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Showing posts with label Migration. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Migration. Show all posts

Monday, March 11, 2024

2023 Deadliest Year for Migrants: UN-IOM

 he year 2023 has been the deadliest year on record for migrants, with at least 8,565 deaths documented by the International Organization for Migration’s (IOM) Missing Migrants Project. This tragic figure represents a 20 percent increase compared to 2022, underscoring the urgent need for action to prevent further loss of life.

Remembering the Lives Lost

As the Missing Migrants Project marks its tenth year, IOM Deputy Director General Ugochi Daniels emphasized the importance of remembering the lives lost and the impact on families and communities. The alarming figures serve as a reminder of the need for greater action to ensure safe migration for all.

Data on Migrant Deaths 2014-2023

The total number of migrant deaths in 2023 surpassed the previous record year of 2016, which saw 8,084 deaths. Since the inception of the Missing Migrants Project in 2014, slightly more than half of the deaths were a result of drowning, with nine percent caused by vehicle accidents and seven percent by violence.

Deadliest Migration Routes

The Mediterranean crossing remains the deadliest route for migrants on record, with at least 3,129 deaths and disappearances in 2023, the highest death toll in the region since 2017. Unprecedented numbers of migrant deaths were also recorded across Africa (1,866) and Asia (2,138), with most deaths in Africa occurring in the Sahara Desert and the sea route to the Canary Islands, and hundreds of deaths of Afghan and Rohingya refugees recorded in Asia.

Challenges in Data Collection

Since its establishment in 2014, the Missing Migrants Project has documented more than 63,000 cases worldwide. However, the true figure is estimated to be much higher due to challenges in data collection, particularly in remote locations and on maritime routes where boats may disappear without a trace.

Importance of the Missing Migrants Project

The Missing Migrants Project serves as the sole indicator measuring the level of ‘safety’ of migration in the Sustainable Development Goals and the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration. Its upcoming report will provide detailed analysis of missing migrants data from 2023 and key facts and figures over the last ten years.

About IOM

The International Organization for Migration (IOM) is the principal United Nations Related Organization working in the field of migration. Established in 1951, IOM is the leading intergovernmental organization thta works closely with governmental, intergovernmental and non-governmental partners. With 175 member states, a further 8 states holding observer status and offices in 171 countries, IOM is dedicated to promoting humane and orderly migration for the benefit of all. It does so by providing services and advice to governments and migrants.

Thursday, March 09, 2023

Concern over north Indian workers in Tamil Nadu: What the numbers say about India’s migrants

 

A possible exodus of migrant workers from Tamil Nadu has raised concern after videos showed purported attacks on Hindi-speaking men. Here’s what is known about India’s inter-state migration numbers.


Manufacturers in Tamil Nadu have expressed concern over the possibility of North Indian workers leaving the state after videos — rejected as fake by the government — purportedly showing Hindi-speaking men being assaulted, created panic among migrants. Almost a million migrants are estimated to work in Tamil Nadu, and industry bodies fear the state’s industrial and manufacturing sector would be severely impacted by an exodus. The large scale reverse migration of workers to their home states during the Covid-19 lockdown three years ago had seriously disrupted economic activity.

The government data on migration within the country is not comprehensive and, in many cases, old. The 2011 census reported the number of internal migrants in India at 45.36 crore, making up 37% of the country’s population. This number included both inter-state migrants and migrants within each state. The annual net migrant flows amounted to about 1 per cent of the working age population.

As per the 2011 census, India’s workforce was 48.2 crore strong. This figure is estimated to have exceeded 50 crore in 2016 — the Economic Survey that year pegged the size of the migrant workforce at roughly 20 per cent of the population, or more than 10 crore individuals.

District-wise migration data in the Economic Survey for 2016-17 showed that the highest influx of migrants within the country was in city-districts such as Gurugram, Delhi, and Mumbai; along with Gautam Budh Nagar (Uttar Pradesh); Indore and Bhopal (Madhya Pradesh); Bengaluru (Karnataka); and Thiruvallur, Chennai, Kancheepuram, Erode, and Coimbatore (Tamil Nadu).

The highest outward movement of migrant workers was from Muzaffarnagar, Bijnor, Moradabad, Rampur, Kaushambi, Faizabad, and 33 other districts of Uttar Pradesh; Uttarkashi, Chamoli, Rudra Prayag, Tehri Garhwal, Pauri Garhwal, Pithoragarh, Bageshwar, Almora, and Champawat in Uttarakhand; Churu, Jhunjhunu, and Pali in Rajasthan; DarbhangaGopalganj, Siwan, Saran, Sheikhpura, Bhojpur, Buxar, and Jehanabad in Bihar; Dhanbad, Lohardaga, and Gumla in Jharkhand; and Ratnagiri and Sindhudurg in Maharashtra.

As per the Report of the Working Group on Migration, 2017 under the Ministry of Housing and Urban Poverty Alleviation, 17 districts accounted for the top 25% of India’s total male out-migration. Ten of these districts are in UP, six in Bihar, and one in Odisha. (See map above)

“Relatively less developed states such as Bihar and Uttar Pradesh have high net out-migration. Relatively more developed states take positive CMM (Cohort-based Migration Metric) values reflecting net immigration: Goa, Delhi, Maharashtra, Gujarat, Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Karnataka. The largest recipient was the Delhi region, which accounted for more than half of migration in 2015-16, while Uttar Pradesh and Bihar taken together account for half of total out-migrants. Maharashtra, Goa and Tamil Nadu had major net in-migration, while Jharkhand and Madhya Pradesh had major net out-migration,” the Economic Survey said.

More recent numbers

A report, ‘Migration in India 2020-21’, released by the Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation in June 2022 had collated some numbers for temporary visitors and migrants. As per the report, 0.7 per cent of the country’s population was recorded as a ‘temporary visitor’ across households during the July 2020-June 2021 period after the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic in March 2020.

While temporary visitors were defined as those who arrived in households after March 2020 and stayed continuously for a period of 15 days or more but less than 6 months, ‘migrants’ were defined as those for whom the last usual place of residence any time in the past is different from the present place of enumeration.

Over 84 per cent of these 0.7 per cent temporary visitors moved places for reasons linked to the pandemic, ranging from loss of job/ closure of unit/ lack of employment opportunities, migration of earning member, closure of educational institutions and health-related reasons, and meeting family/ relatives/ friends, it showed.

A total 48.9 per cent of temporary visitors moved to meet family/ relatives/ friends between July 2020 and June 2021, while 15.7 per cent of such temporary visitors moved for health-related reasons, and 12.2 per cent due to loss of job/ closure of unit/ lack of employment opportunities.

The all-India migration rate was 28.9 per cent for July 2020-June 2021, with a 26.5 per cent migration rate in rural areas and 34.9 per cent in urban areas.

Females recorded a higher share of migration rate of 47.9 per cent; 48 per cent in rural and 47.8 per cent in urban areas. Migration rate for males was 10.7 per cent, with 5.9 per cent in rural and 22.5 per cent in urban areas.

Among females, the highest level of migration rate was seen at 86.8 per cent for marriage, while 49.6 per cent of the males migrated in search of employment, to take up better employment/ business/ proximity to place of work, or loss of job/ closure of unit/ lack of employment opportunities.

Written by Aanchal Magazine

Source: Indian Express, 7/03/23

Friday, December 02, 2022

Why tracking migration is important for nutrition schemes

 

A plan that focuses on targeting and triaging the most vulnerable — a strategy that keeps them at the centre without silos — might just be what we need to move one step forward in improving the wellbeing of people.


It seemed like a data anomaly when we looked at the temporal pattern of malnourishment in the tribal sub-division of Dharni in Maharashtra’s Amravati district. An April peak in the number of children with Severe Acute Malnutrition (SAM) and Moderate Acute Malnutrition (MAM) surprised us. The common sense of nutrition discourse dictates that the peak should be in monsoon when diarrhoea takes over, or in winter when hypothermia is the devil for children. We re-checked our data and went back to previous years — this only seemed to confirm our findings. Every year, for at least the past three years, numbers had peaked in April. And, this was no small peak. The numbers went up more than five times suddenly, with two tribal blocks having more SAM and MAM children than the rest of the 12 blocks combined. The numbers kept reducing steadily all year round before peaking again in April.

What was happening? After some discussions, we realised that several families were returning to Dharni from migrated places in March for Holi (the biggest festival here), then going back to fulfil contracts, only to come back “permanently” in the kharif season when cropping begins (there was a smaller peak at June). Our later pursuits revealed a more direct correlation in Nandurbar, a tribal district in Maharashtra, where a 2018 UNICEF study had followed the same cohort of children, before and after migration. SAM numbers increased fourfold, MAM too doubled — at least half of the migrated children. Given the geographical complications of migration as well as a lack of data, such studies have been few.

Migration became the buzzword during the Covid pandemic in cities. However, rural migration has continued for years. In tribal areas especially — owing to lack of industry, issues with forest rights, or its implementation, and lack of irrigation facilities — migration extends to six to eight months a year.

The first question that I asked myself was that if people are staying somewhere else for over half a year, wasn’t that place as much their home? Multiple government schemes — for strengthening education, health, connectivity, water supply, electricity — work on the assumption that people are going to stay in villages to reap the fruits of what this capital and operation will sow. This assumption falls flat in high migration areas and the understanding of an inter-relationship between long-term nutrition, migration and livelihood (including, most of all, MGNREGS) goes askew.

We decided to work on our findings last year and asked a few questions: Where were people migrating from the most? How many? Which were the highest-density in-migration places? We did get some answers, but they seemed vague. It stood out that in our nutrition surveys, the lack of migration data inflated the denominator (number of children being measured), especially because new births kept adding to it, leading to data that did not accurately reflect the situation. Since we were in the middle of migration season, we decided to meet these migrated families.

Three things that changed everything I have ever understood about migration came from field visits. The most distinct memory I have is of an interaction with a brick kiln owner who shook his head when I asked him “Kitne bacche honge idhar (how many kids are here?)”. He said “Ham bacche nahi ginte kyunki voh idhar kaam nahi karte (we don’t count children because they don’t work here).” No wonder, then, that there was an invisible set of people — especially pregnant/lactating women and children — who were not of any “use” here. We met many families. Coming face to face with our own prejudices was also important. We believe migration to be a bad thing, but here were multiple families being provided guaranteed wages — the word “guaranteed” being especially important because many people told us they would be happy to not work here if they got assured MGNREGS work back home.

The second learning happened when we met a nine-month-old who was due for MMR vaccination but wasn’t given the dose because he wasn’t due for it back home, and by the time he would go back, he would have missed it. Our assumption is that this time period of six to eight months must be leaving many children and pregnant women unvaccinated. This is not due to the lack of health or nutrition infrastructure or indifference — it is because of a lack of knowledge of these beneficiaries being here. Most of these brick kilns are around 1-2 km outside the villages and until there is intimation of some government contact, it is difficult for both giver and receiver to get in touch.

Portability as a concept is not new. But my third learning was that we have to start thinking about a system that does not rest completely on demand. Our questions — do you take ration from shops? Do you take your kids to anganwadis? — were answered in the negative. It did not surprise me. A Korku tribal population distress-migrating in a predominantly Marathi belt: Think of the bargaining power, especially of women and children. It doesn’t take much to join the dots.

Our learnings led us to start working on a migration tracking system as well as strengthening MGNREGS. But these inter-relationships need a deeper dive, especially in tribal areas, which constitute a higher density of malnutrition. SAM and MAM are the tip of the iceberg when we talk about nutrition. A long-term reduction in stunting and underweight and improving health will need us to understand the interplay of nutrition, livelihood and poverty. A plan that focuses on targeting and triaging the most vulnerable — a strategy that keeps them at the centre without silos — might just be what we need to move one step forward in improving the wellbeing of people.

Written by Mittali Sethi

Source: Indian Express, 2/12/22

Monday, August 08, 2022

Migration crisis

 An extremely distressing sidebar of the Ukraine war, though rather inadequately reported the world over, is the migration from the former Soviet satellite, believed to be the largest since the Second World` War. There are an estimated 6.2 million Ukranian refugees in Europe and another 6.3 million have been “internally displaced”. A careful calibration would suggest that 30 per cent of the country’s estimated pre-war population have been displaced and forced from their homes. In those terms, this represents by far the largest migration crisis since 1945. Ukraine does not release public accounts of military casualties. The areas overrun by Russia are guesses at best, but officials estimate that tens of thousands of Ukrainians have been killed and many more wounded. Major cities have been levelled.

According to Ukraine’s defence minister, 140,000 residential` buildings have been destroyed, rendering 3.5 million people homeless. Indeed, the bloodshed, dislocation and devastation grows each day. The massive migration has taken its toll on human lives and suffering. Two civilians were killed and five were injured while trying to flee Russian-held territory in the southern Kherson region on Monday. Russian forces are reported to have fired on their red minibus at what officials said was “pointblank range”. In the east, the focus of the recent Russian offensive, carrying women, children, elderly people and many with reduced mobility to safer territory in the west was the priority this week. The migration from Ukraine, therefore, has affected the entire country, in itself a heartrending facet of the Russian invasion.

President Volodymir Zelensky has pleaded with some 200,000 civilians in the east to evacuate the already depopulated areas’ near the frontlines, where Russian artillery has laid waste to whole towns. But the nub of the matter must be that many cannot do so. And they include many who cannot leave because of age, illness or even because they are encircled by Russian attackers. There are others who are described as Russian sympathisers, and those who are called merely stubborn. Aside from the clash of shields and the almost relentless boots-on-the-ground conflict, the humanitarian angle is frightfully heartrending, with thousands killed and many more having lost their hearth and home. The seemingly relentless war has rendered thousands homeless and without a roof over their heads.

The escape from embattled Ukraine has not addressed their dire predicament a wee bit. Ukraine, in a word, cries out for international assistance geared to relief and rehabilitation. Not least by the United Nations, which historically has rushed to storm-centres where individual countries fear to tread. The effort must by necessity be collective and humane. In the event, a collective message can be transmitted to Vladimir Putin’s Russia. The comity of nations is on test as the average Ukrainian cries out for assistance.

Source: The Statesman, 6/08/22

Friday, July 01, 2022

Fallout of policy failure: On the U.S. migrant tragedy

 

In what appears to be the worst episode in recent times of migrant deaths associated with dangerous border crossings into the U.S., the bodies of at least 53 people were recovered from an abandoned tractor-trailer in San Antonio, Texas. Reports suggested that the migrants, hailing from Mexico, the Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador, died from the extreme temperatures inside the truck, amidst a lethal heat wave. The grim episode highlights yet again the perils faced by those seeking asylum or better economic prospects in the U.S., who come up against the country’s immigration policies, which are yet very much a work-in-progress. On the one hand, the latest crisis underscores the serious lacunae in border policy enforcement. Despite the searing summer, border crossings in this region have remained stubbornly high over the past two years. In May 2020, the U.S. Border Patrol encountered 23,237 migrants, whereas in May 2022, that number was 2,39,146 — said to be more than in any single month in the past three years. Even worse, Mexican officials have confirmed that the truck passed through a federal immigration checkpoint within the territory of the U.S. and yet was not inspected. With approximately 20,000 trucks passing through the commercial corridor from Laredo to San Antonio every day, and even more across U.S.-Mexico crossing routes overall, there is a woeful shortage of manpower and surveillance systems.

Nevertheless, it is the bigger questions behind cross-border migration into the U.S. and its fallout, as shown above, that are troubling. Democrats and Republicans have locked horns over comprehensive immigration reform in a multitude of negotiations and across hundreds of bills proposed in Congress. Yet there is a fundamental unwillingness to find bipartisan solutions for immigration policy, in the way that the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act came out of a collaborative effort and now offers a glimmer of hope towards containing gun violence. While Democrats have dug in their heels on subjects such as a path to citizenship for law-abiding undocumented workers in the U.S. who meet certain conditions, including Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, Republicans have tended to focus more on keeping undocumented migrants out at the border. The problem with their refusing to hammer out compromise solutions is that the resultant failure to evolve a well-funded yet enlightened immigration policy leads to avoidable deaths of the kind seen in San Antonio. Whatever they cede or do not cede politically to liberals, conservatives must realise that there is no resisting the “melting pot” effect coterminous with the U.S.’s social and economic progress, and for that process to work smoothly, the U.S. must rationally and humanely manage the inflow of migrants across its southern border.

Monday, January 10, 2022

Solving migrant workers’ housing crisis

 Urbanisation and the growth of cities in India have been accompanied by pressure on basic infrastructure and services like housing, sanitation and health. The 2011 Census of India reveals that the urban population of the country stood at 31.16 per cent. It indicates that there are about 4.5 lakh houseless families, a total population of 17.73 lakh living without any roof over their heads. Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh are the two states with an acute housing crisis.

Though shelter is a basic human need, migrant workers live in extremely precarious conditions. Most of the migrants are employed in construction, small industries, hotels, casual work, domestic work and other informal activities. In the case of migrants working in small units, hotels and homes, their workplace is their place of lodging too. Often such places are unhygienic and poorly ventilated. Most construction workers stay in makeshift arrangements. Casual workers sleep under bridges and on pavements, often living as a group in unhygienic surroundings.

How has the pandemic affected the housing of migrant workers? Firstly, when the pandemic struck and the national lockdown was announced, most workers rushed back home on foot, leaving behind their temporary abodes. Those who were left behind lost their shelter because workplaces were shut. Migrants living in rented apartments could not maintain social distancing. In suburban regions with a sizeable number of migrants, the local population wanted them to vacate houses as soon as the pandemic began, citing the lack of hygienic conditions in these dwellings. Even though most state governments appealed to house owners to waive two months’ rent, they began mounting pressure soon after. Up to 88 per cent of migrants reported that they could not pay the rent for the next month, according to a survey conducted by Azim Premji University of 5,000 self-employed, casual, and regular wage workers across 12 states of India in April and May 2020.

According to a 2020 ILO report on internal labour migrants, the absence of dignified housing is further aggravated by a lack of adequate water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) facilities. Even though there has been an installation of public toilets through Swachh Bharat Abhiyan, their availability may not be adequate in migrant-dense clusters. Migrant workers find housing in slums, which is often subject to a sudden increase in rent, and have access only to the poorest infrastructure and services.

There can be various strategic responses of stakeholders (owners and migrant tenants) in the context of existing housing conditions. The first is when the owner provides a house and the migrant stays. This is an optimal condition, where rent could evolve for a competitive market for houses. On the other hand, an extreme condition is that neither does the owner provide the houses nor are the migrants willing to stay. This is the stage where the state might be forced to get involved in the housing market to explore and ease conditions. In addition, more transparency in the case of contracts may also be necessitated. The other possibilities are — either the migrant is not willing to stay in rented housing or the owner is not ready to provide housing to migrants.

In the context of Covid-19, either the migrant was not willing to stay in rented housing or the owner was not willing to provide housing. These possible scenarios also indicate the necessity of coordinated efforts of the state and the contractors to address housing issues. It also calls for long-term policymaking and analysis of the housing sector.

Let us see how policy has responded to the needs of the urban poor, especially marginalised migrant workers. The smart cities initiative was launched in June 2015. A smart city is an urban region that is highly advanced in terms of urban infrastructure, sustainable real estate, high density of communication network and a wider market. The Smart Cities Mission identified 100 cities, covering 21 per cent of India’s urban population, for a transformation in four rounds starting January 2016. Some of the core infrastructure elements in a smart city include proper water supply, assured electricity supply, sanitation, and affordable housing especially for the poor. Government data shows that 49 per cent of 5,196 projects for which work orders were issued across 100 smart cities in India remain unfinished. This lag in implementation often raises questions about the efficacy of innovative policy prescriptions. Efforts like the Atal Mission for Rejuvenation and Urban Transformation (AMRUT) launched in 2005 intended to make the process of urbanisation smooth; it has now entered its second phase to make cities water-secure and provide better amenities for the marginalised.

The Rs 20 lakh crore Atmanirbhar Bharat package announced by the government in May 2020 included the provision of affordable rental housing complexes (ARHC) for migrant workers/urban poor. The plan was to convert government-funded housing in the cities into ARHCs through PPPs, and provide incentives to various stakeholders to develop ARHCs on their private land and operate them.

While developing social rental housing, the state should ensure that the location has proper access to transport networks seducation and healthcare. The working group by NITI Aayog constituted to study internal labour has recommended that rental housing in the public sector could be expanded through the provision of dormitory accommodation. This would make public housing affordable and reduce the conflict between owners and tenants. Action-oriented policies alone can improve the lives of labouring migrants.

Written by Sumeetha M , S Irudaya Rajan , Rahul V Kumar

Source: Indian Express, 10/01/22

Monday, November 29, 2021

Baroda in Mumbai and Patna in Scotland: What place names can tell us about migration, assertion of power

 

As people migrate, they carry with themselves names of the places they left behind, or cultural motifs, historical figures and much more.


Poring over newspaper archives at the Nehru Memorial Library in Delhi last month for a project on post Independent India, I chanced upon a tiny article in the Hindustan Times, dated August 8, 1947. The Madras government had decided to “re-Indianise the names of towns and cities in the province which have undergone a change during the British rule,” reported the article. These were the days preceding the Independence and the renaming spree was hardly surprising. What struck me though was a line in the piece that said, “it is likely that the capital of the province will shed the Portuguese name of Madras and be renamed as Chennapatnam.”

As one of the three presidencies under the British government, the influence of the English on Madras was well known. But its name carried reminiscences of a different past, one before the East India Company, wherein the waters of the Indian Ocean had welcomed several groups of traders, explorers, proselytisers from across the world. The Portuguese were the first to arrive and had established several settlements along the Coromandel Coast. Although subject to contention, the name Madras is believed to be derived from Madre de Sois, a Portuguese high authority and one of the earliest settlers in the region.

Place names are important repositories of historical and cultural processes. They provide interesting and often overlooked details about the political mood in a region. They are also fascinating testimonies of the movement of people and their communities. As people migrate, they carry with themselves names of the places they left behind, or cultural motifs, historical figures and much more.

Why does this happen? Professor Anu Kapur, who has also authored the book, Mapping place names of India says there are multiple reasons. “Firstly, there is a sense of finding familiarity in a new place. Secondly, it is also about power establishment in a place. Third, when a community gets established in a new place, it likes to reinforce its presence by putting on display every other cultural symbol. Names are also part of the process of symbol creation just like religious spaces, food stalls and the like,” she says.

Taken together, these names that are a product of migration, have much to say about the ways in which people from near and far have moved around the subcontinent and have produced a rich and variegated cultural fabric in the country.

Recreating a home left behind

The replication of names from their homeland in a new place is a fairly common way in which a migrant community creates a familiar environment. Kapur in her book provides the example of the Moplah Muslim peasants of the Malabar region who were sentenced to life imprisonment in the Andaman Penal Colony for revolting against the British in the 19th century. In the Andaman Islands they named their villages Calicut, Wandur, Tirur, Manjeri, Malappuram, Manarghat and Nilambur, after the names of their native villages in South Malabar.

In Mumbai, where a large group of trading communities settled down after the British developed the group of islands into a centre of commerce, there exists several streets named after towns in Western India, indicative of the active inter-regional trade. “When the East India Company came to Bombay, the idea was to eventually relocate from Surat because it was getting too politically unstable, and find a trading outpost closeby. The only way to develop trade in Bombay was to encourage trading communities from Surat and its vicinity to resettle in Bombay,” says Sifra Lentin, Bombay History Fellow at Gateway House. “Immigrants from Gujarat were in fact the first to come to Bombay during the Company period. They were guaranteed religious freedom, tax benefits and other such incentives,” she adds.

The early Gujarati presence in Bombay is perhaps the reason why we come across Baroda Street in East Mumbai. Samuel Townsend Sheppard in a book published in 1917 suggests the presence of an Ahmedabad Road constructed by the Bombay Port Trust in 1883 and named after the city in Gujarat. There is also a Karwar street in the Fort area of the city, named after the city in Karnataka. Lenin suggests that it is also possible “these streets near the dockyards were developed by the Bombay Port Trust and came up because of the logistics of warehousing as per the region of origin”.

Yet another example of a street name being reproduced is the Charni Road in South Mumbai. Sheppard in his book notes that this name Charni or Chendni was brought to the locality from Thana. “The locality near Thana Railway Station is called Chendni and many inhabitants of Chendni in Thana came and permanently settled in Girgaum, in Bombay, and so called the locality where they settled Chendni,” he writes.

In Delhi too, where the forces of migration have practically built the city, we do come across a few names carried across by communities from their native places. Historian Narayani Gupta, in her article ‘Delhi’s history as reflected in its toponymy’ (2010), notes about settlements that developed in the agricultural lands of the city bearing the names given by people who came and settled there. “In some cases they carried the name of a village they had left, and gave it to the place they settled in. There are some beautiful names which might well have originated elsewhere, or had a meaning in a local dialect,” she writes along with examples such as Holambi, Mehrauli, Kondli, Mundhela, Okhla, Jasola, Malcha, Munirka, Karkardooma, Karkari among several others.

The influx of refugees into Delhi after Partition resulted in many neighbourhoods being established with the specific objective of settling them. While a majority of them were named after nationalist icons, there were a few named after the towns the refugees left behind as well like Dera Ismail Khan and Gujranwala which are places in the North West Frontier Province.

If not the name of a place, then it is a motif from their homes that found a place in the new city, as was the case with Pamposh Enclave, a neighbourhood in South Delhi inhabited by Kashmiri Pandits. Pamposh in Kashmiri means lotus, which grows in abundance in the valley, and has a special place in the collective identity of this group of migrants in Delhi.

Migrants from East Pakistan who settled in the Andaman Islands after 1947 too carried with them names that are common in their homeland. Durgapur, Shibpur, Madhyamgram, Kalighat, Bijoygarh among others are names of places in Bengal that have been replicated in the Andamans.

Similarly, names have travelled from India to other parts of the world as well. Take for instance the case of Patna, a village in East Ayrshire, Scotland. As per records, the village was established in 1802 by William Fullarton, a Scottish soldier, statesman and author. Fullarton was born in Patna in Bihar, where his father was an employee with the East India Company. He named the village in Scotland as a tribute to his place of birth.

The presence of Phra Nakhon Si Ayutthaya in Thailand, deriving its name from Ayodhya, is evidence of the spread of Hinduism through trade and migration across large parts of SouthEast Asia.

In the name of those with power and influence

Yet another way in which a migrant community exerts its presence in a new place is when someone from amongst them carries enough influence to have a place named after him or her. This, for instance, is the case with Samuel Street in Mumbai. “This road is named after a Bene Israeli native commandant named Samuel Ezekiel Divekar. This was the place where the Bene Israel Jews first settled when they came for job opportunities in the native military regiment and where they built Bombay’s first synagogue in 1796,” explains Lentin. She says that the street got named after Divekar who took part in the Second Mysore War and was decorated for it.

The Jewish community’s presence in Kolkata is remembered by the presence of Ezra Street. In the late 18th century, a large group of mercantile Baghdadi Jews had moved to Calcutta in the hope of finding trading prospects. The Ezra family is believed to have been the wealthiest amongst the Calcutta Jews. Although there exists a debate over whether the street was named after David Joseph Ezra or his son Elias David Ezra, there is no dispute over the kind of influence the father and son held in the city. David Joseph Ezra was a trader in indigo and silk. He invested the profits he made in building large colonial mansions, many of which continue to exist in the city. His son built the 137-year old Maghen David Synagogue in memory of his father that stands on one end of Ezra Street.

The Marwaris from Rajasthan were yet another enterprising migrant community that built large parts of Kolkata. The Marwari presence and contribution in the city is evident from the number of schools, hospitals, temples and other such establishments built by them. Equally noteworthy are the streets that came to be named after prominent members of the community such as the Hari Ram Goenka Street in Bara Bazaar. Hari Ram Goenka was the grand uncle of Rama Prasad Goenka, founder of the RPG group. The former was conferred knighthood by the British for his outstanding contribution to Indian commerce.

“Unlike large parts of colonial India like Bombay, Madras or Pondicherry where communities moved in on the encouragement of the colonisers who then laid out the city along community lines, in Calcutta trading and other migratory groups came in long before colonial rule,” explains Kolkata-based historian Tathagatha Neogi, who also runs the heritage walks organisation ‘Immersive Trails’. Consequently, unlike in these other cities where specific neighbourhoods were named after the community living there, in Calcutta no such street exists other than the Armenian Street. The remarkable migrant presence in the city can be felt through the names of influential members of the community. “There are many streets in Kolkata that are named after important cooks. For instance, there is a small street in Sealdah called Chhaku Khansama Lane, named after a well known cook. A majority of them were Muslims from Uttar Pradesh or Bihar,” says Neogi.

In the name of colonial ambitions

From the 17th century onwards, as Europeans set out to explore and exploit territories across the world, they left their mark in the lexicon of place names of the countries which they brought under their control. In the case of colonial migration place names were made use of not just for cultural reinforcement, but also for establishing supremacy. The Portuguese named the port town of Goa as Vasco Da Gama after the explorer who was the first to arrive in India at Calicut. Till date, Vasco remains a popular name in Goa.

The Danish East India Company which arrived in India in the mid 17th century set up a commercial unit in the Nicobar islands, which they called Frederic’s Islands in honour of Frederick V, the king of Denmark-Norway. “Among the Danes it was common to name the colonised after their royal family or native land,” writes Kapur. She writes that “the diary of a missionary serving in the Nicobar Islands in 1770 informs us that the Danes had named these islands New Denmark.” Similarly, Serampore in West Bengal, where the Danes had another settlement, was named Frederiksnagore after the Danish King.

The French colonial presence in Pondicherry ‘s history is palpable in the existing division of the city between the ‘white town’ and ‘black town’. Interestingly, large parts of the white town continues to be strewn across with street names carrying the prefix ‘rue de’, meaning ‘street of’ in French. Yet another way in which the French planned the city was to establish separate neighbourhoods for the communities such as Vellala Street, Chetty street, Kômutti street, Vannara street and the like. Author Ari Gautier, who has written several historical fiction books on Pondicherry, explains that the French brought in people from across Southern India to work in the new settlement as traders, weavers, merchants and employees in the French government. In order to settle them, they built separate streets segregating them on caste and community lines. “Vellalar, for instance, is an agricultural community living around the Immaculate church. But during the colonial period they shifted their traditional profession to become part of the French administration,” says Gautier. “Kômutti is another branch of Chettiars, mostly from Andhra Pradesh. Vannaras are the washerman caste from Tamil Nadu.”

The Portuguese, Danes and French left their names, but were largely restricted to certain pockets and definitely pale in front of the impact of the British in naming places in India. “Economic exploitation was the primary aim of the British in taking over India. This intention had manifested itself in their scheme of changing the place names of the country,” writes Kapur. She makes a distinction between the two ways in which the British impacted place names in India. One was in the nature of Englishisation and the other was in the spirit of Anglicisation. In case of the former, personal English names and words were introduced, for instance the names of hill stations like Dalhousie and McLeodganj. In case of the latter, the spellings of a few names were changed to suit British pronunciation.

Nowhere does the British intention of exerting their authority through place names become as evident as that in their building of New Delhi after the shift of the capital from Calcutta in 1911. At the heart of the new city was Kingsway, a ceremonial boulevard sweeping down from the Viceroy’s House, named after a major road in central London. This road was bisected by yet another road named after a street in London called Queensway. Historian Swapna Liddle, in her book ‘Connaught Place and the making of New Delhi, explains that in the New Delhi of the British, roads housing those from the higher echelons of the government were named after the British monarchs like King Edward Road, Queen Victoria Road, and King George’s Avenue. Then there were streets named after those who had played a special role in the governance and establishment of the British Empire such as Clive Road, Curzon Road, Hastings Road among others. Interestingly, the British laid out alongside streets named after the erstwhile Indian monarchs such as Ashoka Road, Akbar Road, Aurangzeb Road and Shah Jahan Road. The purpose was clearly to establish the fact that though the British were outsiders, their imperial ambitions were on the same lines as that occupied by the high and mighty of Indian history.

Further reading:

Anu Kapur, Mapping place names of IndiaTaylor and Francis, 2019

Narayani Gupta, Delhi’s history as reflected in its toponymy, in ‘Celebrating Delhi’, Mala Daya (ed.) Penguin Books Limited, 2010

Samuel Townsend Sheppard, Bombay place-names and street-names; an excursion into the by-ways of the history of Bombay City, Times Press, 1917

Swapna Liddle, Connaught Place and the making of New DelhiSpeaking Tiger Books, 2018

Written by Adrija Roychowdhury

Source: Indian Express, 26/11/21


Monday, April 19, 2021

Protect the rights of women migrant workers

 The response from most states to these recommendations has been slow to non-existent. Many quarantine centres and shelters for migrant women are not safe, nor are they safe on the long road home where they have neither facilities nor physical security.With the surge in Covid-19 across the country, there are reports, yet again, of migrant workers being left with little choice but to go back to their villages. But within this, the gender dimension has been largely overlooked. In the process of migration driven by Covid, the impact of migration on women is different from that on men.

Women’s migration is not seen so much as employment-driven but as part of them relocating to places where their husbands get jobs. This is why, perhaps, they are invisible when discussing the problems that migrant workers are facing. Even though women enter the workforce in the areas they migrate to, the main reason many of them cite for migration is marriage. In the forced migration that happened last year and is re-emerging now, as in most disasters, there is an unequal gender impact.

Male migration often leaves women in their villages looking after their children and extended family. This increases their burden of having to take up traditional occupations, mainly agriculture as well as care work for the elderly and children and managing the household. Many of them often don’t have the local networks, knowledge base, and ability to access many welfare schemes.

The National Commission for Women had issued an advisory to the ministry of women and child development last year on measures which should be taken for the welfare of women migrants.

These include, ensuring accessibility of nutritious food and drinking water; ensuring no separation from family or children where possible; and provision of sanitary napkins and special steps for the dignity and safety of lactating mothers. The advisory also spoke of protection from eviction from their residences; ensuring reponses to gender-based violence from the police and inclusive redressal mechanisms; medical care, including mental health, in migrant clusters; access to communication with their family and measures to address trauma; and access to sanitation facilities such as masks, sanitisers and soap.

The response from most states to these recommendations has been slow to non-existent. Many quarantine centres and shelters for migrant women are not safe, nor are they safe on the long road home where they have neither facilities nor physical security.

Many women migrants, both those still in urban areas and those who have returned home, have had to compromise on many essential requirements in their daily lives. Those in urban ghettos have been largely trapped in their rooms with their out-of-school children, unable or unwilling to venture out for fear of the virus, making them more vulnerable to anxieties and worry. With all health care workers pressed into service to battle the pandemic, many migrant women have no access to health services for other ailments.

The government’s draft National Policy on Migrant Workers has largely overlooked the specific needs and concerns of migrant women. Now would be a good time to incorporate a rights-based approach in the policy with relation to migrant women. Women migrants and their vulnerabilities can be tackled only if the government addresses the structural and other challenges which cause them to be so invisible. It has to focus on women in the informal sector, especially migrant women, in its upgradation and skills programmes. The surge in Covid cases should occasion a rethink on the issue of women migrant workers and their needs, which can then be institutionalised so that they are less vulnerable during the pandemic and after.

lalita.panicker@hindustantimes.com

Source: Hindustan Times, 17/04/21

Wednesday, April 07, 2021

An effective migrant labour policy must consider where existing labour laws fail

 The Niti Aayog’s draft Migrant Labour Policy is a clear statement of intent to better recognise migrants’ contribution to the economy and support them in their endeavours. It puts forward several radical ideas, including the adoption of a rights-based approach and establishing an additional layer of institutions to create a more enabling policy environment for migrants. It proposes a new National Migration Policy and the formation of a special unit within the Labour Ministry to work closely with other ministries. The new structure would bring about much-needed convergence across line departments and would be a huge step towards a universal understanding of the causes and effects of migration as well as the interventions needed.

The policy calls for improving the record on the implementation of the country’s many labour laws that have, by and large, failed to make a difference to the lives of labour migrants. It discusses at length the provisions under the Equal Remuneration Act, The Bonded Labour Act, the Building and Other Construction Workers Act and the Interstate Migrant Workmen Act, among others. The draft also invokes the ILO’s Decent Work Agenda as well as the Sustainable Development Goals which aim to protect labour rights. It acknowledges the challenges of welfare provision to a highly fragmented migrant workforce due to recruitment patterns and the lack of data. It refers to the importance of collective action and unions and there are detailed plans for improving the data on short-term migration, especially seasonal and circular migration. As a statement of goals, the draft contains much to be celebrated.

But the policy needs to delve deeper into the causes underlying the poor implementation of labour laws that are linked to the political economy of recruitment and placement. Labour migrants from rural areas find work in the urban economy and high productivity rural enterprises either through kinship networks or labour market intermediaries. These networks are critical for supplying workers that can be positioned in jobs, where there is a demand for hard-working and controllable workers who will stay tied to the job. One way of ensuring that workers do not leave because of harsh conditions is to bond them through the notorious system of advances. Although illegal, this kind of arrangement is attractive for migrants from relatively disadvantaged backgrounds as they cannot mobilise large sums of money for weddings, housing and repaying loans. There is reference to unfair recruitment practices in the document, but virtually no analysis of why the system persists and how it is enabled by the employment structure of businesses and enterprises.

Another area where the draft needs to be strengthened is addressing gender differences in employment. Domestic work is one of the most important occupations for migrant women from relatively disadvantaged backgrounds. Although the new policy aims to be inclusive of all kinds of marginalised migrants, it could do more to explicitly mention the challenges faced by domestic workers. It would be very easy for them to remain excluded as India has not ratified the ILO Convention on Domestic Workers and The Domestic Workers Bill 2017 has not become law. Other kinds of home-based work, enormously important for female migrants could similarly remain excluded.

Another point to raise here is the apparent ambivalence about the ability of tribal migrants to think for themselves and decide how they access the opportunities offered by migration. Early in the draft we see a commitment to recognising migrant agency, but this is less clear in the section where tribal migration policies are discussed. Tribal migration is constructed as a process whereby recruiters are “luring” or even trafficking them. Domestic work, which is mentioned in this context, is an important source of income for tens of thousands of tribal women from impoverished backgrounds in eastern Indian states. There are, of course, some instances of abuse, but these do not represent the majority experience. There is a need to better understand how migrants themselves weigh up the costs and risks against potential benefits of working in the city. Controlling tribal migration would go against the objective of recognising migrant agency.

To conclude, the draft policy is a good start which could, with a few adjustments, reduce the vulnerability and risks faced by labour migrants and ultimately build a more sustainable model of development.

Written by Priya Deshingkar

This column first appeared in the print edition on April 7, 2021 under the title ‘Recognising the migrant’. The writer is Professor of Migration and Development, University of Sussex

Source: Indian Express, 7/04/21

Friday, March 05, 2021

India’s migrant workers need better policies

 The lockdown-induced suffering of millions of migrants raised awareness regarding their magnitude, vulnerability, and role in the economy. It also led to a flurry of measures by the central and state governments. It is now encouraging that the Niti Aayog, on the request of the Ministry of Labour and Employment, has prepared an umbrella policy document for migrant labourers, including informal sector workers. This is something that this author has been advocating for over a decade. It is also highly appropriate that the Niti Aayog undertook the responsibility of drafting this policy since it required inter-sectoral and inter-ministerial coordination.

The draft policy makes significant strides in providing a perspective on recognising the magnitude and role of migrant workers, their problems and vulnerabilities, and the role and responsibilities of various stakeholders in addressing these. It states that a sound policy must be viewed from a “human rights, property rights, economic, social development, and foreign policy lens”. It reiterates that a rights-based and labour rights perspective built around the core issue of dignity of labour must be a guiding principle of policy, which should lead to the fulfilment of ILO commitments and the Sustainable Development Goals, particularly SDG 8.8 on the protection of labour rights and providing a safe and secure working environment for all workers, particularly migrants.

The document states that the migrant exodus led to an appreciation of their magnitude as well as role in the economy (which it estimates at 10 per cent of GDP), but finds that the data has failed to capture the growth in their numbers, particularly the numbers of circular migrants.

It describes the many sources of vulnerabilities of migrant labourers, ranging from their invisibility and political and social exclusion to informal work arrangements, exploitation and denial of labour rights, lack of collective voice, exclusion from social protection arrangements, formal skills, health, education, and housing. Following from this, it identifies portability of social protection, voting rights, right to the city (the collective ownership and participation of citizens in cities they have helped build) and health, education and housing facilities as key issues to be dealt with. It also reflects on the need for pro-poor development and provision of livelihoods in the source areas.

Its recommendations on the above issues are addressed to various stakeholders which includes central ministries, state and local governments, community based organisations (CBOs), employers, trade unions, and multi-lateral organisations. Many of these build on earlier recommendations (for instance, those of the Working Group on Migration, 2017) and guidelines, including those laid down in Supreme Court orders. It further proposes a governance structure with the Ministry of Labour as the nodal ministry and a dedicated unit under it which will act as a focal point for inter-ministerial and Centre-state coordination. It also proposes mechanisms for coordinating the effort on inter-state migration, especially on principal migration corridors.

While many of the proposals need critical discussion, detailing, and modification, the policy document is an important step forward taken by the government in creating a framework under which migrant workers and their families can access entitlements and possibly work in a safer and better environment. However, the draft falls short of recognising and addressing many critical issues.

The National Commission for Rural Labour argued way back in 1991 that unequal development was the main cause of labour migration. This is implicitly recognised in the draft. In the last three decades, disparities in development and inequalities have grown ceaselessly, calling for deep correctives in the development strategy being pursued, without which migration and the adverse inclusion of migrants in labour markets is bound to grow unchecked. The report falls short of acknowledging this.

Similarly, while the report correctly pinpoints the exclusion of migrants by urban local governments in the provision of basic entitlements, it fails to acknowledge the root cause of the lopsided urban development strategy. Increasingly, the urban strategy has catered to national and global capital and the urban middle classes, marginalising the poor, particularly the migrants, whose struggle to find a foothold has become even more intense.

The report also makes a false dichotomy between approaches which rely on cash transfers and special dispensations and a second approach which enhances the agency and capability of migrants and removes constraints on these. The denial of the first approach has led the report to brush aside the migrants’ and informal workers’ right to social security. Social security is acknowledged as a universal human right in international covenants to which India is a signatory and is given due place in the Constitution. It also has a strong relationship to workers’ productivity and agency. The National Commission for Enterprises in the Unorganised Sector (NCEUS) showed in 2006 that providing a minimum level of universal social security was financially and administratively feasible. The Commission also recommended a universal registration system and issuance of smart social security cards, but its recommendations have unfortunately remained a dead letter.

Perhaps the biggest fundamental weakness of the report is its approach towards labour rights and labour policy. By putting grievance and legal redressal above regulation and enforcement on which it remains silent, the report puts the cart before the horse. Surprisingly, the report does not take stock of the new labour codes, mentioning only the defunct laws that were subsumed by them. A perusal of the Codes shows that they accentuate the very problems — informality, precarity, the role of contractors and the lack of organisation — which the report itself describes. As mentioned by this author in an earlier article (‘Towards greater precarity’, IE October 3, 2020), the Codes, in promoting ease of business, have tilted the balance firmly in favour of capital, increasing precarity, liberalising the role of contractors, weakening the bargaining power of labour, and further weakening an already debilitated enforcement system.

In essence, the draft policy framework justifies the adage of running with the hare and hunting with the hounds. It identifies the problems but fails to address the policy distortions which lie at their root. Hopefully, however, the draft will be opened up for further discussions and feedback to enrich and complete what is already a significant beginning.

Ravi Srivastava 

This article first appeared in the print edition on March 4, 2021 under the title ‘Fighting for a foothold’. The author is Director, Centre of Employment Studies, Institute for Human Development, and a former member of the NCEUS

Source: Indian Express, 4/03/21