Reformed agenda

 

The Brahmo Samaj’s message of inclusivity could have been viewed as weak, or even treacherous, by the then Hindus who had started to drift towards the Hindu nationalist movement

At a time when identity and caste politics seem to have caused fissures in Indian society, a socio-religious movement like the Brahmo Samaj, with its respect for all religions, would have had much to offer.

Soon after the Bharatiya Janata Party returned to power in 2019, some of its supporters chose to attack Raja Ram Mohan Roy, the founder of the Brahmo Samaj, on social media. The Brahmos were alerted and a stout defence was put up online. But not much thought was given as to why supporters of Hindutva politics should come after a declining religious movement. A little soul-searching would probably have thrown up the answer: the followers of a militant brand of Hinduism had realised that the syncretic message of a reformist, monotheistic religion could dent the power of the aggressive version that they were projectin

Most people would recollect Raja Ram Mohan Roy from their school history textbooks as the social reformer who petitioned the British and brought about the abolition of sati. Roy was a man ahead of his time who delved deeply into the different religions of the world and created a syncretic form of worship that involved the Vedas whilst incorporating the monotheism of the Abrahamic faiths. It is a matter of speculation whether Roy, given his deep interest in and study of Islam, was in some way influenced by Akbar’s Din-i-ilahi, which also attempted to combine elements from different religions. But the similarity probably ends here. Whilst Akbar tried to impose Din-i-ilahi as a State religion, entry to the Brahmo Samaj was purely voluntary.

Brahmo religion khatre mein hain seems to make more sense than Hinduism being at risk. Since its inception, the Brahmo movement, despite its impact on Indian society, failed to garner mass support. It was perceived to be an elitist faith that did not involve paying obeisance to an idol. Over a period of time, there was a perception that the Hindu religion provided greater spiritual comfort and sustenance vis-à-vis the Brahmo religion, which is completely devoid of any kind of ritualism. This has been further exacerbated in recent times by temple runs by politicians and militant religious cries. It appears that the average Hindu has started to feel the need to display his religion on his sleeve. Brahmoism’s decline could also be laid at the doorstep of the urbanisation and the modernisation of Indian society that created a shift from traditional structures of worship. The rise of the Indian nationalist movement could have also turned the focus away from niche religions like the Brahmo Samaj, which had its genesis in Bengal but did spread to other parts of India because of its anti-caste message.

Like the Veerashaiva anti-caste movement spearheaded by Basava in Karnataka, the Brahmo Samaj focused on social reform whilst challenging traditional hierarchies in an attempt to develop an egalitarian approach to the way that one worshipped. The followers of Basava, the Lingayats, are a dominant force in Karnataka. But they seem to have largely aligned themselves with the political agenda of the right-wing. This is probably linked to a perceived threat to their identity as well as a desire to wield power and influence.

The partition of Bengal, which sharply polarised Hindus and Muslims, also resulted in the rise of communal politics. The emphasis on religious tolerance and inter-faith harmony, the hallmarks of the Brahmo movement, might have been delivered a body blow. The Brahmo Samaj’s message of inclusivity could have been viewed as weak, or even treacherous, by the then Hindus who had started to drift towards the Hindu nationalist movement. Perhaps Brahmos themselves started being influenced by identity politics.

The fate of socio-religious movements may have a lot to do with the torch-bearers who follow their founders. Schisms between them could well spell changes or even decline. The Brahmo Samaj is a case in point.

Melanie P. Kumar

Source: Telegraph, 23/07/24

The Vedic Way

I n Rig-vedadi-bhashya-bhumika or ‘Introduction to the commentaries of the Rigveda’, Swami Dayanand interpreted Vedic verses in the light of burning issues of the day, namely colonial exploitation. He underscored the fundamental unity of the Indian people despite the plurality of languages, religious sects, social mores, and customs which were bewildering. Through its quest for political independence, however fierce that struggle may be, he wanted India to reveal a new spiritual light for all of humanity 

Forerunners of a divine multitude, / Out of the paths of the morning star they came / Into the little room of mortal life. / I saw them cross the twilight of an age / The sun-eyed children of a marvellous dawn…” Sri Aurobindo’s verses from the epic Savitri (Book III, Canto 4) present a metaphysical poetic context to the age that gave us Raja Rammohun Roy, Mahatma Rajnarain Basu, Bankimchandra Chatterjee, Keshub Chandra Sen, Rabindranath Tagore, Swami Vivekananda, and Swami Dayanand Saraswati, all of whom, Sri Aurobindo included, contributed to the intellectual foundations of the freedom struggle.

With the commencement of the 200th birth anniversary celebrations of Swami Dayanand, the militant monk born in Kathiawad in 1824, it is time to realize how these giants stood on each other’s shoulders and contributed to the genesis and development of nationalism in the 19th and 20th century.

The story begins with Raja Rammohun Roy who remains the pioneer from Bengal; his 250th birth anniversary commemorations began in 2022. Historians go so far as to say modern India owes to Raja Rammohun Roy the vision and the general orientation of her social, political and spiritual evolution. This powerfully sweeping statement is tagged with Rabindranath Tagore’s description that Roy was “the man who is to represent in his life the complete significance of the spirit and the mission of the land to which he belonged.”

The key to the pioneering work of Rammohun Roy lay in his restoration of the traditional spiritual teachings of the Vedanta. From the age of 11, when he was in Benaras studying Sanskrit and sacred texts, Roy began his journey to absorb the principles of Vedanta. It was not merely a philosophical or scholarly quest; it was a life-transforming and life-affirming journey which culminated in the formation of the Brahma Sabha in 1828, which gave back to the Brahmanical order a pure and pristine vision of the Vedas. The Sabha evolved into the Brahmo Samaj by 1830.

Raja Rammohun Roy was acutely aware of global events and their revolutionary impact. In the aftermath of the American and French revolutions, the clarion calls for equality and liberty made him a global thinker-activist ready to denounce social injustices perpetuated by Hindu orthodoxy. In his philosophical bearings and his activism, he was able to join these dots which were spread across historical time and geographical space. His ideals, ideas and ideology reveal a unique synchronicity for he remained up-to-date with British and French texts on philosophy and politics, yet never lost sight of Vedantic principles of the unity of God and a rejection of social-religious injustices and impurities.

Roy’s passion for education exemplified this achievement. While he worked to endow the country with Western education, knowing that English was the language for opening the doors of modernism, he undertook the translation of Sanskrit texts in English and Bangla for the use of the common man. In Roy’s patriotism, we discern the fundamental principles of justice and security for the individual and the community which he considered sacrosanct.

Often hailed as a Maharishi or Mahatma, it was Rajnarain Basu who now upheld the patriotic mission of Roy. His father, Nandakishore Basu had been a disciple and secretary of Rammohun Roy. The flaming torch of patriotism, learning and reform was now in equally strong hands. Maharishi Rajnarain and Devendranath Tagore in the 1840s and 1850s set about structuring the Brahmo religion, highlighting the spiritual essence of Hinduism in Brahmo Samaj.

“Religion is not an occasional handling of the feelings, it is life itself,” said Rajnarain Basu, adding “Live constantly in an ambience of love, since religion is nothing but love.” These quotes of Mahatma Rajnarain, from a biography in Bangla, were heard once again, more than half a century later, when the other Mahatma from Kathiawad gave a similar message of love, peace, and nonviolence to ultimately become the ‘Father of the Nation’.

Swami Dayanand Saraswati, like Rammohun Roy, was disillusioned by the abuse of power in the name of religion, and social practices based on ignorance and exploitation. He sought the true spiritual life from Hindu scriptures and set about reviving Vedic teachings. His mission was to solve contemporary problems, be they religious, social, political, or cultural through Vedic principles. Swami Dayanand worked to regenerate the Indian nation, just as the Brahmo Samaj had begun in Bengal.

In Rig-vedadi-bhashya-bhumika or ‘Introduction to the commentaries of the Rigveda’, Swami Dayanand interpreted Vedic verses in the light of burning issues of the day, namely colonial exploitation. He underscored the fundamental unity of the Indian people despite the plurality of languages, religious sects, social mores, and customs which were bewildering. Through its quest for political independence, however fierce that struggle may be, he wanted India to reveal a new spiritual light for all of humanity.

Once again, education came to the fore. There was an arduous programme of intellectual studies that Swamiji recommended. Spread over 22 years, as an obligatory educational system for all children based on the Vedic model of gurukula, it included:
1) Phonetics; the grammar of Panini and Mahabhashya of Patanjali for 3 years;

2) Study of Nirukta or Vedic lexicon for 8 months;

3) Pingala and mathematical studies for 4 months;

4) The Laws of Manu and the Epics of Ramayana and Mahabharata for 1 year;

5) The six darshana of Indian philosophy and the ten main Upanishads for 2 years;

6) All the four Vedas and the supplementary Brahmanas for 6 years;

7) Ayurveda, including medical and surgical treatises for 4 years;

8) Music, arithmetic, algebra, geometry, geography, geology, and astronomy for 3 years;

9) Economics, civil policies and military protections for 2 years.

Swami Dayanand was convinced that as physical activities of students in the Gurukuls grow, the intellect becomes subtle and is able understand the nuances of Vedic thought and philosophy. He foresaw students having access to the highest knowledge before they found a man or woman of their choice and began a family to emerge as responsible citizens. The personal integrity, character and health of the teachers was equally, if not more, important. They should have the truthfulness in words, in acts and thoughts, decorum, the selfcontrol, sweetness of conduct, he said.

Historians and chroniclers have seen in Swamiji’s Gurukula educational system the seeds of the educational community founded by Mahatma Gandhi at Sabarmati; at Santiniketan and Visvabharati, the school and university founded by Tagore; and at Pondicherry, the International Centre of Education founded by the Mother based on Sri Aurobindo’s teachings.

Swami Dayanand, after journeys across the length and breadth of India, emphasized on Hindi as the national language to be accepted by all; and the Vedas as the source of people’s religious life.

These convictions went hand in hand with his anti-colonial, anti-establishment campaigns. However powerful the sovereign power, he was not ready to face their humiliation. It was the people who were sovereign; and their president or head had to be elected by universal suffrage.

Leaders, or heads of the people, should demonstrate their learning and knowledge, besides their human qualities, he preached in public meetings. Three colleges, comprising elected citizens, would form the State: the legislative college, the religious college, and the college of fine arts and sciences. Swamiji presented the Vedic guidelines and the movement for national emancipation.

On 10 April 1875 was established the Society of the Men with Higher Principles (the Arya Samaj) by Swami Dayanand in Bombay. In its first Charter, Swami Dayanand declared the well-being of the whole humanity will be the objective of the Samaja. The objective was to improve the physical, spiritual, and social conditions of humanity.

In Satyartha Prakash (The Light of the Truth), Swami Dayanand wrote: “I believe in a religion based on all-embracing universal principles, that have always been accepted as truths by mankind and will continue to be obeyed down the ages to come. I call this the Eternal Primitive Religion: because it is above the hostility of all human beliefs…”

Years later Sri Aurobindo evaluated Swami Dayanand’s contributions and said that he was the personification of pure energy, the highest clarity, the discerning perspicacity, a master and a dominant figure in one word, herald of the Vedic World. Swamiji became the very symbol of the Extremist ideal for militant patriots of the future.

Raju Mansukhani

Source: The Statesman, 17/03/23