and was neither familiar with its geography, diversity and complexity, arrived in India for the first time in July 1947. He was tasked with the division of this land that had more geo-political, socio-cultural, socio-economic and socio-religious consequences than he could have imagined and it was an undertaking that he adjudicated upon with no prior experience. Mountbatten, who was impatient to return to England and had accepted the appointment of Viceroy on the conditions of a fast division of India, put pressure upon Radcliffe to conclude the matter at an accelerated pace. The British did not engage in any land surveys or inspection for information that a procedure of territorial division of this kind would require and deliberately kept the United Nations out of partition mediations to maintain control and to finish the process at the speed that Mountbatten wanted.
In an interview with veteran journalist Kuldip Nayar in the 1960s, Cyril Radcliffe gave his side of the story of the Partition of India and blamed the “quality of district maps” available to him for the violence and chaos that had followed. “I was so rushed that I had not time to go into the details. Even accurate district maps were not there and what material there was also inadequate. What could I do in one and a half months?” said Radcliffe, as quoted in Nayar’s book ‘Distant Neighbours: A Tale of the Subcontinent ‘.
However, Willem van Schendel, a professor at the University of Amsterdam, who has researched the subject of the history of Bengal’s borders extensively, disagreed with Radcliffe’s justifications. In his book ‘The Bengal Borderland: Beyond State and Nation in South Asia’, Schendel writes that “although there were…errors in the district maps, what is much more striking is how accurate they turned out to be over most of the length of the border. From Radcliffe’s comment it is also clear that the Boundary Commission restricted itself to the use of district maps and ignored the much more detailed mouza (revenue village) maps on which these were based.”
In many ways, the Partition of India is actually the story of the Partition of Punjab and the Partition of Bengal.
The Bengal Commission was made up of five people including Radcliffe, where he made all final decisions. Two members of the Indian National Congress and two members of the Muslim League formed the rest of the commission. According to the border divisions Radcliffe made with regard to Bengal, the Muslim majority district of Murshidabad was given to India in order to ensure that Calcutta received water from the Ganges river. Khulna, a district in Bengal with a large Hindu population was included in East Pakistan, now Bangladesh.
In her book ‘The Spoils of Partition: Bengal and India, 1947-1967 ‘, Joya Chatterji, professor of history at Trinity College, writes that one of the ironies of the Partition of India was in how similar Radicliffe’s borderlines were with those drawn by Curzon in his plans for the Partition of Bengal in 1905.
Source: Indian Express, 16/08/2019