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Showing posts with label Budget. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Budget. Show all posts

Wednesday, January 19, 2022

What the budget needs to do

 

Naushad Forbes writes: It must deliver on economic inclusion, incentivise job creation, invest in education and skilling


The last two quarters have seen a substantive recovery in the Indian economy. As growth has rebounded, so too has every indicator of the formal economy. Corporate profitability of our largest firms has hit a new record this year. So have GST collections, another indicator of the formal economy, with an average monthly collection of Rs 1.2 trillion in the second and third quarters. The budget deficit is expected to be well under what we forecasted last year. All of this is good news.

The glass though is half full. As many commentators have pointed out, the informal economy was particularly badly hit by Covid and its associated lockdowns. Small enterprises, retail, hospitality, and construction were all hammered. These were our main source of recent employment growth. Agricultural employment has risen in the last year-and-a-half, while manufacturing and services employment has fallen — this is the opposite of development. Informal urban employment has led to first-time buyers of everything from toothpaste to two-wheelers. This consumption story has driven our economic growth for the last 30 years. Informal service sector jobs may not seem like great jobs to us, but they are greatly prized relative to eking out a marginal existence in agriculture.

Covid and its associated restrictions have been a perfect storm for the informally employed. A study by researchers from Azim Premji University tells us that both earnings and employment fell for those at the bottom of the urban employment pyramid. We need to insure the most vulnerable against such shocks, but even more, we need to create good job opportunities for the unskilled, equip people at all levels to participate more fully in the modern economy, and systemically promote wider policies of inclusion. What can the budget do?

It needs to create good jobs for the unskilled. The way it can do so directly is through accelerating spending on infrastructure. The National Infrastructure Pipeline has identified a good set of projects. The government should be complimented for its intention and ambition; what we need now is implementation. To have a bigger impact on the economy, we need to invest quickly and at scale. A credible time-bound implementation plan is what we should hear about in the budget.

Most countries developed by putting millions to work in labour-intensive manufacturing. Millions of the unskilled and less-educated can be employed in good manufacturing jobs where average productivity is 15 times the national average. We do not have the huge firms in export-oriented labour-intensive sectors that employ millions in China, Vietnam, and Bangladesh. Foxconn’s largest factory in China, making iPhones among other products, reportedly employs 4,00,000 people. It employs over 1 million in the country overall. Compare that 1 million with 15 million employed in all larger manufacturing companies in India. Samsung employs 1,00,000 people in its largest phone assembly plant in Vietnam. These giant factories are missing in India.

Take another example of labour-intensive manufacturing. A company we visited in Vietnam manufactures agarbattis. They learnt by sending 10 workers to a factory near Chennai for training. Today they employ 10,000 people making agarbattis, which they mainly export to India. Even when the technology is Indian and the market is India, mass manufacturing seems to be more efficient 4,000 km away from the country. The economics must be fixed — we need labour reform, so employing people is less expensive and improved logistics to move goods around more cheaply.

We need not look too far to learn how. In 2020, Bangladesh overtook India in per capita GDP. Bangladesh has thrived by putting millions to work in manufacturing. A booming garment sector employs 4.4 million. A large garment factory in Bangladesh employs 30,000-50,000 people — 10 times what you’d find in India. As 80 per cent of those employed in garment factories are women, Bangladesh has twice the female labour force participation ratio of India. In June and September 2020, the government passed four labour laws that are a major step forward in helping balance flexibility with protection for labour, formal and informal. These laws have since been left dormant. The budget should announce a time frame for implementation, notification by the Union government and then by the states.

The budget must also look at investments in education and skilling. In the absence of massive employment in unskilled occupations, we must depend on education and skills. India has among the least skilled workforces in the world. Under 5 per cent of our workforce is formally skilled, compared to 96 per cent in South Korea, 75 per cent in Germany and 52 per cent in the US. That is why the work of the National Skills Development Corporation is so important and must go much further and faster. Can the budget specify how it will be empowered to function as originally designed: An independent entity controlled and run by the private sector that is then held accountable for delivering on our skilling targets?

Education is even more important, especially primary education. Pratham’s education reports make for sobering reading. Their last comprehensive report says that just 44 per cent of children in Class V can read a text meant for Class II. And just 23 per cent of children in Class V can do division. With schools closed for the last year-and-a-half in most states, education outcomes have fallen further. The New Education Policy has a proposal that every second standard child should be able to read and do arithmetic at the second standard level as a foundation for further education. This welcome initiative must receive greater dedication and focus from both government and industry. School education is a state subject, so the Union budget can at best incentivise states to do the right things, say by linking the flow of additional funds to those that demonstrate improved second standard learning outcomes.

Industry can help too. As a part of CSR, many companies work actively with schools. Education is already the largest single area for CSR spending, accounting for one-third of the Rs 9,000 crore spent by the top 100 companies. My best estimate is that the top 1,000 firms in the CII membership work with around 30,000 schools. Assuming an average second standard student body of 50 per school, if every CII company worked on this one goal of ensuring a child entering the third standard can read and do arithmetic at the second standard level, we could improve education outcomes for 15,00,000 children a year. Can the budget incentivise companies to go beyond their mandated 2 per cent CSR spend by deducting the increment from profit before tax?

Other policies for economic inclusion must go beyond social inclusion. These include measures like reducing tariffs to benefit millions of consumers instead of thousands of firms. Industrial policies that help all firms such as the ease of doing business, instead of incentivising a selected few. For more on these, I would refer the reader to my book, The Struggle and the Promise: Restoring India’s Potential, published this month. A good budget would be an inclusive budget.

Written by Naushad Forbes

Source: Indian Express, 19/02/22

Thursday, April 01, 2021

James Wilson, the British economist who presented India’s first ‘budget’

 In 1859, as the British Crown was still recovering from the injuries caused to it by the mutiny of 1857, it appointed a Scottish businessman to find a solution to India’s financial crisis. James Wilson, better known at that time as the founder of The Economist newspaper, had a credible presence in England for his firm grasp over economic theory and policy as well as a practical knowledge of commercial affairs. Karl Marx in his ‘Capital’ had described Wilson as ‘an economic mandarin of high standing’.

Wilson would go on to present the first-ever budget in India in 1860. He is credited with introducing a financial budget in India framed upon the English model. Although Wilson’s budget did receive some criticism for not taking into consideration Indian conditions, it did lay down the foundations of the way in which several economic institutions in India would go on to function, especially that of the income tax.

Who was James Wilson?

Wilson was born in Hawick, a town at the Scottish borders in 1805, to a Quaker family. At the young age of 16, he became an apprentice at a hat factory. While he worked through the day, Wilson would spend tHis father, a woollen manufacturer, went on to buy the factory for Wilson and his brother. In 1824, the two brothers shifted the business to London where it flourished.

During the economic crisis of 1837, Wilson lost most of his wealth. He sold most of his remaining property to avoid bankruptcy.

A decade later in 1853, Wilson founded the Chartered Bank of India, Australia and China, which later became the Standard Chartered Bank in 1969.

A strong critic of the Corn Laws which imposed heavy restrictions on imported food and grain, Wilson in 1843 founded The Economist as a newspaper to campaign for free trade.

Wilson’s intellectual engagements with the economic issues of the time were reflected in his writings including ‘The influence of Corn laws’ (1839), ‘Fluctuations of currency’ (1840) and ‘Capital, currency and banking’ (1847).

He entered the House of Commons as a Liberal member of Parliament from Westbury in 1847. Given his economic expertise, Wilson was appointed Secretary of the Board of Control, which oversaw the activities of the EIC in British India. Incidentally, he played a leading role in the organisation of railway construction in India during this period. He also served as the Financial Secretary to the Treasury from 1853 to 1858.
In August 1859, Wilson resigned from his seat in the Parliament as he was sent off to India, to remodel the country’s financial system which remained battered after the Mutiny.

What were the changes brought about by Wilson’s budget of 1860?

The crisis being faced by the British empire post the Mutiny is well evidenced by the enormous increase in annual military expenses. “The annual expenditure for the army, military police, new levies, police, and military public works went up from R. 13.2 crores (1856-57), to Rs. 17.2 crores (1857-58) and Rs. 24.7 crores (1858-59) and in the same period the debts of the government of India increased by 36 percent,” writes historian Sabyasachi Bhattacharya in his book, ‘The Financial foundations of the British Raj: Ideas and interests in the reconstruction of Indian public finance (1858-1872).he nights reading up on economics.

Reacting to the needs of the time, Wilson wrote, “reforms become possible only when an emergency arises. Such an emergency has now arisen and reform and changes are now possible that have not been possible in our day.”

As the Indian Finance Member, the man appointed to solve the Mutiny crisis, Wilson resolved to introduce major institutional changes and hoped to ensure the influence of economic principles in the financial management of India. The major proposals made by Wilson included taxing the trading classes, a government paper currency, reform of the financial system with budgets, estimates and auditing, creation of a civil police, and a department for public works and roads. He is also credited for having set up a military finance commission and a civil finance commission.

Wilson presented his budget on February 18, 1860. He introduced three kinds of taxes- income tax, license tax and tobacco duty. However, only the first one went through, as the other two were dropped on the demand of the governor-general of India, Charles Canning.

The budget did receive some criticism, chief among them being from the governor of Madras, Charles Trevelyan, found Wilson to be too ‘theoretical’ with a tendency to ignore ‘Indian conditions’. Wilson’s biographer, Walter Bagehot, however, acknowledged the thought put by him in formulating the budget: “Although the people had to be gently led towards the path of economic science, yet he wished to show the kindest consideration towards the thought and sentiments springing from their historical antecedents.” Bhattacharya in his book notes that Wilson “took enormous care to establish the view that income tax was in consonance with the ancient Hindu laws codified in Manusmriti.”

Wilson died the same year he presented the budget, having contracted dysentery in the scorching heat of Calcutta. Despite the prominent public role he played in the economic history of India, he was buried inconspicuously at the Scottish cemetery in Mullick Bazaar in Calcutta. It was only in 2007 that the grave happened to be discovered by C P Bhatia, a joint commissioner of income tax who was researching for a book on India’s taxation history.

Written by Adrija Roychowdhury 

Source: Indian Express, 1/02/21


Tuesday, February 02, 2021

Education Budget 2021: Stress on research and innovation, less focus on digital education; here’s how experts reacted

 Education Budget 2021: In the Union Budget 2021 presented today by Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman, major announcements have been made in the education sector — from apprenticeship programme to skill graduates to a central university in Leh. The budget also highlighted the implementation of the National Education Policy (NEP), and stressed on strengthening higher education, innovations and research.

Though institutes heads have welcome the budget, many experts are unhappy for less focus on the digitisation of education. Here are the reactions:

No tax relief for service providers

India’s future lies in its ability to train and up-skill its youth and in turn create a highly skilled employable workforce, which is ready for the future. However, the budget did not do much to support this vision nor did it present new reforms for the higher education sector.For instance, for the adoption of the National Education Policy which was announced in July 2020, higher education institutions will have to invest in technology and training. But the budget missed out on introducing any measures to support the adoption of NEP. It also missed out on bringing in methods to fast-track digitisation of education that could have helped the country improve its GER and bring in many more aspirants into the fold of higher education.

One of the other aspects which required immediate attention, but was overlooked is providing tax relief for service providers in the sector which could have brought down the cost of education for the learners.

The only silver lining was the proposal to amend the Apprenticeship Act – a focus towards degree apprenticeship programs can help create a new form of education that solves the problem of employability, higher education financing and skill development. The budgetary allocation towards research shall be helpful in bringing a cultural shift in higher education – quality research projects driven by Indian institutions can prove extremely beneficial for the country in the long run.”

— Shantanu Rooj, Founder & CEO, Schoolguru Eduserve 

Emphasis on research will rejuvenate existing infrastructure

The Union Budget 2021 has accorded the much-needed importance to research and innovation ecosystem of India with a budget outlay of Rs 50,000 crore to be spent over a period of five years. It is heartening to learn that the finance minister emphasised on ‘Innovation, Research & Development ’ as one of the six important pillars of the Budget. It will not only help rejuvenate the existing infrastructure but also ensure that the overall research ecosystem of the country is strengthened with focus on identified national-priority thrust areas.

NEP’s plans to set up Higher Education Commission of India, improve digital infrastructure, collaboration with foreign institutions along with the announcement for skill training partnerships with countries like Japan and the UAE are a sign of the government’s renewed focus on reinvigorating the country’s human capital.

The launch of the investment clearance cell and the proposal to incentivise the incorporation of One Person Companies (OPC) will also encourage individuals as well as startups with entrepreneurial potential.

— Prof Debashis Chatterjee, Director, IIM-Kozhikode

Skill initiatives will boost employability quotient

The budget will boost the government’s drive to promote higher education. The allocation of Rs 50,000 crore in the research and development sector in the next five years is an indication of India heading in its endeavour towards becoming a global tech infused innovation hub — an important step towards “Atmanirbhar Bharat”. The allocation of Rs 8,000 crore for National Mission on Quantum Computing and Technology will help in establishing our strength in this upcoming technology of the future.

The skilling initiative announced in the budget will explore the untapped potential amongst the Indian youth, boosting their employability quotient, he said.

— Abhay Karandikar, Director, IIT-Kanpur, 

Increased expenses of electronic product is a problem

This is a realistic budget and the allocations for health, education, and skill development are really good initiatives. We were expecting digitalisation in education but increasing expenses of mobile and electronic products will lead to hurdles in education and this is a step backward in digital India. This budget will be a boost for healthcare and infrastructure and will strengthen NEP. The FM has allocated over Rs 3,000 crore funds with a forward-looking training plan towards the success of Atmanirbhar Bharat. Opening a college in Leh, collaboration with Japan for training and inter-training programmes to facilitate transfer of Japanese industrial and vocational skills, techniques and knowledge are positive signs. Though the government made a move by increasing the number of universities, amendments in the apprenticeship training scheme and training scheme, this may not be enough for the world’s largest young population with 600 million people under the age of 25 years.

P.C. Chhabra- Executive Director, Sanskriti University

Source: Indian Express, 1/02/21

James Wilson, the British economist who presented India’s first ‘budget’

 In 1859, as the British Crown was still recovering from the injuries caused to it by the mutiny of 1857, it appointed a Scottish businessman to find a solution to India’s financial crisis. James Wilson, better known at that time as the founder of The Economist newspaper, had a credible presence in England for his firm grasp over economic theory and policy as well as a practical knowledge of commercial affairs. Karl Marx in his ‘Capital’ had described Wilson as ‘an economic mandarin of high standing’.

Wilson would go on to present the first-ever budget in India in 1860. He is credited with introducing a financial budget in India framed upon the English model. Although Wilson’s budget did receive some criticism for not taking into consideration Indian conditions, it did lay down the foundations of the way in which several economic institutions in India would go on to function, especially that of the income tax.

Who was James Wilson?

Wilson was born in Hawick, a town at the Scottish borders in 1805, to a Quaker family. At the young age of 16, he became an apprentice at a hat factory. While he worked through the day, Wilson would spend the nights reading up on economics.His father, a woollen manufacturer, went on to buy the factory for Wilson and his brother. In 1824, the two brothers shifted the business to London where it flourished.

During the economic crisis of 1837, Wilson lost most of his wealth. He sold most of his remaining property to avoid bankruptcy.

A decade later in 1853, Wilson founded the Chartered Bank of India, Australia and China, which later became the Standard Chartered Bank in 1969.

A strong critic of the Corn Laws which imposed heavy restrictions on imported food and grain, Wilson in 1843 founded The Economist as a newspaper to campaign for free trade.

Wilson’s intellectual engagements with the economic issues of the time were reflected in his writings including ‘The influence of Corn laws’ (1839), ‘Fluctuations of currency’ (1840) and ‘Capital, currency and banking’ (1847).

He entered the House of Commons as a Liberal member of Parliament from Westbury in 1847. Given his economic expertise, Wilson was appointed Secretary of the Board of Control, which oversaw the activities of the EIC in British India. Incidentally, he played a leading role in the organisation of railway construction in India during this period. He also served as the Financial Secretary to the Treasury from 1853 to 1858.
In August 1859, Wilson resigned from his seat in the Parliament as he was sent off to India, to remodel the country’s financial system which remained battered after the Mutiny.

What were the changes brought about by Wilson’s budget of 1860?

The crisis being faced by the British empire post the Mutiny is well evidenced by the enormous increase in annual military expenses. “The annual expenditure for the army, military police, new levies, police, and military public works went up from R. 13.2 crores (1856-57), to Rs. 17.2 crores (1857-58) and Rs. 24.7 crores (1858-59) and in the same period the debts of the government of India increased by 36 percent,” writes historian Sabyasachi Bhattacharya in his book, ‘The Financial foundations of the British Raj: Ideas and interests in the reconstruction of Indian public finance (1858-1872).Reacting to the needs of the time, Wilson wrote, “reforms become possible only when an emergency arises. Such an emergency has now arisen and reform and changes are now possible that have not been possible in our day.”

As the Indian Finance Member, the man appointed to solve the Mutiny crisis, Wilson resolved to introduce major institutional changes and hoped to ensure the influence of economic principles in the financial management of India. The major proposals made by Wilson included taxing the trading classes, a government paper currency, reform of the financial system with budgets, estimates and auditing, creation of a civil police, and a department for public works and roads. He is also credited for having set up a military finance commission and a civil finance commission.

Wilson presented his budget on February 18, 1860. He introduced three kinds of taxes- income tax, license tax and tobacco duty. However, only the first one went through, as the other two were dropped on the demand of the governor-general of India, Charles Canning.

The budget did receive some criticism, chief among them being from the governor of Madras, Charles Trevelyan, found Wilson to be too ‘theoretical’ with a tendency to ignore ‘Indian conditions’. Wilson’s biographer, Walter Bagehot, however, acknowledged the thought put by him in formulating the budget: “Although the people had to be gently led towards the path of economic science, yet he wished to show the kindest consideration towards the thought and sentiments springing from their historical antecedents.” Bhattacharya in his book notes that Wilson “took enormous care to establish the view that income tax was in consonance with the ancient Hindu laws codified in Manusmriti.”Wilson died the same year he presented the budget, having contracted dysentery in the scorching heat of Calcutta. Despite the prominent public role he played in the economic history of India, he was buried inconspicuously at the Scottish cemetery in Mullick Bazaar in Calcutta. It was only in 2007 that the grave happened to be discovered by C P Bhatia, a joint commissioner of income tax who was researching for a book on India’s taxation history.

Source: Indian Express, 1/02/21

Wednesday, March 02, 2016

A continued attack on social sectors

Budget allocations are too miserly for good quality delivery of nutrition, health and education services

Despite all the hype about India’s rapid growth in the face of global gloom, it is evident to most observers that all is not well in the Indian economy. Rural distress is growing; public social service delivery is in a state of collapse in many states because of the drastic cuts in central transfers to state governments under these heads; employment growth (especially formal jobs) is simply not picking up; banks are under stress of non-performing loans; and investment rates continue to fall. Clearly, the economy is urgently in need of a demand stimulus as well as more government spending on infrastructure and public services.
In the face of all this, the central government needs to have a clear game plan for putting the economy on a stable and viable footing, recognizing that the headwinds from external forces will continue. Grand promises and high-profile photo-op events to entice investors are no longer enough, especially as they have achieved precious little in the past two years. The chimera that simply bringing in a goods and services tax will somehow generate a massive economic revival has to be put to rest as well, although it can serve as a convenient excuse for the government in case (as is likely) the various problems in the economy remain unaddressed.
This is a period when the government could actually have utilized the facts that wholesale price inflation is actually negative and the economy is the beneficiary of very low global oil prices, to launch a strategy focussed on more employment generation and meting people’s basic needs. So, the continued insistence on fiscal discipline at this time is surprising. All the more so when such discipline is really at the expense of the poor who are bearing the brunt of the indirect tax burden and who lose out from the lack of access to good quality publicly delivered goods and services.
Sadly, the government does not seem to have learned that investing in the social sectors is not about the “welfarism” that it seems to detest, but about creating a pathway for inclusive and sustainable growth. So, its attitude remains miserly, dishing out little portions of money in dribbles that are nowhere near enough to provide even the minimum in terms of decent and good quality delivery of nutrition, health and education services.
Consider the allocations in budget 2016-17 for social expenditures. Despite all the rhetoric about providing health insurance for all (an election promise of the Bharatiya Janata Party that now seems almost insulting to the people), the allocation to the ministry of health and family welfare has increased by a paltry ` 4,240 crore, barely enough to keep the amount at the same abysmally low level of 0.24% of GDP (gross domestic product).
The budget of the ministry of education has increased only slightly. Allocations for school education have increased by a minuscule ` 1,367 crore, hardly sufficient to ensure the much-needed expansion and universalization of good quality secondary education. Meanwhile, the current government anger at universities seems to be reflected in its purse strings, as the budget of the University Grants Commission has been slashed to less than half of the current year’s spending, from ` 9,315 crore to only ` 4,492 crore.
The worst fate is reserved for women and children, despite the florid concerns expressed in the budget speech. The entire ministry will experience a real cut as the increased allocation does not keep pace with projected inflation. But worst of all, the allocation for the Integrated Child Development Services programme (which is still not universalized) has actually been cut in nominal terms, from ` 15,394 crore to ` 14,000 crore. As states are struggling to find ways of even paying the anganwadi workers and helpers who are the backbone of the programme, it is terrible to think what will happen if such a stringent cut is actually implemented.
Arun Jaitley proudly declared that he has increased the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme allocation to the highest ever level of ` 38,500 crore— but that is false, as the spending under this head reached ` 38,552 crore in 2013-14. At only 0.25% of GDP, this would also be much lower than the 0.59% that was achieved in 2009-10. And this also conceals the arrears that must be paid by the centre for this programme. As many as 21 states are still waiting for the money they have already spent that the central government has yet to pay them for the current year, so the final allocation will be around ` 6,500 crore less if that is accounted for.
What is also bizarre is that while the National Democratic Alliance government finally seems to have woken up to the ongoing agrarian crisis, it seems to think that the matter can be addressed by budgetary sleight of hand rather than real action. So, the finance minister declared what at first appears to be an enormous increase in the budget for agriculture, but it turns out that most of that is because of the fact that the interest subsidy on loans to farmers, which was previously under the head of the finance ministry, has simply been moved to the ministry of agriculture. If that ` 15,000 crore is taken out (as it should be), the increase in the budget for agriculture is much more piffling, to the point where it increases from 0.17% of GDP to 0.19% of GDP—hardly enough to make much of a difference to the conditions of farmers.
Sadly, the economic advisers of this government appear to have learned very little from their relative lack of success since mid-2014. Which in turn means that the Indian people will continue to suffer from the state reneging on its responsibility to ensure their social and economic rights.

Source: Mint epaper, 2-03-2016