Sing like an Urban Naxal

He seeks to liberate language and thought for democracy. He is the citizen of the future

The other day, I heard a piece of song, muttered like an irreverent doggerel, with a lovely beat. It was edgy, irreverent, but it captured a whiff of the freedom we miss today, the ease of dissent that the gravitas of editorials cannot capture.

A song for all

It went a bit like this: “I am an Urban Naxal, that is me./ Don’t you see,/ The state has no love for you and me/ Because I am an Urban Naxal./ Delight-full-ee/ I am diversity’s child,/ Growing wild,/ A bungee jumper of the mind,/ Leaving conformity far behind./ I am an Urban Naxal./ I love the forest and the city,/ But it is such a pity/ The government has no place in smart city/ For you and me./ They call me anti-national and full of hate/ Because they think I am anti-state,/ But I must confess till due date/ All I asked/ Was a piece of land/ And a land of peace./ But government will never cease./ I am Suren, I am Sudha./ I am Ram (Guha), I am Krishna (T.M)./ I am Gandhi, I am Nehru./ An Urban Naxal that is me./ Welcome to the land of the free.”

I want to thank that nameless student whose body danced the language of freedom. He was singing bhajans of the mind. His song made sense and it also captured that sense that we often respond to dissent too seriously. We summon ideology to combat ideologically, reducing debate to the level the state wants it to be. The singer and his song refused to play the opposition game, capturing the sense of freedom that dissent entails. The student’s vision must embody the spirit of any response to the label/libel of ‘Urban Naxal’.

McCarthy meets Orwell

Linguistically the word is a clever one. It hides the art of scapegoating, the ritual of witch hunting by sanitising the word into a disease. What the song celebrates is dissent as a grammar of diversity. The word seeks to destroy that world, reworking the margins, the minorities, the pluralism of dissent into one curse word: Urban Naxal. It creates a climate of suspicion which hides the fact that it is an invented word and a constructed world. The state is free to provide the list. It calls for no proof, no fact. All it involves is a pigeonholing of names, which immediately leads to imprisonment, even mob violence. The irony is that each one of the names listed is a crusader for freedom. Freedom and the dream of freedom are distorted into a false utopia of unfreedom. Careers, lives, biographies devoted to freedom are suddenly sentenced to disloyalty. Even McCarthyism could not do a better job. It is as if a Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) consultant has combined Joseph McCarthy and George Orwell, the stigma and the witch hunt, to achieve this sophisticated mechanics of labelling. A label becomes a life sentence from which there is no reprieve.

There is a slickness, a sophistication in the label ‘Urban Naxal’ that the earlier charge, pseudo-secular, does not have. The latter has a heaviness of tone, resembling a clerk’s caricature. ‘Urban Naxal’ has the deviousness and maliciousness of a crafty advertisement. It is an all-embracing term which can be stuck on anyone, a writer, a dissenter, a tribal, a trade unionist. There are no objective features. You become objectified by being labelled. The act of enclosure begins after the act of labelling. The act of labelling creates a panopticon under state supervision. Years of idealism, political and ethical struggles get reified into the word, which evokes the logic of anti-national. It is a RSS distortion of the MeToo movement. If MeToo was an act of pain giving a voice of suffering, the state summons an epidemic of names and crucifies them, not appealing to history like MeToo but rewriting history and biography.

The case of T.M. Krishna

Look at the list, T.M. Krishna, Ramachandra Guha, Sudha Bharadwaj, Gautam Navlakha. One feels honoured to be a part of this group because it sounds like an honours list of dissent and creativity and not a litany of threats.

Take the case of T.M. Krishna, among the latest intellectuals to be named Urban Naxal. He is one of our organic intellectuals, a musician deeply soaked in the culture of Carnatic music, deeply committed to democratising music by going beyond its Brahminic roots. A man who has emphasised, like A.R. Rahman, the syncretic nature of music, be it a bhajan, a ghazal or a carol. He owns up to all by celebrating all, without overplaying the individuality of any. He is a pilgrim through the worlds of music, who understands that every encounter with difference adds to the richness of identity and creativity.

But he is not a fighter for the creativity and diversity of music alone. He wants to extend his sense of music to ecology, and reads nature like music as a commons, accessible to the creativity of all. He does this by showing that a return to the fundamentals is the best challenge to the threat of fundamentalism, using the plurality of the Bhakti music. To accuse such a classical, democratically inclined mind of Urban Naxalism, forcing boycotts and threats on his performance, is obscene.

Urban Naxalism as a label strikes at the root of dissent and creativity. We face a government which wants patriotism, music, culture to march in uniform and utter the language of uniformity. The label Urban Naxalism as a tactic seeks as anti-national what is one of the most powerful pleas for freedom and diversity. It is this prospect of freedom and diversity that the label proscribes.

But the tragedy does not cease there. The danger lies in the shrewdness of the state propaganda, in its ability to name some of the country’s finest intellectuals as threats to security, as devaluers of democracy and culture. The power of propaganda seeks to destroy the creativity of civil society. An officially invented word destroys several plural worlds. One has to recognise that Urban Naxal as a label stigmatises all of them, threatening the world they create.

All about thought control

One has to see this labelling strategy in tandem with the other strategies of the Bharatiya Janata Party. As an acute observer put it, the ham-handedness of party President Amit Shah threatening the Supreme Court over Sabarimala, RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat demanding Ram Mandir, and the subtleties of labelling are but diverse tactics in one game of intellectual and political control. Each uses majoritarianism as a tactic to create a uniformity of thought and thought control before election time. All seek to subjugate civil society, creating or imposing a substrate of conformity. The real crime of the so-called Urban Naxal is his lack of conformity, his ability to challenge the crowd and the mob, to stand up to coercive words such as security, patriotism, border. The Urban Naxal seeks to liberate language and thought for democracy. He is the citizen of the future.

Shiv Visvanathan is an academic associated with the Compost Heap, a group in pursuit of alternative ideas and imagination

Source: The Hindu, 3/12/2018

50 years of Naxalbari: Fighting for the right cause in the wrong way

Owing to their opposition to development, the Naxalite movement is losing its way. Apart from disrupting government projects, they consider roads their greatest enemy. The soldiers attacked in Sukma were overseeing road construction.

One morning, while going to school in Allahabad, I read a slogan in Bengali reading: “Aamar badi, tomar badi, Naxalbari Naxalbari.” It means, my home, your home, Naxalbari.” Many years later, while passing through Almora, I again noticed slogans propagating the message of rebellion. What was common both times was the symbol of hammer and sickle next to the slogans. A question came to my mind: Down the generations, which milestones have the Maoist revolution crossed?

It is the appropriate time to discuss this subject because May 25 will commemorate 50 years of the violent Maoist uprising of Naxalbari.

Let me inform the younger generations that during a meeting in West Bengal’s Naxalbari area in March, 1967, a decision was taken to embark on an armed rebellion in order to bring in a regime that would uphold the rights of peasants and workers. The brain behind this rebellion was Charu Mazumdar. On May 23, during a meeting called with this objective, the police and the revolutionaries clashed with each other. A policeman was killed in the violence. This was just the beginning of the turmoil.

Two days later, on May 25, the police laid siege to a mammoth farmers’ gathering in which nine women and children lost their lives. Jyoti Basu, who was the state’s home minister those days, asked the police to strictly carry out the orders.

Earlier this month, after the killing of 26 CRPF personnel on April 24, some people thought the Maoist movement was still going strong. But the truth is that the movement, which began in the name of fighting exploitation, has lost its way. On March 17, 2017, Union home minister Rajnath Singh told the Lok Sabha that the number of districts affected by Maoist violence had reduced from 106 to 68. Before that, its influence was spread over 20,000 square kilometres. It has now shrunk to one-fourth of this. It has been an incremental decline over the years. In 2009, the then home minister told Parliament that around 223 districts of the country were affected by Naxalism. In 2011, this number stood at 203. Of these, 84 districts were witnessing violence and 119 districts were influenced by Maoist ideology. Three years later, 80 % of Naxalism-related violence was taking place in only 26 districts. Still, seven states of the nation were affected. At present, just six districts of the country are said to be affected the most by Naxalism.

Some experts give the credit for this to MGNREGA. Also, some state governments assisted by the Central government paid attention to development, along with launching anti-terror operations in the affected areas. Naxalites appear to oppose all kinds of development work. Apart from inflicting damage on all projects carried out by the government machinery, they consider roads to be their greatest enemy. The CRPF soldiers attacked in Sukma were supervising road construction.

The way the imperial Roman armies did it, Maoists, too abduct innocent children. The Romans used to train children to be gladiators even as Maoists glorify them by anointing them ‘soldiers of the people’s revolution.’ Those innocent children, who are oblivious to the theories of ‘people’s awakening’ and ‘people’s war’, are made to indulge in violence and carry out detective work . Beating up people and mutilating them is, in a way. part of the training regime of Naxalites. The boy who first participates in a massacre is applauded. The advocates of a violent struggle provoke these children to become bloodthirsty: If you don’t have the instinct to kill enemies of the class, then you are not fit for the movement, they are told.

No wonder the number of comrades disenchanted by this movement is rising. If 394 Left wing extremists surrendered in 2011, the number rose to 1,442 in 2016. Similarly, 1,840 persons associated with Maoist organisations were arrested last year. A surrendered Maoist militant told the police that he wanted to get married, have children and lead a normal life. He said his dreams had been shattered and he had discovered that ‘those people’ were not waging any struggle. Just this month two of their area commanders have given up arms. This is the other face of the Maoist slogan: Jal, jangal, zameen, izzat aur adhikar (Water, forests, land, respect and rights

That is the logic which gives peaceniks the assurance that despite Sukma-like attacks, violence is the last stop in a one-way street. Why don’t the Maoist guerrillas understand that they are waging a war for right cause in the wrong manner?

Shashi Shekhar is editor-in-chief Hindustan

Source: Hindustan Times, 21-05-2017

The Maoist movement is down but not out

There is some good news coming out of Bihar as it heads for elections. The state used to be the hub of Maoist insurgency-related violence till the beginning of the last decade. A key Left-wing outfit, Maoist Communist Centre (MCC), had Bihar as its base.

At its peak, the outfit ran a semi-parallel state in parts of south Bihar, now called Jharkhand. Caste massacres were rampant — and MCC mobilised the Dalits to take on the upper-caste militias. The MCC then merged with the People’s War Group in 2004 to form the Communist Party of India (Maoist) and it was feared that the group would become more potent and destructive.

But even as Maoist violence remains an area of concern in other parts of the country, there has been a swing towards peace in Bihar. There are now about 20 deaths due to the insurgency annually, a sharp drop from almost 100 deaths in 2005. The caste-based tensions and violence have dimmed, if not disappeared.

The bifurcation of the state in 2000 led to the shifting of Maoist insurgency to Jharkhand. The new state has witnessed violent incidents and Maoists there have degenerated and fragmented considerably. The Nitish Kumar government deserves credit for a range of progressive political measures. By especially reaching out to Dalits and the more backward among Dalits, the government have deprived the Maoists a fertile constituency. Democracy in this sense is the best antidote to Left radicalism. The government shifted the discourse to development and kept a check on upper-caste militias.

The Centre too has become more serious about taking on the Maoists. The Maoists are in crisis; many top leaders have been arrested or killed; cadre morale is low; and there is lack of political and ideological clarity. But this is no time to be complacent. Maoists may be down, but they are not out. The structural factors that help them grow, still persist. Landlessness is acute. untouchability may have reduced but caste discrimination, especially in the case of Dalits, takes other forms. The state government has not taken action against perpetrators of earlier massacres — only adding to the sense of injustice, which can contribute to rise of the Maoists again. There is also a growing young demographic that is semi-educated, but unemployed, angry and restless — a neat group for the Maoists to indoctrinate. The next government in Bihar must build on the fragile achievements of the past decade and leave no reason for people to be attracted to Maoists.

May 22 2015 : The Times of India (Delhi)

Rich Land, Poor People

Vijay Kumar Ahluwalia





We need a comprehensive national strategy to resolve insurgencies

The recent spike in violence by insurgents in the Bastar and north eastern regions is a cause of grave concern.It is historically proven that discontented people resort to violence against the governing system. Even today, while the world has over a hundred unconventional, asymmetric and revolutionary internal armed conflicts, each one of them is distinctly unique. A large number of such conflicts are predominant in the underdeveloped and developing regions of the world on account of poor governance and socioeconomic fault lines.
Commencing with the Naga insurgency in the mid 50s, India has witnessed a number of bloody insurgencies spread over a number of states. Apart from Mizoram and Punjab, we have not been able to resolve a single one. This is certainly worrisome.
Moreover, India already faces challenges on two strategic fronts due to unresolved boundary disputes with Pakistan and China. In such a scenario, internal security threats emanating from insurgencies, terrorism and conflicts due to religious and regional intolerance could pose a third active front if not addressed urgently. Our response to these armed conflicts has fundamentally been a blend of security and developmental initiatives, along with track two diplomacy. Success though, has come only in limited measure.
Such conflicts take a heavy toll on human security and the country's growth story. Given India's comprehensive national power, it is impossible for any insurgency to really succeed. Therefore, the moot question is, “How long will it take us to resolve our insurgencies?“ Given the track record of successive governments in power, we have really not addressed these conflicts with seriousness. The Naxalite movement for instance, has continued to sustain itself as a bloody revolution over the past five decades.
After the bloodiest years of violence in 2009-10, there has been a progressive decline in the incidents and violence due to sustained operations. Currently the Naxals are in a critical phase due to steady loss of prominent leaders, combined with a splintering of the party into a number of smaller lethal groups. As a result traditional strongholds have shrunk and there is a marked shift towards indulgence in extortion, terrorism and criminal activities. On the other hand, developmental initiatives have not kept pace with security operations.
What we need to understand is why Naxals exist in the first place. Failure to meet even basic survival needs and chronic discrimination has led to the formation of the Naxalite movement. Naxal-affected areas are extremely rich in minerals, forests, land and water bodies. Yet, these very areas are among the lowest in terms of human development indices, poverty, food security, employment, rural electrification, housing, connectivity, potable water and sanitation facilities. A classic example of `rich land but poor people'.Mere announcements of 10 or 20 point programmes do little to improve the situation on the ground, as people-centric reforms are either poorly implemented or exist on paper alone.
Naxals will continue to strike against security forces periodically, to remain relevant and to show the state in a poor light. Unfortunately, after every such lethal attack, fact finding bodies invariably point to lack of human intelligence, leadership, training proficiency of troops, poor coordination between the state police and the Central Armed Police Forces and robust logistic support. Remember, maximum violence has generally been observed in close proximity to inter-state boundaries. Given the geographical features and human terrain map, the security strategy should have a dynamic intelligence network and address the region as a whole, not necessarily within the confines of political boundaries of a state. Though already delayed, it is time to expedite modernisation of the police forces, develop effective counterinsurgency capability and rectify weaknesses, to have a dynamic force to deal with hardcore insurgents.
While there are a host of strategic challenges before we can resolve Naxalism, four major points that merit mention are: non-implementation of people-centric schemes, non-accountability, lack of sense of urgency and corruption.
As part of our comprehensive national strategy (CNS), we need to utilise all elements of national power judiciously. To formulate CNS, besides identifying the centre of gravity of each region, a meaningful dialogue should be maintained with the affected states. The next obvious question would be to analyse which single point ministry or robust organisation would be best suited to coordinate, monitor and ensure unity of effort of all departments, to implement its politicosocio-economic-security-public perception management policies on the ground.
Above all, what we require is genuine political will to ensure that these objectives are accomplished in a time bound manner. A formal document and an action plan ­ that spells out the role of each instrument of national power up to 2025 ­ is imperative on three counts: one, it would remove the prevailing ambiguity as each element would know its specific role and the time lines; two, accountability would be established; and three, implementation and execution would be a far more efficient process. Unless we rethink and reformulate, there is little chance of improving our success rate, even with indigenous insurgencies.
The writer, a former Lieutenant General in the army Central Command, is currently a member of the Armed Forces Tribunal. Views are personal.

Jan 22 2015 : The Times of India (Delhi)

12,062 have been killed in Naxal violence since 1980: RTI

Sandeep Rai

Meerut





In reply to an RTI query, the ministry of home affairs (MHA) has revealed that a total of 12,062 civilians have been killed in Naxal violence till now since 1980.The detail was given in reply to a question filed under RTI (Right to Information) rules by a Meerut-based activist. Interestingly, when the Naxalite movement began in India, only three states were involved -Andhra Pradesh, Bihar and West Bengal. But by 2014, eight states had got dragged into it.
While in 1980, 70 people had died in the violence, in 2010 the number was a far higher 720.The reply also mentions that 3,078 security personnel were injured in Naxal-related violence in the last 34 years. MHA, however, did not disclose the actual number of security personnel dead in the same period.
Lokesh Khurana, who had filed the RTI query on December 4, 2014, had asked for information on 10 points. “I had asked information on various points that included the number of citizens killed in the last 34 years, number of security personnel killed, administrative efforts made to restrain Naxalites, reasons for the rise and spread of the Naxalite movement, the annual expenditure incurred on security measures and operations in Naxalite-affected areas. The ministry only gave the details on the number of civilian deaths and security personnel injured.“

New policy to tackle Naxals awaits Cabinet approval 2 months after being drafted

The Union Home Ministry's much talked about policy on Left Wing Extremism (LWE) is caught in red tape as it awaits a Cabinet approval even two months after it was drafted.
The new policy, a top agenda for Home Minister Rajnath Singh, has not been fully rolled out in the absence of a Cabinet sanction. The delay comes at a time when the focus is back on the policy for effectively combating "Red terror" in the aftermath of the recent Maoist attack in Chhattisgarh's Sukma district.
Sources said the policy cannot be implemented effectively until it gets a go-ahead by the Union Cabinet. Other than the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA), the policy needs participation from the ministries of Finance, Tribal Affairs, Rural Development, Panchayati Raj, Road Transport and Highways, and Environment and Forests.
The draft policy also focuses on development-related issues, rights and entitlement of tribal population and a campaign to address perception related aspects.
"Since several ministries are involved, a Cabinet approval is necessary. It should have been done without any delay but bureaucratic delays have created a logjam," a home ministry official said, raising questions on the effectiveness of the policy because of procedural delays.
The Union home ministry is now pushing for implementation of some of the features in the new policy with the help from LWE-affected states.
On Tuesday, Home Secretary Anil Goswami held a meeting with the police chiefs and chief secretaries of these states along with CRPF officers to discuss the policy and how some of its features can be put into practice.
With regard to the securityrelated measures, it has been decided that the MHA will prepare a comprehensive note for the Cabinet Committee on Security for changes in the security-related expenditure scheme to be make it more "vibrant and dynamic."
The new policy also states that Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) will submit a re-organisation and restructuring plan to the Home Ministry. Other than security, the new policy focuses on development in Maoist-hit areas.
"The focus will be on expansion of existing school and medical infrastructure, banking services, telephone connectivity, road connectivity and skill building infrastructure," a note on the policy states.
According to the policy, road connectivity in Maoist-hit areas is crucial for not just mobility of security forces but also for creating opportunities of economic growth and empowerment of the people.
It also stresses on the need for improving communication in these areas.
The note on the policy also talks of Maoist efforts to expand the movement to the Southern theatre in the trijunction of Karnataka, Kerala and Tamil Nadu.
"The situation in Kerala has the potential of becoming more serious, if immediate preventive measures are not taken," the policy warns.

Read more at: http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/rajnath-singh-home-ministry-naxal-maoists-policy-cabinet-approval/1/406045.html