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Showing posts with label Nagaland. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Nagaland. Show all posts

Monday, April 01, 2024

Extension of AFSPA in Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland

 The Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) has extended the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) in certain districts of Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland for an additional six months, effective from April 1, 2024. The decision follows a review of the law and order situation in these northeastern states.

Arunachal Pradesh

In Arunachal Pradesh, the AFSPA has been extended for six months in the following areas:

  • Tirap, Changlang, and Longding districts
  • Areas under the jurisdiction of Namsai, Mahadevpur, and Chowkham police stations in Namsai district, bordering Assam

Nagaland

In Nagaland, the AFSPA has been extended for six months in the following districts and police station areas:

  • 8 districts: Dimapur, Niuland, Chumukedima, Mon, Kiphire, Noklak, Phek, and Peren
  • 21 police station areas in five other districts of Nagaland, which has a total of 16 districts

Powers Under AFSPA

The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958, grants sweeping powers to security forces in areas deemed as “disturbed”. Under the AFSPA, armed forces personnel are authorized to search, arrest, and open fire if deemed necessary for maintaining public order.

Reduced Application of AFSPA

In April 2022, the Centre reduced the number of disturbed areas under AFSPA in many parts of Nagaland, Assam, and Manipur. The Act was lifted from Tripura in 2015, Meghalaya in 2018, and Mizoram in the 1980s. Despite these reductions, the AFSPA remains in force in Jammu and Kashmir.

Demands for Repeal

Several political parties, NGOs, and civil society organisations in the northeastern region have been demanding the complete repeal of the AFSPA. Critics argue that AFSPA has led to human rights violations, while supporters claim it is necessary to maintain order in conflict-ridden areas.

Monday, April 18, 2022

The significance of Nagaland govt’s green signal for 33% reservation for women in civic bodies

 Earlier this week, the Nagaland government informed the Supreme Court that it was ready to implement a 33 per cent reservation for women in the civic body polls. With that, the apex court said there was no longer any “impediment” in holding elections to the Urban Local Bodies (ULB), and asked the Nagaland Election Commission to schedule dates.

If implemented, ULB elections, a contentious subject in Nagaland, will be held in the state after more than a decade.

The civic body elections were first held in the state in 2004, in accordance with the Nagaland Municipal Act of 2001.

In 2006, the Nagaland Municipal Act of 2001 was amended to include a 33 per cent reservation for women in line with the 1992 Constitutional amendment.

Since then, there has been widespread opposition to the amendment, as many Naga groups contend that the reservations are in contravention with Naga customary laws as enshrined in Article 371(A) of the Constitution — which accords the state special status and protects its traditional way of life.

In February 2017, as the Nagaland government tried holding the elections as per a Supreme Court directive (to hold elections with 33 per cent reservation for women), the state was convulsed by violent protests that led to two deaths, and ouster of the then chief minister T R Zeliang.

Is everyone in Nagaland opposed to it?

Women’s groups like the Naga Mothers’ Association (NMA) stand on the other side of this debate, and have fought a long legal battle for elections to be held. They argue that reservations do not infringe upon Article 371(A) of the Constitution. Their rationale: Article 371 (A) related to laws made in the Parliament while the reservations had been effected through a Constitutional amendment.

The contention around the polls led the Nagaland government in December 2009 to indefinitely postpone municipal elections, which were due in 2010.

In 2011, the NMA petitioned the Gauhati High Court on the issue. Many leaders from the NMA, as well as other tribal womens’ groups in Nagaland, also formed the Joint Action Committee on Women Reservation (JACWR) in the same year to press for the issue.

However, despite the high court directing the government to hold the elections in 2011, the Nagaland assembly, in 2012, adopted a resolution rejecting women’s reservation in ULBs.

Thereafter, the NMA filed a special leave petition in the Supreme Court making its case for reservations. It was on the basis of this petition that the apex court ordered the state government to conduct elections in 2017. The state assembly revoked its 2012 resolution and agreed to hold elections.

However, as the elections were announced and the opposition to it turned violent leaving two dead in February 2017, the NMA withdrew its name for the petition. Thereafter, the People’s Union for Civil Liberties made itself a party to the case.

What happened thereafter?

In October 2021, a committee was formed by the state government to review the Municipality Act 2001.

In February 2022, the Supremer Court rapped the Nagaland state government for delaying the elections, saying that an “important aspect of gender equality seems to be getting postponed.”

Shortly after in March, the state government convened a meeting with all stakeholders, including civil society organisations, churches, tribal bodies, political parties and NGOs and “unanimously” adopted a resolution to hold ULB polls.

Mmhonlumo Kikon, state government spokesperson and advisor, described it as“historic day” for the people of Nagaland.

On April 12, 2022, the Nagaland government informed the Supreme Court of its resolution, after which the court directed the government to fix a date for the ULB elections with 33 per cent seats reserved for women. The next date of hearing is in July.

Is there a public consensus on the elections now?

Kikon said that there was “resistance” in the last term among various sections of the civil society. “However, the government has mobilised and discussed with all stakeholders and there is a consensus now,” he said.

The Naga Hoho, the apex tribal body of the state, said that there was no more “opposition”.

“As far as the tribal HOHO is considered, we have no objection,” said HK Zhimoni, President, Naga Hoho, adding that women “should be given equal position and privilege.”

However, the Joint Coordination Committee (JCC) on urban local bodies continues to demand a review of the Municipal Act. Following the March resolution of the government, the JCC said that “all stakeholders were not consulted”.

“We are not against reservation but we still feel many aspects of the Act need to be reviewed. There may still be conflicting views among the public on the reservation issue and proper discussion is needed,” said Rainbow Ngullie, Secretary, JCC.

Written by Tora Agarwala

Source: Indian Express, 16.04.22

Thursday, December 30, 2021

Why AFSPA exists

 

Rajendra Prakash writes: It allows soldiers to carry out military operations which would otherwise, in the absence of any legal mandate, be legally and morally questionable

With the Kashmir Valley continuing to remain, sporadically, on the boil, and with violence re-emerging in the Northeast, the public and political discourse on the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) has taken on unusual stridency. But a debate which is swayed by emotion, prejudice or cultivated ignorance, instead of resting upon a bedrock of facts and realities, becomes an exercise in mere sophistry.

Before embarking on a re-examination of the AFSPA, a word about the Indian soldier is necessary. The soldier is a citizen with equal obligations and the same rights as any other Indian citizen; she/he is neither a “slave” of the state, nor is she/he a “dummy” to be manipulated by the exigencies of politics or populism. However, as long as a soldier wears the uniform, she/he voluntarily denudes herself/himself of three fundamental rights granted by Article 19 of the Constitution — the right of free association, the right of political activity and the right to communicate with the press and media. Further, a soldier voluntarily places her/himself under the statutory rigours of military discipline (under the Army/Navy/Air Force Acts) and swears an oath to obey all “lawful commands” of her/his military superiors “unto the peril of death”.

Next, the armed forces are the servants of the Indian state and its ultimate resort. They are duty-bound to do all that is necessary for the “safety, honour and welfare” of our nation and to this end, faithfully and efficiently execute all lawful commands, directions and policies of the government with fidelity and to the utmost of their ability. Reciprocally, it is the bounden duty of the state (i.e., the legislature, judiciary and the executive) to provide the armed forces the means and wherewithal essential to perform the responsibilities and tasks assigned to them.

Coming now to the AFSPA — except in war, or when guarding the international border, the Indian Army has no constitutional authority or legal powers to use force or firearms against anyone whosoever. Like any other Indian citizen, the only legal right a soldier has is the right of “private defence” (of life or property), which must be proved post-facto in a court of law, and this takes many years of court hearings. The only other possibility of such use of force by the armed forces is when called out in “aid to civil authority”, for which a magistrate must be present at each spot to authorise the use of force in writing on a particular form. Only after completing these formalities/procedures can troops be “lawfully” ordered to use “minimum force” against civilians.

The current modus operandi of terrorists, insurgents and militants does not allow the luxury of a magistrate’s presence at the time and place of an operation or encounter. Moreover, unless the security forces are quicker and forestall the adversary’s actions, they are likely to suffer heavy casualties. Thus, any military commander, army chief downwards, ordering his troops to operate in a counterinsurgency role (cordons and searches, ambushes, counter-ambushes, pitched battles) against folks of this ilk, would be giving an “unlawful command”, not liable to be obeyed. If obeyed, it could land all commanders, right down the chain — from corps, divisions, brigades, battalions, companies and, platoons to infantry sections — before the courts of law on charges of murder, assault, injury and destruction of property. Defending such cases, in courts, would, obviously, leave no time or resources for any other military responsibilities, for years.

To avoid such situations, and to ensure that the Army is able to perform its basic function of external defence and internal security of the nation, pragmatic lawmakers, in the 1950s, devised the AFSPA, exclusively for operations in the Naga Hills. Regrettably, it is now invoked as a “fire-fighting” measure, elsewhere too; not by the Indian Army but by the government when the civil administration is unable to cope and police forces fail to restore normalcy.

In a democracy, only the elected government is mandated to govern. If it fails or cannot find political solutions and needs to exert state power to enforce its writ, then the Army may be called in. Under such circumstances, ordering a soldier, who is also a citizen, to carry out counterinsurgency operations in the absence of any legal mandate, is to order her/him to commit murder and mayhem. This would not be a “lawful command” and is legally and morally open to disobedience.

However, once the AFSPA (or other enabling legal measure) is invoked, and it becomes a duly authorised operation, it will be executed in a military manner, with restraint and responsibility. Stringent rules, guidelines and advisories are in existence, regarding respect for human rights. However, soldiers are human, and aberrations do occur. When they do, military justice is dispensed swiftly and without bias.

In closing, some advice for all those frantically urging the removal of AFSPA. Abolish the AFSPA, humanise it or whatever, but before doing so ensure the resolution of issues, whether socio-political or governance-related, which compelled the state to invoke this Act in the first place. In other words, create conditions which will convince the insurgents to stop insurgency, militants to stop militancy, terrorists to stop terror, Naxalites to stop mayhem and Kashmiri youth to stop hurling stones.

From the Army chief downwards, no one can order a soldier to obey an unlawful command, i.e., to inflict violence without legitimate legal sanction. Thus, debates based on ignorance of ground realities are harmful for the community — akin to banning a book without having read it.

Written by Rajendra Prakash

Source; Indian Express, 30/12/21

Friday, December 10, 2021

Nagaland’s people deserve neither AFSPA nor gun culture

 

Patricia Mukhim writes: The Northeast is not only less understood by distant Delhi but also considered ‘alien’ to the nation.


The sight of a dozen or more coffins being laid in a row while young, helpless widows and elderly grief-stricken parents come to terms with their loss is an image that is both outrageous and painful. The dead were ordinary citizens going home to their village in Nagaland after work. In one shattering moment, their lives were extinguished; just like that. For the Army’s special unit, it was an intelligence error to which they overreacted. What’s the source of that information? Surely, the government cannot hide behind the smokescreen of “classified information”. There have been too many killings based on such wrong intelligence in Nagaland, Manipur and Assam.

With every such encounter in which the innocent are mowed down, the clamour for revocation of the draconian Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) grows strident — but is rarely sustained. Some years ago, all the northeastern states had come together to demand the annulment of this Act. That remained in the realm of yet another “demand”.

How can a country adopt a colonial Act meant to counter the Quit India Movement of 1942 to fight its own people? How can independent India impose an Act that gives legal protection to the armed forces to shoot down anyone on “suspicion” of being a terrorist/extremist/insurgent? In 1997, after Nagaland’s most enduring insurgent outfit, the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN), led by Isak Swu and T H Muivah, first decided to talk peace with the Indian government, the Naga Peoples’ Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR) had approached the Supreme Court for revocation of the Act. But the apex court had then upheld its constitutionality, and said it was an enabling legislation that confers minimum powers on the army to operate in situations of widespread internal disorder. Public memory is short and it’s important to jog that. Irom Sharmila of Manipur had undertaken a 16-year fast against the law, with the state insisting on keeping her alive through regular medical intervention. Sharmila gave up her lonely battle in 2017 when she decided to contest the Manipur Assembly elections. Why did it take over 60 years for AFSPA to become an election issue? It was only in 2016, after many PILs were filed in the Supreme Court, that the court sought details of the 1,528 cases of alleged extra-judicial killings between May 1979 and May 2012 by the Manipur Police and the armed forces. The CBI was asked to go into a few of those cases. But in its report filed in March this year, it said it had no conclusive evidence and, therefore, closed the cases.

The unasked questions remain: Why are the northeastern states of India and Jammu and Kashmir singled out for imposition of AFSPA? Aren’t there internal rebellions in the rest of India too, such as “left-wing extremism?” Why are those areas not termed “disturbed areas” followed by the invocation of AFSPA? The reality is that the Northeast is not only less understood by distant Delhi but is also still considered “alien” to the nation because of racial and cultural dissimilarities. Nation-building in the region is work in progress; insurgency is the result of a colonial power — the British — being replaced by a power that people in Nagaland see as akin to its predecessor.

Many are wondering if the peace talks between the NSCN (IM) and the government of India now lie in tatters. Unfortunately, the media has focussed exclusively on the NSCN (IM) and ignored the other Naga National Political Groups (NNPGs), who have been brought on board because they are Nagaland-based and speak exclusively for Nagaland. The NSCN(IM) is led by a Tangkhul Naga from Manipur and the majority of its cadres are also Nagas from Manipur. The NNPGs and the Gaon Bura Association of Nagaland doubt NSCN(IM)’s ability to bring lasting peace in Nagaland. They know that the NSCN(IM) is not an organisation with whom dialogue is possible or which is in the habit of examining its conscience and regretting its actions. It exists to recruit resentment and to direct that resentment against the usual target — Delhi or India.

It is important to take stock of the situation on the ground as it has existed since 2015. NSCN(IM) cadres, although living in a designated camp at Mount Hebron near Dimapur, move around freely with arms and extort with impunity. In the past, they have mercilessly gunned down rival factions but there has been no reaction because the people of Nagaland are a traumatised lot. Having faced the wrath of state and non-state powers, they had lost their voice, until a few years ago when people started expressing their anger against such killings and extortion over social media.

Since 2015, the Nagaland Gaon Bura Association, the apex body of Nagas which includes all the 16 recognised tribes and the NNPGs barring the NSCN (IM), have sent several memorandums addressed to Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah, asking that whatever terms are agreed upon with the NSCN (IM) should be concluded and the remaining issues be resolved through peaceful means. Why has the Centre ignored these petitions?

These representatives of the Naga people do not demand a separate flag or constitution because they understand these are tenuous demands. It is a settled issue that there will be no territorial rearrangement and the Naga-inhabited areas of Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh and Assam will not be reorganised for that would unleash a Frankenstein’s monster. These groups have also never raised the sovereignty issue. The working committee of the seven NNPGs, roped in to join the peace talks, are also opposed to the idea of changing interlocutors as and when the NSCN (IM) decides.

Today, the people of Nagaland are being held hostage by governments both at the state and the Centre. People question why the Centre is pandering to the NSCN (IM) at the cost of the people of Nagaland. Why continue to use the army and AFSPA when killings have reduced considerably? The apex body has specifically mentioned that they want to be delivered from the gun culture. Why is the Centre not responding to that call? In fact, the GoI is seen as pandering to the political leadership of Nagaland, which is alienated from the people, instead of responding to the aspirations of the Naga people. It’s a given that if the state uses armed forces, there will be excesses because the army is trained to kill the enemy. Deploying the army means that the Government of India considers the areas where AFSPA is invoked and the people who live there as the enemy.

Countering insurgency in the Northeast is fraught also because of the Free Movement Regime (FMR) between India and Myanmar. India shares a 1,643 km border with Myanmar. The FMR signed between the two countries allows movement up to 16 km inside each other’s territory for trade and commerce. But it is misused by militants to smuggle drugs and arms. The FMR was suspended in March 2020 due to Covid — but smuggling has only increased. This border is the most difficult terrain to police. These issues need to be addressed for enduring peace to prevail.

Written by Patricia Mukhim

Source: Indian Express, 10/12/21

Wednesday, December 08, 2021

Hornbill Festival

 The Hornbill Festival, which is called the ‘Festivals of Festivals’, is a 10-day annual cultural fest of Nagaland that showcases the rich and diverse Naga ethnicity through folk dances, traditional music, local cuisine, handicraft, art workshops etc. The start of this festival (December 1) marks the Nagaland statehood day.

Every year the Hornbill festival is celebrated between December 1 and December 10 in the northeast region and in the state of Nagaland. The festival is named after the Indian Hornbill Bird. It is a large and colourful forest bird. The festival is named after the bird as it is displayed in folklore of most of the the tribals in the state of Nagaland.


Economic potential

The festival has contributed significant tourism revenue to the north eastern part of India. This is mainly because Hornbill festival provides an insight into the different Tribes of Nagaland. It provides a colourful mixture of craft, dancers, sports, religious ceremonies and food fairs. Naga Morungs exhibition is also organised during the festival.

Naga Morungs

The Naga Morungs are also called the Nagas. They are the ethnic groups native to North Western Myanmar and North Eastern India. These groups have similar culture and form the majority of population in Nagaland and Naga self-administered zone. The Naga self-administered zone is located in the Naga Hills of Sagaing region of Myanmar.

Other Naga Festival

Apart from the Hornbill festival, the other popular festival of the Nagas is the Lui Ngai Ni. It is the seed sowing festival that is celebrated by the Naga Tribes of Manipur. It is celebrated in the month of February to mark the beginning of spring season.

Hornbill

Hornbill bird is common in tropical and subtropical Asia, Africa and Melanesia. The festival is named after this bird because, it forms the centre of many local folklore. Also, the tribes in the state consider the bird to be sacred. The IUCN status of hornbill bird is “Near Threatened”.

Tuesday, December 07, 2021

Naga talks: What has caused the stalemate so far, and what impact can killings have?

 The killing of over a dozen civilians in a botched Indian Army operation in Mon district of Nagaland on Saturday is likely to have an impact on an already tottering Naga peace process. The key Naga group negotiating with the Centre, NSCN(I-M), has declared it a “black day” for all Nagas and termed the incident “unprecedented in recent history”, while the Naga National Political Group (NNPG) has blamed the continued implementation of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), 1958 for such incidents.

What is the status of the Naga talks?

While a significant number of Naga groups say the talks have concluded and only finer details are being worked out, the NSCN(I-M) has said an accord cannot happen until the Centre accepts Naga people’s demand for a separate constitution and flag. The Centre has said it is in no position to grant these. The NSCN(I-M) has rejected all alternatives— such as cultural flag instead of a national flag and dealing with issues of a constitution after signing the agreement —suggested by the Centre’s points-person, former Intelligence Bureau Special Director Akshay Mishra.

A month ago, the NSCN(I-M) said in a statement: “Ironically, the Government of India is still pretentiously acting stubborn as the crucial rounds of talks that focused on the Naga flag and the Constitution is driven to hang in balance. The stalemate created is unfortunate.”Now the Centre, which had in 2015 announced that the talks had concluded with the signing of a Framework Agreement (FA), sources say, is uncertain when a final deal can be achieved.

How will the killings impact the talks?

Given the public anger against the killings, sources said it has the potential to revive the narrative of India versus the Naga people. “People in these parts quote operations of the 1950s and ’60s to articulate perceived atrocities by the Indian state. So, imagine what a fresh incident can do,” a senior Nagaland official said.

Sources said the killings could be exploited by certain insurgent groups to recruit and even strengthen the hands of the NSCN(I-M), which will likely push for its demands with greater vigour given that the government is on the back foot. Even groups seen being in favour of signing the deal quickly will have to reflect the public anger to remain relevant, sources said.

The NNPG, which comprises seven insurgent groups that have so far supported the peace talks process, rescinding many of its earlier demands such as separate flag, said in a statement that the actions of the military have “belittled the commitments made by the Indian Prime Minister and Home Minister”. It said, “The draconian laws in Nagaland and military atrocities over many decades have made Naga people very aware that they are not and will never be Indians.”

Why is there a stalemate despite the FA?

Sources say the FA itself is turning out to be the biggest roadblock before a final deal. Government officials say the wordings are so vague that both sides have interpreted them according to their own convenience.

The NSCN(I-M) has argued that the FA is clear that India and Nagaland would share “sovereign power” and coexist as “two entities”. This, it has argued, is affirmation that India accepts the desire of Naga people for sovereignty and staying within India as a separate entity. It has said this simply means India had agreed to a separate flag and constitution for Nagaland. The Centre has said there is no question of granting sovereignty to a state within India and so both the flag and the constitution are out of the question.

What does the FA say?

About the dialogues held since the 1997 ceasefire agreement between the Centre and the NSCN(I-M), it says, “The GoI-NSCN dialogue led to a better mutual understanding. While the GoI, in expression of the understanding recognised the unique history and position of the Nagas, the NSCN understood and appreciated the intricacies of the Indian system…

“Both sides… are cognizant of the universal principle that in a democracy sovereignty lies with the people. Accordingly, the government of India and the NSCN, respecting people’s wishes for sharing sovereign power as defined in the competencies, reached an agreement on the 3rd August, 2015 as an honourable solution. …It will provide for an enduring inclusive new relationship of peaceful co-existence of the two entities.”

What is the problem with the FA?

Sources said the FA did not clearly spell out how much political space the Centre was willing to cede or not cede for Naga self-determination. They said phrases such as “unique history and position”, “sovereignty lies with the people”, “sharing sovereign power”, and “peaceful coexistence of the two entities” were open to interpretation by both sides.

The NSCN(I-M) has argued that references to sharing sovereignty and coexistence as two entities simply mean that Nagaland would remain a sovereign within India with its own constitution and flag. While the Centre has never articulated its interpretation, former Naga talks interlocutor said last year that NSCN(I-M)’s interpretation was “preposterous lies” and that the Centre has “never ever talked, much less negotiated” on territorial integrity and sovereignty of the country with anyone.

NSCN(I-M) last year accused Ravi of “craftily” tweaking the FA by removing the word “new” from “enduring inclusive new relationship”. It made the FA public.

“The FA is so poorly drafted that it leaves the Centre with very little space to spell out what it can’t give. It reads like an agreement between two hostile nations where they keep the wordings so vague that no promise made or understanding reached appears final. Had there been no FA, probably, we would have had a deal by now,” a senior government official said.

Sources said the signing of the FA also established NSCN(I-M) as the main group negotiating with the government in letter, leaving other Naga groups — which Ravi tried to engage with later — lower in the hierarchy.

Why was such an FA drafted?

Government sources say the wording, however poor, was informed by the politics of 2015. “Flag and constitution were not such touchy issues as a state with precisely these rights (Jammu & Kashmir) existed then. It may be argued though that those drafting it should have pondered over the ruling party’s ideological position on Kashmir even then and advised the political top brass accordingly. Now, after the decisions of August 5, 2019 on Jammu and Kashmir, these issues have become non-negotiable,” another government official said.

Sources said, in fact, oral assurances of Naga flag and “unique space” in the Indian Constitution had been made to the NSCN(I-M) during negotiations before August 5, 2019.

What is the road ahead?

The Centre would have to assuage public anger arising out of the Saturday’s killings through an impartial and quick probe, followed by action on those responsible.

Home Minister Amit Shah on Monday announced in Parliament that a Special Investigation Team has been instituted by the state government.

Only after the government can convince people that it means well, despite the killings, can the Centre can resume discussions, sources said. “The pitch has been queered. Now the only solution is for the government to clearly declare what it cannot give and then ask NSCN(I-M) to negotiate on other issues,” a senior official from Nagaland said.

Written by Deeptiman Tiwary

Source: Indian Express, 7/12/21

Tuesday, March 09, 2021

How Naga communities came together for each other during the pandemic

 

One evening in June, a group of young men and women gathered in Zhavame village in the foothills of the Kapamodzü peak, one of Nagaland’s highest mountains. The lockdown had not yet been completely lifted, and the group mused about the abandoned paddy fields in the village. Many young people from Zhavame had moved to cities to study or work, and almost half the fields had been left fallow. At the end of the meeting, the Christo Naga’s Club, whose members included students, farmers, government and private sector employees, reached a decision: they would begin cultivating the land again.

“Every member of the club comes from a farming background, but this was our first ever experience of farming independently without our parents. In the process, we learnt a lot,” says 34-year old Ngapunyi Albert Krocha, a social worker who lives in Kohima but visits his village often.

The lockdown had convinced the group about the importance of self-reliance. They hope to encourage other young people to grow their own food. “We can never know what the future holds, but if we are self-reliant, or have surplus cultivation, we can survive,” says Krocha.

Love your neighbour

This is just one of the ways in which communities in Nagaland have come together to support each other during the ill-planned lockdown, which pushed thousands of people into penury. The close-knit society is falling back on the sense of community and kinship that has been passed down over generations in Nagaland.

“If your house burns down, if your family member falls sick or dies, if you are suddenly diagnosed with a life-threatening disease, if your crops fail, your neighbours, kinsmen, clansmen, come to help you build a new house, help care for the sick,” says writer Easterine Kire about the Naga sense of community.

Churches too began serving meals to the underprivileged during the lockdown. “Then there were NGOs and individuals distributing packets of food to daily wage workers who had lost their source of income. This sense of community is ingrained in us,” she says in an email intervNagaland is a great example of how communities rise to the occasion, explains Rosemary Dzüvichü, professor at the Department of English, Nagaland University. “The commitment towards community is an integral part of Naga culture. Whether in death or celebration, we are taught to stand by each other. We have seen this in the outpouring of generosity from individuals and communities and organisations towards the less fortunate, returnees, daily wage workers who faced the brunt of the lockdown in the State,” says Dzüvichü, who is also advisor to the Naga Mothers’ Association (NMA), the apex body of women’s organisations in the State.

During the worst phase of the pandemic, NMA helped the Rotary Club identify single mothers, HIV+ people and daily wage workers to provide food and essential items, apart from helping the district administration reach out to orphanages and institutes for special needs children. The NMA also helped raise money and other resources for quarantine centres. It also collaborated with the Salesian Province of Don Bosco and reached out with thousands of rupees’ worth of essential food items to the quarantine centres at Peren and Tuensang.

“To reach out to the community, no matter how distant, especially in times of trouble, has always been a part of our culture,” says Dzüvichü. It was with this spirit that NMA helped hundreds of women and children from Rengma families, who were forced to stay in relief camps at Bokajan and Silonijan during the 2013 conflict in Assam’s Rengma Hills.

What is behind the Nagas’ sense of community? In the words of Kohima-based author, former editor and journalist Charles Chasie, “Naga tribes were all head-hunters, but they were also very diverse and practised several systems such as pure democracy, different shades of republican systems, chiefships and absolute autocracy — this is why Naga society is an anthropological goldmine.”

Universal values

“Your life, under head-hunting conditions, depended on another person, and blood relationship was important. However, not just blood relationships, friendship also mattered a lot,” explains Chasie. “Different clans had their brother clans in every other village and even tribes where Tenyimia were concerned.” Tenyimia consists of 10 different Naga tribes: Angami, Chakhesang, Zeme, Liangmai, Rongmei, Poumai, Mao, Maram, Rengma, and Pochury.iew.

Along with head-hunting, the grand ‘Feast of Merit’ constitutes the basis of Naga social life. Traditionally considered the highest form of social honour, the ‘Feast of Merit’ includes rituals and involves giving a community feast to the whole village. Among the Chakhesang tribe, only those who have performed the ‘Feast of Merit’ are entitled to wear the prestigious shawls, Hapidasa and Saparadu. They can also adorn their homes with Hapiteh, a wood carving of the buffalo head, which is also symbolised in the Hapidasa shawl.

Seno Tsuhah, a community development worker, says that communities in Nagaland come together not only during times of crisis, but also to celebrate milestones or address important issues. “The value-based community life and sense of belonging have always been strong in our society — if we look at our forefathers’ generations, the community cohesiveness, the universal values of compassion, were always there, and that is still binding us,” she says. When vegetables couldn’t be transported into the State during lockdown, Tsuhah noticed how several villagers started visiting community forests to forage and collect wild edible plants so they could share it with urban dwellers in cities such as Kohima. She was also happy that young people were taking the lead in cultivating fallow fields. The greatest realisation of the community, she points out, has been the importance of growing their own food.

Joy of growing food

The members of the Christo Naga’s Club are sure that their new initiatives will not stop after the pandemic. “Now, we are all grown up, living in towns and cities, and we barely get the time to experience the joy of farming. So, it was a personal rediscovery, going back to nature, cultivating our own food,” says Rosou Pohena, a veterinarian who is also president of the club.

Around the same time, there have been conversations around local food in Chizami, a village perched in the hills of Phek district. Both at the church and community levels, the importance of growing one’s own food and making sure that the local food is strengthened, appreciated and acknowledged is emphasised.

A year since the pandemic, families cultivating small plots of land have begun expanding their farming. Seno Tshuhah is very hopeful that communities will continue to uphold this practice; during the pandemic, the first example of solidarity shown to one another was sharing food. “Food is at the core of our community life,” she says.

The pandemic has indeed brought people closer in Nagaland, says Dzüvichü. “It has taught me how important it is to help people in our own towns, both within our communities and beyond.”

Richard Belho, an architect who also does social work, says that the pandemic helped people realise their own vulnerabilities. “People chose to become strong and started helping each other; we started hearing a lot of stories of people coming out of their comfort zones. The pandemic did light up that spirit in people.”

Kire says there are several lessons to be learnt from the pandemic, including getting one’s priorities in order; creating awareness about the needs of low-income groups in our midst; and nurturing the entrepreneurial spirit among young people who carved out businesses and found new ways of earning an income. “I learned about the resilience of the human spirit even when it has received terrible blows, and also the abiding importance of family and finding new ways to care for each other,” she says.

Vish Rita Krocha

Source: The Hindu, 6/03/21


Thursday, December 31, 2020

The Nagaland deadlock

 

With the threat of China looming over, peace talks with NSCN-IM must not be allowed to lose momentum.


The peace talks between the Centre and the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isaac-Muivah) (NSCN-IM) have hit a dead end, prompting NSCN leader Muivah to dash off a letter to the Prime Minister, asking for talks to be resumed “at the highest, that is Prime Minister’s level, without preconditions, in a third country”. In the past, former Prime Ministers P V Narasimha Rao, H D Deve Gowda and Atal Bihari Vajpayee have had direct talks with NSCN leaders abroad.

The recent overture by Niki Sumi faction of the NSCN (Khaplang) to rejoin peace talks with the government followed by the surrender of 53 insurgents of the Yung Aung faction of NSCN (Khaplang) on December 25 augurs well for the possibility of accelerating peace talks. NSCN (K) had earlier abrogated the ceasefire in 2015 when it found itself being sidelined by the government.

In his speech delivered on the eve of Nagaland’s 58th statehood day on November 30, Governor R N Ravi, who also happens to be the interlocutor for talks with NSCN (IM) leaders, in very unambiguous terms said that the demand for a separate Constitution and flag will not be accepted.

The NSCN (IM) has refused to accept Ravi as an interlocutor. In the past, he has described NSCN (IM) as “armed gangs” and asked the Nagaland CM to contain them, besides ordering all state government employees to declare if they had any relatives in the militant outfits. The recent government directive to Assam Rifles to intensify operations against the Naga groups also seems to have hit a raw nerve.

The Naga insurgency is one of the oldest in the country. After the 1975 Shillong Accord, a faction of the erstwhile Naga National Council led by Isaac Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah chose to part ways. The rank and file of the hitherto outlawed Naga Army surrendered and were inducted into the newly raised battalion of the Border Security Force (BSF). The faction opposed to the Shillong Accord went on to form the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) in 1980, with its base in the dense forests of northern Myanmar in the eastern Naga Hills. While Isaac Swu was appointed the chairman of the newly-formed outfit, Shangwang Shangyung Khaplang and Thuingaleng Muivah took on the mantle of vice-chairman and general secretary, respectively

Despite the security forces going on the offensive against the NSCN cadres, the latter went on a massive recruitment drive enhancing the strength from a modest 150 to 3,000. Pitted against their own erstwhile colleagues who had joined the BSF, the NSCN suffered heavy casualties. Nevertheless, the NSCN spread across Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh.

A failed assassination attempt on Isaac Swu and Muivah by Khaplang’s loyalists in April 1988 led to a split in NSCN into NSCN (Isaac-Muivah) and NSCN (Khaplang) groups. A lurking suspicion that the Isaac-Muivah were holding secret parleys with the government led to the failed attack.

The proliferation of other insurgent groups in the Northeastern region lent ideological support to the NSCN (IM). Militant outfits like the Hmar People’s Convention (HPC), the National Liberation Front of Tripura (NLFT) and several others looked up to NSCN (IM) not just for basic logistics support but also for weapons and training.

Khaplang formed the United National Liberation Front of Western South East Asia (UNLFWSEA) – a conglomerate of 11 militant outfits. After Khaplang’s death in June 2017, Khango Konyak was the natural choice to don the mantle of chairman of UNLFWSEA. He was impeached and replaced by Yung Aung as leader of NSCN(K) while Paresh Barua, the leader of United Liberation Front of Assam (Independent) (ULFA-I), assumed leadership of the UNLFWSEA.

After incessant efforts made by then PM Deve Gowda, NSCN (IM) leaders agreed to come to the negotiating table. Ceasefire was declared in August 1997 and since then the negotiations have been on, initially with Swaraj Kaushal as the interlocutor and then with K Padmanabaiah and RS Pandey. The NSCN (K), too, declared ceasefire in April 2001 but abrogated it in 2015.The Centre banned the outfit for five years which was extended by another five years on September 28 last.

With the NSCN(I) leader Isaac Swu admitted in a New Delhi Hospital in August 2015, the government hurriedly came up with a one-page Framework Agreement (FA) signed by T Muivah and N Ravi in the presence of PM Modi, which was termed as a historic end to the 60-year-old insurgency that kept the Northeast on boil. For reasons unknown, the FA was kept under wraps. Swu died on June 28, 2016.

In August this year, the NSCN (IM) divulged the contents of the original FA, while accusing Ravi of amending the document by deleting the word “new” in one sentence, thereby altering the meaning to the advantage of the government. This was not taken kindly by the NSCN (IM) leaders, who rejected Ravi as an interlocutor.

After the arrival of T Muivah in New Delhi for the talks and refusal to enter into any kind of negotiations with Ravi, the Prime Minister’s Office directed two top officials of the Intelligence Bureau to carry the talks further. With the government sticking to its stand that Nagaland will not be allowed to have its own flag and constitution, further negotiations hit a dead end.

Having abrogated Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir and thus having divested the state of its flag and constitution, the Centre is in a quandary. Resumption of insurgency could prove too costly a gamble for the country. Our relationship with China is at its lowest ebb. The role of the Chinese in whipping up insurgency in the Northeast is too well-known to ignore. A permanent solution to the Naga issue will ease the tension in the Northeast, forcing the Chinese PLA to turn its back on the insurgent groups operating there.

Written by M.P. Nathanael 

(The writer retired as inspector general of police, CRPF)

Source: Indian Express, 30-12-20