Why the Santal Hul has been ignored in public memory

 

In Jharkhand, June 30 is observed as Hul Diwas, marking the anniversary of the 1855 Santal rebellion, led by Sido and Kanhu Murmu. Unfortunately, the Hul and its heroes have fallen in the “blindspot of historiography”, especially when compared to the Munda uprising, some 45 years later, which got its due recognition.

On June 30, 1855 brothers Sido and Kanhu Murmu, along with brothers Channd-Bhairav and sisters Phulo-Jhano, led an uprising in the forested hills of Damin-i-koh (present-day eastern Jharkhand). The Santal uprising, remembered simply as Hul (‘rebellion’ in Santali), was against exploitative moneylenders (mahajans)and landowners (zamindars), and their colonial masters. Unfortunately, the Hul has been rather ignored in public history, not only compared to uprisings elsewhere in India, but also compared to the Munda rebellion, some 45 years later.

The legendary surrealist Salvador Dalí’s The Persistence of Memory represents the fluidity and the mutability of dreams, where time is a malleable and social construct. Dreams provided the underlying inspiration for two rebellions, separated by a period of four decades, in Jharkhand (at the time a part of Bengal) to free its people from the shackles of colonialism in Jharkhand.

These dreams, both metaphorically and physically, were informed by religiosity, and underpinned the moral legitimacy of the rebels to undo prevailing wrongs — Santal leaders Sido and Kanhu Murmu, and later, another tribal icon, Birsa Munda, received divine command of the Thacoor (God) to fight against injustice, and for independence. So powerful were their clarion calls that both the Santal Hul and the Munda Ulgulan (the ‘Great Tumult’) ushered in large-scale changes in the revenue administration and justice system.

The records of Kanhu’s interrogation establish that it was Thacoor’s call that inspired Sido and Kanhu to take up arms against oppressive zamindars, rapacious mahajans, and negligent administrators, and strive for self-rule or Santal Raj. Being “possessed” by Bonga (Santali deities) was not uncommon among the Santals, and resulted in swift action by the community as per the deity’s wishes. Likewise, in the case of Birsa Munda, God’s message for liberation provided course-changing vigour, and helped raise a platform of last resort to the oppressed. The ethical and moral courage of Birsa in standing against the mighty Empire, and his “vision”, have been duly recognised.

However, a careful examination of the literature on these tribal rebellions reveals that while Sido-Kanhu and Birsa were united by the same dream of freedom, the former has suffered from relative neglect.

Unlike the Ulgulan, which is framed as a rebellion against the Raj, discussions of the Hul ignore the role of the British as oppressors. They also discount the condign retribution which followed the Hul’s suppression. The paternalistic narrations of the Raj cavil about the ways and means of the rebels.

Yet the widespread changes to the administrative system following the Hul stands as a testimony to both its merits and necessity. These changes, in a way, vindicated the cause of Sido and Kanhu. That being said, even though the British attempted to disguise these changes as “reforms”, their actions helped “the same dikus (outsiders) against whom [the Santals] had taken up arms”. In pretending to give attention to the Santals, the British stripped them of the memory of their leaders and rebellion.

The Hul and their heroes fell in the “blindspot of historiography”. To the subaltern historian Ranajit Guha, “their [Santals’] will and reason, often ignored by the historiographers, constituted the praxis of rebellion”. This neglect is not restricted to the lack of literature alone.

There was also a lesser acceptance of Sido and Kanhu as political revolutionaries by their contemporary intelligentsia, primarily on account of the violence associated with the Hul. This is despite the fact that working communities like blacksmiths and agriculturalists were supportive of the Hul. As pointed out by historian Peter Stanley: “Santal metal tools and weapons… were made by Bengali smiths living in their villages” (Hul! Hul!: The Suppression of the Santal Rebellion in Bengal, 1855).

This demotion of Sidu-Kanho’s revolutionary status is due to the social position of those who wrote their history — British administrators, or wealthy upper caste Indians in service of the Empire.

As Guha explained in his highly influential “The Prose of Counter-Insurgency”, historians who have written about subaltern movements in India have seldom accounted for the rebels’ own consciousness, and in fact projected their own consciousness onto the subject they are investigating. Thus, “blind spots” mark different kinds of historical discourse.

In case of the Hul, ‘primary discourses’ comprise official and unofficial communications of soldiers and magistrates, which refer to Sido and Kanhu in fairly adversarial terms. ‘Secondary discourses’, largely from British missionaries and administrators cast them into deliberate oblivion, glorifying instead the British efforts to mainstream or ‘domesticate’ the ‘savage’ Santals.

None of these discourses could reconcile the personal positions of their authors to the violent methods of the Hul. This had a cascading effect on the subsequent historiography.

Sido and Kanhu have not been adequately represented in the secondary discourses of colonial administrators like E G Mann (author of Sonthalia and the Sonthals), W W Hunter (renowned for his Imperial Gazetteer of India and other works), R Carstairs, and the missionaries.

For example, Mann wrote a chapter on the rebellion in his book without naming Sido and Kanhu, and Carstairs wrote a 404-page book, Little World of an Indian District Officer, without taking a meaningful view of thThe selectiveness and ‘presumed neutrality’ of colonial historiography is also demonstrated in their dichotomous view of Santal rebels. On one hand, the Santals are painted as simpletons, simply “incapable of lying”. At the same time, primary sources also refer to the so-called “Santal dodge” — an attempt by the rebels to deceive the army by acting loyal in their presence, and plundering in their absence. This only further shows that actors of the Hul were deliberately invisibilised to mask the colonial powers’ failure in containing the rebellion.

Another reason for the Hul being relegated in public memory may be the relative positions of the actors of Hul and Ulgulan.

The Santals were migrants in modern-day Jharkhand, who were pushed westwards from Birbhum (in present-day West Bengal) by particularly bad famines in the late 18th century. In comparison, the Munda tribes already had prior tenancy rights on their land, where they were settled for ages. This area, just south of Ranchi, was also more centrally located than the Santal Pargana, which lay in the periphery. Moreover, Sido-Kanhu’s rebellion was also short-lived when compared to Birsa’s wider social movement, which lasted years until he died in prison in 1900.

Crucially, Birsa also found local champions to build his narrative, with his legend rightly benefitting from the writings of the historian-administrator Kumar Suresh Singh, and noted author Mahasweta Devi. All these factors, put together, distinguished, although artificially, Birsa Munda as ‘Adivasi leader’ and Sido-Kanhu as ‘Santal leaders’, relegating the latter to relative obscurity.e Hul. The void becomes glaring when compared with the material available on the Ulgulan. To return to Dali, the ‘interior world’ of Sido-Kanhu’s dream resonates in the ideas of liberty, justice, equality, fraternity, and socialism manifested in the preamble to the Constitution of India.

However, one must not lose sight of the present-day ‘the exterior world’ too where their fellow tribes still continue to labour in various infrastructural projects and other public and private works, often in inaccessible and inhospitable situations.

Written by Ravi Shankar Shukla

Source: Indian Express, 30/06/24

What is the Santhal Hul and the land tenancy Acts of tribal lands

 

June 30 marks the 169th anniversary of the Santhal Hul, one of the earliest peasant uprisings against the British. 

Santhal Hul of 1855 was a revolt against imperialism led by four brothers, Sidho, Kanho, Chand, and Bhairav Murmu, along with sisters Phulo and Jhano. June 30 is the 169th anniversary of the beginning of the revolt, one of the first peasant uprisings against British colonial oppression.

The Santhals also fought against the upper castes, zamindars, darogas, and moneylenders, described by the umbrella term ‘diku’, in an attempt to safeguard the economic, cultural, and religious aspects of their lives.

Genesis of the uprising

In 1832, certain areas were delimited as ‘Santhal Pargana’ or ‘Damin-i-Koh’, which comprises present-day Sahibganj, Godda, Dumka, Deoghar, Pakur, and regions of Jamtara, in present-day Jharkhand. The area was allocated to the Santhals displaced from Birbhum, Murshidabad, Bhagalpur, Barabhum, Manbhum, Palamau, and Chhotanagpur, all areas the Bengal Presidency.

While the Santhals were promised settlement and agriculture in Damin-i-Koh, what followed was the repressive practice of land-grabbing and begari (bonded labour) of two types: kamioti and harwahi.

The Murmu brothers, who saw themselves as acting on the Santhal God Thakur Bonga’s divination, led around 60,000 Santhals against the East India Company and engaged in guerrilla warfare that continued for almost six months before being finally crushed on January 3, 1856. More than 15,000 Santhals were killed, and 10,000 villages were laid to waste.

The British hanged Sidhu to death on August 9, 1855, followed by Kanhu in February 1856. The insurrection ended, but the impact it left was everlasting.

The SPT and CNT Acts

The Santhal Pargana Tenancy Act of 1876 (SPT Act) enacted by the British, which prohibits the transfer of Adivasi lands (urban or rural land) to non-Adivasis, was the result of the Hul. The land can only be inherited as per the Act, thus retaining the rights of Santhals to self-govern their land.

The Chhotanagpur Tenancy Act, (CNT Act) enacted by the British in 1908 a result of the Birsa Movement, allows land transfers within the same caste and certain geographical areas with the approval of the District Collector. This Act also restricts the sale of Adivasi and Dalit land, while allowing land transfers between Adivasi individuals from the same police station and Dalits in the same district.

Source: Indian Express, 30-06-24

A voice of the voiceless

 In the diverse fabric of Indian literature, Adivasi literature is a genre left untouched by most intellectual critics and writers. In the name of preserving Adivasi culture – our society has only romanticised their songs and dances, their clothes and costumes but they never felt an urge to stand beside them when they were evicted from their lands.

In the diverse fabric of Indian literature, Adivasi literature is a genre left untouched by most intellectual critics and writers. In the name of preserving Adivasi culture – our society has only romanticised their songs and dances, their clothes and costumes but they never felt an urge to stand beside them when they were evicted from their lands. Have they ever tried to protect the oppressed, helpless Santhali women? In the pitch dark sky of the Adivasis, Hansda Sowvendra Shekhar emerged as a bright star. He gave voice to the voiceless, he made the inconspicuous marginalized world visible in his book “The Adivasi Will Not Dance” – which was published in 2015 and bagged the “Sahitya Akademi Yuva Puraskar”. In spite of winning such a prestigious award, the book remained almost unnoticed throughout all these years.

“The Adivasi Will Not Dance” is a collection of ten short stories (such as “They Eat Meat”, “November Is the Month of Migrations”, “Blue Baby”, “Merely a Whore”, “The Adivasi Will Not Dance” etc.) where the writer dealt with subjects like hunger, poverty, displacement, imposition of culture, religion and language etc. Unlike the intellectual aesthete, Hansda Sowvendra Shekhar scarcely paid any attention to the aesthetics of storytelling; rather he wrote and structured the stories with a harsh tone by portraying the strident reality of Santhals, to awaken the reader from slumber.

If we read the anthology chronologically, we will notice how Hansda Sowvendra Shekhar’s pen slowly intensified the plights of an unnoticed civilization with each story and how for the reader each story has become a distressful read. In the third story of the anthology – “November is The Month of Migration” – the author writes about Talamai Kisku – a twentyyear old Santhal girl who had to sell her body for fifty rupees and two cold bread pakoras to a RPF jawan. While she was moving to Namal from her village, a jawan offers her food and fifty rupees and Talamai gets ready to lie with the stranger because she was hungry. The author writes: “She just lies – passive, unthinking, unblinking – as cold as the paved ground she can feel through the thin fabric of the gamcha, as still as an inert earthen bowl into which a dark cloud empties itself.’’ The story is about hunger and utter poverty. Talamai’s plight is certainly a distressful read. We find ourselves helpless and speechless.

“Merely a Whore” tells the tale of a brothel. Many years earlier, the brothel-keeper, Jharna di was the mistress of a zamindar near Lakkhipur. After a devastating drought the farmers started moving away and the zamindars sold their properties to the mining farms. As a consequence, the outcast colonies slowly transformed into a red-light area. The author primarily weaves the story between two characters — Sona (a prostitute) and Nirmal (a regular customer). Nirmal was a regular customer of Jharna di’s brothel but never slept with any other girl. As time passed, Sona fell in love with Nirmal because no other customer used to talk and touch Sona as tenderly like Nirmal did. Sona dreamt that she would spend the rest of her life holding Nirmal’s hand. Her dream crumbled when Nirmal refused to give her the love she was asking for. Before getting married Nirmal visited Jharna di’s brothel but this time he chose the more attractive new girl Tina. Jharna Di understood everything and said to Sona in a sympathetic but stern voice: “Life teaches us lessons. Learn those lessons and move on.”

The book ends with the story named “The Adivasi Will Not Dance”. Written in the first person, the story is like the testimony of Mangal Murmu – who is a musician and a veteran farmer. He is writing the story sitting in a jail. He writes with rage: “We Adivasis will not dance anymore. We are like toys – someone presses our “ON” button, or turns a key in our backsides and we Santhals start beating rhythms on our tamak and tumdak.” Mangal Murmu’s detailed narratives dipped with his rageful emotion portray the miserable state of Santhals in Jharkhand. The coal mines in the suburbs of Jharkhand had evicted people from their villages in the name of development and painted everything black.

For Mangal Murmu, the colour black symbolizes the deplorable situation of his community – he writes: “Our children – dark-skinned as they are — are forever covered with fine black dust. When they cry, and tears stream down their faces, it seems as if a river is cutting across a droughtstricken land.” This short story is inspired by true events when Adivasi farmers were arrested and beaten black and blue by the police for protesting the building of the Jindal Power plant in Jharkhand, as then president Pranab Mukherjee laid the foundation stone.

Mangal Murmu was invited to perform in front of the president. On the day of that event, Mangal Murmu climbed on the stage and addressing the president he said in an indomitable voice: “Unless we are given back our homes and lands, we will not sing and dance. We Adivasis will not dance. The Adivasi will not… –” The story ends here. The police did not let Mangal Murmu speak. His voice goes unheard and unnoticed like the rest of his community. 

Hansda Sowvendra Shekhar wrote all these short stories in the last decade and they appeared in various periodicals such as The Four Quarters Magazine, The Statesman, Northeast Review etc. The writer had to pay a hard price for writing these stories. He was accused of portraying the Santhal women in an obscene manner and suspended from his job. It was the writer’s commitment towards the community he represents which kept him writing. Hansda Sowvendra Shekhar is a literary figure of contemporary times who is not trying to secure his place in the intellectual space; rather he is trying to give a literary shape to the plight of an unnoticed community through his pen.

Soumalya Chatterjee

Source: The Statesman, 20/03/23

National Tribal Festival – Aadi Mahotsav

 The Tribal Ministry is conducting the Aadi Mahotsav festival to promote tribal products. TRIFED organizes the festival on behalf of the ministry. The main objective of conducting Aadi Mahotav is to prevent the middlemen from exploiting the tribals. Profits of the tribal are swept away by the middlemen and their hard work goes in vain. To put an end to the system and provide direct access to markets, TRIFED is organizing the National Tribal Festival called the Aadi Mahotsav. The festival was conducted in New Delhi.

About National Tribal Festival 2023

PM Modi inaugurated the festival. Tribals from different parts of India participated in the festival. They exhibited their products in more than 200 stalls.

The highlights of 2023 Aadi Mahotsav: MILLETS

The United Nations announced 2023 as the International Year of Millets on India’s insistence. Furthermore, to boost the production of millets and increase their exports, GoI is launching several initiatives. One such is the tag name “Shree Anna”. The Indian millets are to be sold under the brand name Shree Anna. To promote this, millets were showcased under the name of “Shree Anna” at the Aadi Mahotsav.

Apart from millets, the festival also focused on pottery, handloom, jewellery, handloom, etc.

Birth anniversary of Birsa Munda: The leader, his contributions

O n the occasion of the birth anniversary of tribal leader Birsa Munda, the Centre marked the second Janjatiya Gaurav Divas on November 15 to celebrate the contributions of tribal communities to Indian culture.

President Droupadi Murmu, who was appointed India’s first tribal woman president this year, visited Ulihatu village in the Khunti district of Jharkhand – the birthplace of ‘Bhagwan’ Birsa Munda – and paid floral tributes.

As Union Tribal Affairs Minister Arjun Munda announced recently, national and state-level programmes are being organised to celebrate Janjatiya Gaurav Divas from November 15 to 22. The government has also paid tributes to other pre-independence era tribal leaders recently, with the statue of Alluri Sitharama Raju inaugurated by the Prime Minister this year and new ‘tribal museums’ announced.

What was the situation of Jharkhand’s tribals in the 18th century?

The Munda tribe inhabited the Chota Nagpur region of today’s Jharkhand. When Birsa Munda was born in 1875, the British were attempting to establish control over and exploit forest lands, disrupting the tribal way of life. This was done in part by allying with local zamindars, who helped force the tribals into bonded labour.

A feudal zamindari system was introduced, destroying the tribal “Khuntkatti” agrarian and land ownership system that was more community-based. The Raj brought in outsiders — moneylenders and contractors, as well as feudal landlords — to aid them

What was the role Birsa Munda played?

Munda received his early education under the guidance of his teacher Jaipal Nag. Influenced by him, Birsa converted to Christianity in order to join the German Mission school. He, however, opted out of the school after a few years.

With the impact of British rule in the region, as well as the activities of Christian missionaries, many tribals became critical of the British and missionaries’ presence. From 1886 to 1890, Birsa Munda spent a large amount of time in Chaibasa, which was close to the centre of the Sardari agitation. The Sardars’ activities had a strong impact on him and he became a part of the anti-missionary and anti-government programmes. By the time he left Chaibasa in 1890, Birsa was strongly entrenched in the movement against the British oppression of the tribal communities.

Birsa soon emerged as a tribal leader who brought people together on fighting for these issues. He became a God-like figure, with him leading the faith of ‘Birsait’. Soon, members of the Munda and Oraon communities started joining the Birsait sect and it turned into a challenge to British conversion activities.

What was the Ulgulan movement?

The Ulgulan movement of 1899 also involved the use of weapons and guerrilla warfare to drive out foreigners. Munda encouraged the tribals to refuse following colonial laws and paying rent. He encouraged changes in the social sphere too, challenging religious practices to fight against superstition, and became known as ‘Bhagwan’ (God) and ‘Dharati Aba’ (Father of the earth) by his followers.

But the British were soon able to halt the movement. On March 3, 1900, Munda was arrested by the British police while he was sleeping with his tribal guerilla army at Jamkopai forest in Chakradharpur.

It is believed he died in Ranchi jail due to an illness on June 9, 1900, at the young age of 25. Though he lived a short life and the movement died out soon after his death, Birsa Munda is known to have paid a significant role in mobilising the tribal community against the British and forcing the colonial officials to introduce laws protecting the land rights of the tribals.

Source: Indian Express, 15/11/22

UGC, AICTE asks institutions to celebrate ‘Janjatiya Gaurav Diwas’ on November 15

 The University Grants Commission (UGC) and the All India Council for Technical Education (AICTE) on Saturday asked the affiliatedinstitutions to celebrate November 15 as ‘Janjatiya Gaurav Diwas’. November 15 is the birth anniversary of tribal leader Birsa Munda and the Government of India has declared it as ‘Janjatiya Gaurav Diwas’.

The UGC in the notice said that they want education institutions to carry out activities like debate competitions among students on the theme ‘Contribution of Janjati Heroes in Freedom Struggle’. Students shall be felicitated for their work. Spread the legacy of tribal leaders like Birsa Munda and other personalities and unsung tribal heroes

“All the universities and their affiliated colleges/institutions are requested to encourage their faculty, staff, and students to carry out activities and celebrate ‘Janjatiya Gaurav Diwas’ on November 15 with zeal and enthusiasm. Events / programmes organised on this day may also be promoted through social media platforms for wider outreach,” read the notification.Birsa Munda was a tribal leader and freedom fighter from Ulihatu in Jharkhand. He belonged to the Munda tribe. He was born on November 15, 1875 and died on June 9, 1900 in the Ranchi Central Jail.

Source: Indian Express, 7/11/22

On the margins

 Seventy-five years of planned development have not helped in the betterment of the adivasi community

Adivasis living in Central India make up one of the most marginalised sections in the country. But they live in the most resource-rich areas that attract industrialists and the State. Although scheduled tribes constitute 8.6% of the total population, they make up 50% of the people who have been displaced or dispossessed from their land for the extraction of minerals, construction of large dams or establishing wildlife sanctuaries after Independence.

In spite of work by the government and non-governmental organisations, development has eluded adivasis. Continuous dispossession and displacement is one reason for this. Development programmes have been imposed from above and executed without taking into account the distinct economic, social and cultural needs of these people.

Recently, Professional Assistance for Development Action brought out the Status of Adivasi Livelihoods Report 2021, covering two tribal-dominated states — Jharkhand and Odisha. SAL 2021 shows the overwhelming deprivation of adivasis in terms of income, food security and child nutrition as well as in access to public service, education and landholding. This influences their livelihood outcomes.

In Jharkhand, the average annual income of adivasi households is Rs 75,378 and in Odisha, it is Rs 61,263. A National Sample Survey report puts the average income of agriculture households in India in the year 2018-19 at Rs 122,616. Adivasi households thus earn at least 60% less. There are nearly 195 million undernourished people in India — around 16% of its total population. SAL 2021 finds that 53% of adivasi households in Jharkhand and 55% of those in Odisha are food-insecure in varying degrees. A staggering 50% of children under the age of five in the adivasi households in both states have head circumferences outside the 3-97 percentile, indicating that they are malnourished.

Roads and telecommunication are crucial to livelihood. The SAL 2021 shows that 74% of adivasi villages in Jharkhand and 72% in Odisha were connected with all-weather roads. Of these, 63% and 80%, respectively, are motorable. This figure is much worse than the national average. The situation of public transport is also poor in adivasi villages. In Jharkhand and Odisha, only 46% and 57% of villages, respectively, are linked to their block headquarters through public transport. Mobile network was available for only around 70% of adivasi villages in both the states.

Education is an important factor influencing livelihood outcomes. Literacy data show that in 53% of adivasi households in Jharkhand and58.6% in Odisha, the head of the household had no school education; 43.7% female members in Jharkhand and 50.3%in Odisha had no school education either. A functional literacy test showed that around 45% of males and 63% of females from adivasi households in Jharkhand can not read or write at all; the figures were 55% and 75%, respectively, in Odisha. This cannot be compared with the national literacy rate, which considers all members of the household above age seven. But one may infer that adivasi regions in Jharkhand and Odisha are far behind the national average.

Insignificant landholding is another contributor to the poor livelihood outcomes of adivasis. As many as 89% of respondents in both Jharkhand and Odisha reported landholdings that classify them as marginal farmers or landless. NSS data show that nationally 2.6%of agricultural households are landless and 70.4% are marginal holders. Land ownership of adivasis is thus quite low.

Although more than 90% of the families in both the states report farming as the primary source of livelihood, in the case of Jharkhand, wage is the highest contributor to the total household income (42%)followed by agriculture (34%); in Odisha, agriculture is the highest source (38%) followed by wage. Wage work, non-farm activities, remittances and pensions together dominate on-farm activities as a majorsource of income for adivasis.

Even though India now has an adivasi president, the community seems to be lagging almost in all aspects of development and its economic status is lower than all other social groups. Seventy-five years of planned development have not narrowed these gaps.

Dibyendu Chaudhuri and Parijat Ghosh work in the research unit of PRADAN, a non-profit working in India

Source: The Telegraph, 31/08/22

State of denotified tribes, and why House panel is critical about a programme for their development

 

Denotified tribes are communities that were ‘notified’ as being ‘born criminal’ during the British regime under a series of laws starting with the Criminal Tribes Act of 1871.

Who are de-notified, nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes?

These are communities who are the most vulnerable and deprived. Denotified tribes (DNTs) are communities that were ‘notified’ as being ‘born criminal’ during the British regime under a series of laws starting with the Criminal Tribes Act of 1871. Nomadic and semi-nomadic communities are defined as those who move from one place to another rather than living at one place all the time.

A National Commission for De-notified, Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Tribes (NCDNT) was constituted in 2006 by the then government. It was headed by Balkrishna Sidram Renke and submitted its report in June 2008, in which it said, “It is an irony that these tribes somehow escaped the attention of our Constitution makers and thus got deprived of the Constitutional support unlike Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.”

The Renke commission estimated their population at around 10.74 crore based on Census 2001. A new Commission constituted in February 2014 to prepare a state-wise list, which submitted its report on January 8, 2018, identified 1,262 communities as de-notified, nomadic and semi-nomadic.

While a number of these tribes are categorised under SC, ST and OBC, many are not: The standing committee report in Parliament has cited a statement by the Secretary, Department of Social Justice and Empowerment, that 269 DNT communities are not covered under any reserved categories.

These communities are frequently left out because they are less visible and difficult to reach.

What is the standing committee report about?

The Standing Committee on Social Justice and Empowerment, headed by BJP Lok Sabha MP Rama Devi, tabled its 31st report in Parliament last week. The report said the “Committee are constrained to note that the Scheme for economic empowerment of DNT communities formulated to provide coaching, health insurance, facilitate livelihood and financial assistance for construction of homes for the members of DNT, with total outlays of Rs 200 crore for the period of five years from 2021-22 to 2025-26 and the Department could not spend even a single rupee in 2021-22 and the budgetary allocation has been reduced to Rs 28 crore for 2022-23 against the budgetary allocation of Rs 50 crore for 2021-22. The Committee are dismayed that the Department has already delayed in formulation of the Scheme for welfare of Denotified, Nomadic and Semi Nomadic communities.”

About the functioning of the Development and Welfare Board for De-notified, Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Communities (DWBDNC), the standing committee said: “At present 269 such Denotified, Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic communities are specified and a survey is now in under process to place these castes in SC, ST and BC categories. The Committee are surprised to find that the Department has not been able to take any decision till date hence they would like the Department to take necessary action in this regard so that these castes are placed either under SCs, STs or BCs and avail benefits.”

What is DWBDNC, and what is its role?

The commission report submitted in 2018 had recommended the setting of up a permanent commission for these communities. But since most DNTs are covered under SC, ST or OBC, the government felt setting up a permanent commission, which would deal with redress of grievances, would be in conflict with the mandate of existing commissions for SCs (National Commission for Scheduled Castes), STs (National Commission for Scheduled Tribes) and OBCs (National Commission for Backward Classes). The government therefore set up the DWBDNCs under the Societies Registration Act, 1860 under the aegis of Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment for the purpose of implementing welfare programmes.

The DWBDNC was constituted on February 21, 2019 under the chairmanship of Bhiku Ramji Idate. Also, a committee has been set up by the NITI Aayog to complete the process of identification of the de-notified, nomadic and semi-nomadic communities (DNCs). Ethnographic studies of DNCs are being conducted by the Anthropological Survey of India, with a budget of Rs 2.26 crore sanctioned. On March 30, 2022 the DoPT issued an advertisement for the recruitment of consultants in the DWBDNC.

What is the history of deprivation faced by these communities?

This has a long history, first during colonial rule, and then in independent India. The Renke Commission said this is partly because these communities are largely politically ‘quiet’ — they do not place their demands concretely before the government for they lack vocal leadership and also lack the patronage of a national leader.

Many commissions and committees constituted since Independence have referred to the problems of these communities. These include the Criminal Tribes Inquiry Committee, 1947 constituted in the United Provinces (now Uttar Pradesh), Ananthasayanam Ayyangar Committee in 1949 (it was based on the report of this committee the Criminal Tribes Act was repealed), and Kaka Kalelkar Commission (also called first OBC Commission) constituted in 1953. In 1965, an Advisory Committee constituted for revision of the SC and ST list under the chairmanship of B N Lokur referred to denotified tribes. The B P Mandal Commission constituted in 1980 also made some recommendations on the issue.

The National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution under the chairmanship of Justice M N Venkatachaliah, said in its 2002 report that: “The denotified tribes/communities have been wrongly stigmatized as crime prone and subjected to high handed treatment as well as exploitation by the representatives of law and order as well as by the general society.”

Written by Shyamlal Yadav

Source: Indian Express, 6/04/22

Scheme for Economic Empowerment of DNTs

 Minister of Social Justice and Empowerment, Dr Virendra Kumar is scheduled to launch the “Scheme for Economic Empowerment of DNTs (SEED)” on February 16, 2022.

Highlights

Scheme will be launched for the welfare of De-notified, Nomadic and Semi Nomadic Communities (DNCs) at Ambedkar International Centre, New Delhi.

How is this community deprived?

• DNTs are the most neglected, marginalized and economically & socially deprived communities.
• They have been living a life of destitution for generations.
• They have escaped attention of developmental framework and thus are deprived of support unlike SCs and STs.
• They never had access to private land or home ownership, historically.
• These tribes used forests and grazing lands for residential use and their livelihood.

National Commission for De-Notified, Nomadic and Semi Nomadic Tribe

Ministry of Social Justice & Empowerment decided to constitute a “National Commission for De-Notified, Nomadic and Semi Nomadic Tribes”. It was constituted under the Chairmanship of Bhiku Ramji Idate, for a period of three years. Commission submitted its report in December, 2017. In the report, commission prepared draft lists and details of number of communities.

Constitution of Development & Welfare Board for DNCs

On the basis of recommendations of National Commission, Ministry of Social Justice & Empowerment constituted “Development and Welfare Board for De-notified, Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Communities (DWBDNCs)” in 2019. Board has been tasked to formulate and implement welfare and development programmes for DNCs.

Outlay of the scheme

Under the scheme, approximately Rs 200 crore will be spent over a period of 5 years, starting from 2021-22 to 2025-26.

Components of the scheme

The Scheme comprises of four components:

1. To provide coaching of good quality for candidates from these communities, in order to enable them to appear in competitive examinations.
2. Free coaching for DNT Students has been envisioned for educational empowerment of these communities. This component was added with the objective of providing good coaching quality for DNT candidates for enabling them to appear in competitive examinations or take admission to professional courses viz., medicine, engineering, MBA, etc.
3. To provide health insurance to these Communities.
4. To facilitate livelihoods initiative at community level, in a bid to build and strengthen small clusters of DNT/NT/SNT Communities institutions.

Portal to implement the scheme

Scheme will be implemented through a portal, that has been developed by Department of Social Justice & Empowerment. Portal comprises of two modules:

1. One for registration of applicant with details of his family, income, Aadhar & bank details, occupation, caste certificate, etc.
2. Second part comprise of scheme component for which applicant wants to seek benefit with his UID.

Remembering Birsa Munda on Janjatiya Gaurav Divas

 

L Murugan writes: He was one of the tallest icons of India’s freedom movement and his contributions, along with others who were part of the struggles organised by tribal communities, must be acknowledged

As India celebrates Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav, one name stands tall among the galaxy of stars who fearlessly worked for the freedom of the motherland against the oppressive British Raj — Bhagwan Birsa Munda. Birsa Munda lived a short — just 25 years — but valiant life. His life story, full of gallant efforts to fight injustice and oppression, represents a strong voice of resistance against colonialism.

Born on November 15, 1875, in Ulihatu village in present-day Jharkhand, Birsa spent his childhood in abject poverty in a tribal Munda family. This was the time when the exploitative Raj started penetrating the deep jungles of Central and Eastern India, disrupting tribals living in harmony with nature. The Britisher introduced a feudal zamindari system in the Chhota Nagpur region, destroying the tribal “Khuntkatti” agrarian system. The Raj brought in the outsiders — moneylenders and contractors, as well as feudal landlords — who aided the British in their exploitation. The unrelenting missionary activity continued with the active support of the Raj, insulting and interfering with the religious-cultural ethos of Adivasis.

During the 1880s, Birsa closely witnessed the Sardari Larai movement in the region, which demanded the restoration of tribal rights through non-violent methods like sending petitions to the Raj. However, the oppressive colonial regime paid no heed to these demands. The zamindari system soon reduced the tribals from the status of landowners to that of labourers. The feudal setup intensified the forced labour (veth bigari) in the forested tribal areas. The exploitation of tribals now reached a breaking point.

This culminated in Birsa taking up the cause of Adivasis. He shed new light on the religious domain. He stood firm against missionaries who were belittling tribal life and culture. At the same time, Birsa worked to refine and reform religious practices, discouraged many superstitious rites. He brought in new tenets, prayers and worked to restore tribal pride. Birsa impressed upon the Adivasis the importance of “sirmare firun raja jai” or “victory to the ancestral king” — thus invoking the sovereignty of the tribals’ ancestral autonomous control over the land. Birsa became a mass leader and began to be considered as Bhagwan and Dharati Aba by his followers.

Birsa knew who the real enemy was — in addition to the dikus, it was the oppressive Raj. He was clear that “abua raj setar jana, maharani raj tundu jana” (let the kingdom of the Queen end and our kingdom be established). Bhagwan Birsa ignited the minds of the masses. The Mundas, Oraons, other Adivasis and non-Adivasis responded to his call and joined the “Ulgulan” or revolt against the colonial masters and exploitative dikus. Birsa asked the people not to pay any rent, and attacked the outposts of feudal, missionary and colonial authorities. With traditional bows and arrows, the tribals of Central and Eastern India waged an effective armed resistance against the British. In doing so, however, Birsa was careful that only the real exploiters were attacked, and the common people were not troubled. Birsa became an image of vitality and divinity. Soon, he was captured by British police and lodged in jail, where he died in captivity on June 9, 1900. But Bhagwan Birsa Munda’s spirited struggle did not go in vain. It compelled the British to take cognisance of the plight and exploitation of tribals, and bring in the Chhota Nagpur Tenancy Act of 1908 for their protection. This Act restricted the transfer of tribal land to non-tribals, giving Adivasis a huge relief and became a landmark legislation for the protection of tribal rights. The British regime also took steps to abolish Veth Bigari or forced labour.

Bhagwan Birsa Munda continues to inspire millions of Indians, 121 years after his death. He is an icon of valour, courage and leadership. He was a leader who took great pride in his rich culture and great traditions, but at the same time, did not shy away from reforming his own faith wherever necessary.

He is one of the tallest icons of our freedom movement. India’s freedom struggle was strengthened by several tribal communities such as Mundas, Oraons, Santhals, Tamars, Kols, Bhils, Khasis, Koyas and Mizos, to name a few. The revolutionary movements and struggles organised by tribal communities were marked by their immense courage and supreme sacrifice and inspired Indians all over the country.

However, established historians could not do justice to their immense contribution to India’s freedom struggle. Our visionary Prime Minister Narendra Modi appealed to all Indians to celebrate Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav and to study and understand the valour and sacrifice of many such unsung heroes in India’s freedom struggle. Under his dynamic leadership, for the first time, tribal pride and contributions are being given a fitting tribute by celebrating Janjatiya Gaurav Divas, on November 15 — the birth anniversary of Bhagwan Birsa Munda.

On this Janjatiya Gaurav Divas, let us remember and recognise the efforts of India’s tribal people for the preservation of their cultural heritage and the promotion of Indian values of valour, hospitality and national pride.

Source: Indian Express, 15/11/21

The arrogance of the ignorant

It is tragic that ‘New India’ chooses to attack Adivasis and forest-dwellers instead of those destroying its ecology

When the tsunami hit the Andaman and Nicobar Islands in 2004, thousands perished. However, some of the oldest Adivasi tribes, the Jarawas and the Onges, lost nobody. These communities followed animals to the highlands well before the waves hit. Formal education was of little survival value in a context where you needed swift instincts.

When Western drug and pharma corporations send their scouts to remote regions in India to look for herbs to patent, the scouts do not consult top Indian doctors or scientists first. They smuggle their way into jungles inhabited by Adivasis where, in a moment of weakness, an elderly woman adept in the healing arts may divulge a secret or two. Later, the companies might test the herb in their labs and find that the woman’s claims were correct. This has long been the staple of biopiracy.

That those forests inhabited by Adivasis are some of the best conserved in the subcontinent is a long-standing fact contrary to the understanding of supposedly educated Indians. What is invaluable is what is often described as ‘indigenous knowledge’ — as though the knowledge gained over centuries of lived experience is of somehow lower valency than the literacy acquired in a school, or perhaps of no value at all.

Relationship with nature

Sadly, the articulate arrogance of ‘New India’ is such that it is unable to see any virtue in the lives of Adivasis and other forest-dwellers who have lived in and by the forests since times immemorial. Ensconced as it is in the air-conditioned offices of metropolitan India, duly estranged from any living ecology of the earth, while fully predatory on it, it sees people who live in and by the jungles as ‘underdeveloped’ criminals who are among those responsible for the thinning of the forests.

This appears to be the view held by petitioners, including retired forest officers and conservation NGOs, in a lawsuit filed in the Supreme Court in 2008. They seem to believe that humans are not a part of nature and can never coexist with it. It is far from their imagination to distinguish between Adivasis who know something about living sensibly with nature and the rest of us, who do not.

That even the courts would fall to such abysmal levels of understanding has become a defining feature of the reforms era. On February 13, the Supreme Court ruled that over 1.12 million households from 17 States, who have had their claims rejected under the Forest Rights Act (FRA) 2006, are to be evicted by the State governments before July 27. It is not clear what fraction of these are individual claims and what fraction are community claims. Nor are all of these Adivasi households. Some might fall under the ‘other traditional forest-dwellers’ category. Critically, the Central government failed to send its attorney to the court. Ironically, the FRA contains no legal provision for the eviction of rejected claimants. In the face of loud protests from around the country, the court issued a stay order (till July 10) on its ruling. This suits the political goals of the incumbent BJP as it prepares for the polls. Many States are yet to give their details to the courts. Once they do, the number of households to be evicted may rise. Close to 8-10% of the Adivasi population may be asked to vacate their traditional homes and abandon their livelihoods. Has the court contemplated the gravity of the implications? Where are these people supposed to live and make a living? What justice is there in acting in such an inhumane manner?

It betrays ignorance. The judges know that we live in an ecologically imperilled time when metropolitan India has much to answer for its corporate-consumer excesses. And yet, it is among the weakest and the wisest that they choose to attack. The world’s largest refinery is coming up in the Konkan, uprooting 17 villages, over half a million cashew trees and over a million mango trees. Thousands of acres of Himalayan forests and over a hundred villages will be submerged by one of the world’s tallest dams coming up in Pancheshwar in Uttarakhand. Are the conservationist petitioners and courts doing anything to stop any of this? They show little courage when it comes to tackling the land mafias, builder-developers, realtors, constructors and miners, but their conscience is ablaze over conserving Adivasis in the jungles.

A dying civilisation

This is the arrogance of ignorant India and it shall not abdicate till it has laid to rest the last hopes of what was ‘a wounded civilisation’, and is now a dying one. For, let us be clear about one thing: freeing the forests of their traditional inhabitants is almost certain to expose their erstwhile habitats in short order to the speedy, organised depredations of the forces of what has come to be seen by the elites as ‘development’.

If remote habitats are emptied of Adivasis, there may be nobody to forewarn us when ecologically perilous tipping points are crossed in the future. To make matters worse, worrying amendments that have been proposed to the Indian Forest Act, 1927, which further strengthen the stranglehold of forest officials over India’s jungles and its inhabitants, have now been made public.

Perhaps some day, when their decisions affect them, the folly of their pronouncements will dawn upon those who preside on the fates of millions today. But it shall be too late then. Before July, the safe-keepers of justice might wish to ponder Gandhi’s words: “A time is coming when those, who are in the mad rush today of multiplying their wants, vainly thinking that they add to the real substance, real knowledge of the world, will retrace their steps and say: ‘What have we done?’”

Aseem Shrivastava is a Delhi-based writer and teaches Ecosophy at Ashoka University; Abhinav Gupta is an independent researcher who has worked on forest issues and the FRA

Source: The Hindu, 1/04/2019

Give details of those in forests facing eviction: Centre to states

Tribal Affairs Ministry Wants To Know Number Of Land Claims Rejected

In the backdrop of a Supreme Court order, the Centre has written to state governments seeking details of tribals and non-tribals who face eviction on account of rejection of claims to land patta (ownership document) as per provisions of the Forest Rights Act, 2006. An official source said the next course of action with regard to eviction of those unable to establish claims on the basis of being tribals or forest dwellers will be considered once the number of affected persons is established. If this turns out to be very large, the government may have to explore options even if claims have not been proved or involve non-tribals. Ministry of tribal affairs secretary Deepak Khandekar said the number of persons given pattas is known. “We know that about 19 lakh claims have been given patta. What is the exact status of the rest is what we have asked to know,” he said. Khandekar said states have been asked to reply with immediate effect. “The ministry may convene a meeting of states which work out how to deal with these cases and what will happen to those who face eviction,” he said. While forest rights groups accused the Centre of being silent in court, the SC order showed that additional solicitor general A Nadkarni and a team of lawyers represented the government. The MoTA secretary said lawyers representing the ministry were present in court but were not slated to make submissions, hence the question of not putting across the Centre’s point of view did not arise. Going by the ministry’s view, eviction is not an immediate threat but given the SC directions and lack of clarity on exact numbers, uncertainty shrouds many tribal and non-tribal families across states. “Any change in FRA provisions cannot happen at this stage as it will require approval of Parliament. So, only a new government will be able to take a decision if the law needs amendments,” said a source. On behalf of one of the petitioners Wildlife First, Praveen Bhargav told TOI, “The Supreme Court is presently focusing only on recovery of forest land from bogus claimants whose claims stand rejected. Such claimants continue to occupy a huge area of forest land, including within national parks and sanctuaries, even though their claims have been rejected after due verification and an appeals process.” Forest rights groups, however, countered by saying the apex court order was a major blow to the struggle of tribals and forest dwellers for justice. The next hearing is in July where states have to tell the status of those claims that have not been granted pattas. The questions to be answered involve how many claims are pending, how many are rejected and what is the status of those rejected

Source: Times of India, 22/02/2019

Protect indigenous people

Implementation of the various provisions to protect the tribals of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands has been poor

The debates following the recent alleged killing of an American national, John Allen Chau, by the Sentinelese have put the spotlight on the vulnerability of an indigenous community that has lived for thousands of years with little contact with outsiders. The Sentinelese have been more fortunate than the Jarawas, though. The Andaman Trunk Road, among other projects, has cut into the heart of the Jarawa reserve, which has not only disturbed their ecological environment but also changed their lifestyle and dietary habits and endangered them.

There are four ancient Negrito tribal communities in the Andaman Islands (the Great Andamanese, Onge, Jarawa and Sentinelese) and two Mongoloid tribal communities in the Nicobar Islands (the Shompen and Nicobarese). Except the Nicobarese, the populations of the other tribes have reduced drastically over the decades.

From Nehru to now

What has been India’s policy towards these tribals? Jawaharlal Nehru’s Tribal Panchsheel were the guiding principles after Independence to formulate policies for the indigenous communities of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands. Based on them, the Andaman and Nicobar Islands (Protection of Aboriginal Tribes) Regulation (ANPATR), 1956 was promulgated by the President. This Regulation protected the tribals from outside interference, specified the limits of reserved areas and said no land in a reserved area shall be allotted for agricultural purposes or sold or mortgaged to outsiders. Those violating the land rights of the tribals were to be imprisoned for one year, fined Rs. 1,000, or both. Despite this, there continued to be constant interactions between the tribals and settlers/ outsiders.

A policy of non-intervention was also proposed by an expert committee on the directions of the Supreme Court. The committee submitted its report in July 2003. The trigger for this was a 1999 petition that sought to bring the Jarawas into the mainstream. The committee recommended protecting the Jarawas from harmful contact with outsiders, preserving their cultural and social identity, conserving their land and advocated sensitising settlers about the Jarawas.

In 2005, nearly 50 years after it was promulgated, the ANPATR was amended. The term of imprisonment as well as the fine were increased. However, in the years in between, the Andaman Trunk Road had already ensured increased interaction with the tribals. In the case of the Jarawas, this had led to the spread of diseases, sexual exploitation, and begging. Similarly, a policy for protecting the Shompen tribes was released only in 2015. However, in spite of the 2005 amendment, videos of commercial exploitation of the Jarawas in the name of “human safaris” were widely reported in the media. Following this, the government amended the ANPATR yet again in 2012, creating a buffer zone contiguous to the Jarawa tribal reserve where commercial establishments were prohibited, and regulating tourist operators. Despite all these amendments and provisions, there continue to be numerous reports of civilian intrusion into the Jarawa tribal reserve.

International conventions

International policy has changed over the decades. While the Indigenous and Tribal Populations Convention, 1957, of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) insisted on an integrationist approach towards tribal communities, the 1989 convention insisted on a policy of non-intervention, “recognising the aspirations of these peoples to exercise control over their own institutions, ways of life and economic development.” India ratified the 1957 convention but has not ratified the 1989 convention. However, despite not signing it, India tried to tread the path of non-interference.

Therefore it it puzzling that in August the government relaxed the restricted area permit (RAP) for 29 islands in the Andaman and Nicobar, including North Sentinel Island. If the government has decided to ease the restrictions in a phased manner, this could adversely affect the indigenous population in the long run. Such commercialisation of tribal spaces could lead to encroachment of land, as we see in other parts of the country. Considering the significance of the indigenous tribes of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, the government needs to reorient its priorities towards protecting them from outside influence. India needs to sign the 1989 convention of the ILO, and implement its various policies to protect the rights of the indigenous population. It should also make efforts to sensitise settlers and outsiders about them. That Chau was helped in his journey shows a lack of understanding about the Sentinelese. Only concrete efforts can prevent such an incident from happening again.

Venkatanarayanan S. is Assistant Professor, Andaman Law College, Port Blair

Source: The HIndu, 29/11/2018