Followers

Showing posts with label North East. Show all posts
Showing posts with label North East. Show all posts

Monday, June 26, 2023

Nutraceutical Properties of Joha Rice

 Joha rice, a variety cultivated in the Northeastern region of India, has gained attention for its distinct aroma and notable taste. Beyond its sensory appeal, Joha rice has been traditionally associated with health benefits, including a low incidence of diabetes and cardiovascular diseases. In recent years, scientists at the Institute of Advanced Study in Science and Technology (IASST) have conducted research to explore the nutraceutical properties of this unique grain.

Unveiling Joha Rice’s Nutraceutical Potential  

Researchers at the IASST have made significant strides in unraveling the nutraceutical properties of Joha rice. Through their studies, they identified two essential fatty acids: linoleic acid (omega-6) and linolenic acid (omega-3). These fatty acids, which are not produced by the human body, play a vital role in maintaining various physiological conditions. Notably, omega-3 fatty acids have been linked to the prevention of metabolic diseases such as diabetes, cardiovascular diseases, and cancer. 

Balanced Ratio and Patented Rice Bran Oil  

The scientists discovered that scented Joha rice exhibits a more balanced ratio of omega-6 to omega-3 essential fatty acids compared to the widely consumed non-scented variety. This finding suggests that the scented variety may offer enhanced nutritional benefits. Building upon this, the scientists utilized Joha rice to create a patented rice bran oil, which has demonstrated efficacy in the management of diabetes.

Antioxidants and Bioactive Compounds  

Joha rice is not only rich in essential fatty acids but also contains a range of beneficial compounds. It boasts antioxidants, flavonoids, and phenolics, which contribute to its potential health advantages. Among the identified bioactive compounds present in Joha rice are oryzanol, ferulic acid, tocotrienol, caffeic acid, catechuic acid, gallic acid, and tricin. These compounds have been associated with antioxidant, hypoglycemic, and cardio-protective effects. 

Wednesday, February 08, 2023

Yuva Sangam Registration Portal

he development in the northeastern states has always been slow as compared to the Indian mainland. This is mainly because the states are covered with forests and the percentage of the tribal population is high. Also, natural factors hinder the development of the region. For instance, Brahmaputra is called Sorrow of Assam. Frequent earthquakes occur in the region. There are anti-socialistic groups, Naga insurgencies, etc; Chinese interference in the border; the Inrush of Rohingyas and many more reasons that hinder the development of North Eastern India. To fasten the development process in the region and to link the region with the rest of the mainland, the Government of India has launched the Yuva Sangam Registration portal.



Yuva Sangam Registration Portal

4Shares
whatsapp sharing button
twitter sharing button
facebook sharing button
telegram sharing button
messenger sharing button
print sharing button

The development in the northeastern states has always been slow as compared to the Indian mainland. This is mainly because the states are covered with forests and the percentage of the tribal population is high. Also, natural factors hinder the development of the region. For instance, Brahmaputra is called Sorrow of Assam. Frequent earthquakes occur in the region. There are anti-socialistic groups, Naga insurgencies, etc; Chinese interference in the border; the Inrush of Rohingyas and many more reasons that hinder the development of North Eastern India. To fasten the development process in the region and to link the region with the rest of the mainland, the Government of India has launched the Yuva Sangam Registration portal


    About the portal

    The main objective of the portal is to connect with the youth in the northeast region. The portal was launched under the spirit of “Ek Bharat Shreshtha Bharat”. Through the Yuva Sangam initiative, youths in the region will travel across different parts of the country and learn about different cultures in India.

    Significance

    It is important to educate the youths and provide them with skills to develop the North Eastern Region. Chinese infiltrations are increasing in the region. GoI has to earn the trust of the locals in the region. Therefore, there is a necessity of inclusive development.

    Friday, January 20, 2023

    Poll year: Editorial on upcoming electoral contests in Northeast

     Bharatiya Janata Party, which had a negligible presence in the Northeast earlier, has been deepening its footprints in the region at a furious pace.


    The next parliamentary elections in India are expected to take place in 2024. The attention of India and that of the world would, quite naturally, be on their outcome. But a number of crucial electoral contests are scheduled this year as well. As many as nine states would vote in assembly polls. The results, pundits argue, need not reflect the national mood with precision. But the outcomes would still generate interest because the principal players in national politics — the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Congress — would be in the fray in many of these states. Inaugurating this season of polls are three states in the Northeast. Tripura will vote to bring in a new government on February 16 while Meghalaya and Nagaland would do so on February 27, with the results of all three contests being declared on March 2. The Bharatiya Janata Party, which had a negligible presence in the Northeast earlier, has been deepening its footprints in the region at a furious pace. It held  Assam and, most strikingly, took Tripura and is part of the ruling alliance in Nagaland and Meghalaya. But the road to power for the BJP could be a bit of an uphill grind. In Tripura, it is expected to face the combined strength of the Congress and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) with Pradyot Kishore Debbarma’s Tipraha Indigenous Progressive Regional Alliance expected to queer the pitch further. Even in Meghalaya, the BJP’s equation with the ruling National People’s Party has become frosty. The stakes, arguably, are even higher for the Congress that is now a rump of its former self in the region. Meanwhile, if Bengal’s ruling party, the Trinamul Congress, manages to taste some success in Meghalaya, it could provide a fillip to the regional party’s ambition to play a role in Delhi. As for Nagaland, it should be anxious for a credible government as well as a combative Opposition. At the moment, in a peculiar development for a democracy, Nagaland is the only Indian state without an Opposition.

    The winner in these three states would have their task cut out. The Northeast, despite being one of India’s strategic corners, continues to battle, among other challenges, underdevelopment, corruption, militancy as well as intra-border tensions. Chinese incursion in Arunachal Pradesh has added to the region’s centrality to policy. It is imperative that the elected dispensations rise above political differences to take on these hurdles for the welfare of the nation, the region, and the people.


    Source: The Telegraph, 20/01/23

    Monday, January 09, 2023

    Schemes of Ministry of Development of North Eastern Region

     The Centre has approved the continuation of schemes of the Ministry of Development of Northeastern Region (DoNER) with an outlay of Rs 12,882 crore for the balance period of the 15th Finance Commission (2022-23 to 2025-26).

    DoNER Minister G Kishan Reddy announced at a press conference that the approved schemes will be extended for the balance period of the 15th Finance Commission, a decision that was made at a meeting of the Union Cabinet chaired by Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Wednesday. The extension will allow for better planning in terms of project selection and front-loading of projects during the scheme period.


    Outlays for Specific DoNER Schemes

    The outlay for the North East Special Infrastructure Scheme (NESIDS) will be Rs 8,139.5 crore, including the committed liabilities of ongoing projects, according to the Expenditure Finance Committee’s recommendations. The outlay for the ‘Schemes of NEC’ will be Rs 3,202.7 crore, including the committed liabilities of ongoing projects. The outlay for special packages for the Bodoland Territorial Council, the Dima Hasao Autonomous Territorial Council, and the Karbi Anglong Autonomous Territorial Council in Assam is Rs 1,540 crore, including the committed liabilities of ongoing projects.

    NESIDS, a central sector scheme with 100% central funding, has been restructured to include two components: NESIDS (roads) and NESIDS (other than road infrastructure).

    Objectives of DoNER Ministry Schemes

    • The DoNER ministry’s schemes aim to supplement the efforts of various central ministries and departments on one hand and address the needs of the North-eastern states on the other hand, for uncovered development and welfare activities.
    • The schemes provide gap-filling support to the eight states in the region based on their felt needs by taking up projects that develop infrastructure to mitigate connectivity and social sector deficits, and enhance livelihood and employment opportunities in the region.
    • The five pillars of the Aatmanirbhar Bharat Abhiyan for a self-reliant India – economy, infrastructure, system, vibrant demography, and demand – will also get a boost through the DoNER schemes, according to Reddy.

    Budget Allocations for DoNER Schemes

    The actual expenditure in the last four years under DoNER schemes was Rs 7,534.46 crore, while the fund available for expenditure in the next four years until 2025-26 is Rs 19,482.2 crore. There has been a 370% increase in the average annual budget allocation, totaling Rs 9,970 crore, in the last eight years compared to the average annual budget allocation of Rs 2,122 crore during 2009-14.

    Infrastructure Development in the North-eastern Region

    • Efforts have been made to improve infrastructure in the Northeastern region, with a focus on improving connectivity. For improving railway connectivity, Rs 51,019 crore have been spent since 2014. A total of 19 new projects worth Rs 77,930 crore have been sanctioned.
    • For improving road connectivity, 375 projects worth Rs 1.05 lakh crore are underway. In the next three years, the government will lay 9,476 kilometers of roads under 209 projects, with the Centre spending Rs 1,06,004 crore on this effort.
    • Air connectivity has also improved significantly in the Northeastern region. In the last eight years, the number of airports in the region has increased from 9 to 17, and air traffic movement has increased by over 200%.

    In addition to infrastructure development, the DoNER ministry is also working on various other initiatives to boost the region’s development, including promoting entrepreneurship, skill development, and tourism.

    Monday, November 28, 2022

    Kuki-Chin Bangladeshi Refugee Issue

     he on-going conflict between Bangladeshi security forces and the Kuki-Chin National Army (KNA) triggered an influx of refugees from the Kuki-Chin community to the Indian state of Mizoram.

    Who is Kuki-Chin National Army (KNA)?

    • The Kuki-Chin National Army (KNA) is the armed wing of the Kuki-Chin National Front (KNF) – a separatist group that was established in 2008 to create a separate state in Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) in Southern Bangladesh.
    • The KNF claims that all members of the Bawm, Pungkhua, Lushai, Khumi, Mro, and Khyang ethnic groups are part of the greater Kuki-Chin race.
    • Also known as the Bawm Party, this group is having close relationships with rebel groups in Northeast India and Myanmar.

    About the current conflict in Bangladesh

    The Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) has launched an operation in October 2022 against the Kuki-Chin National Army (KNA) after it entered into an agreement with the newly formed militant outfit called the Jama’atul Ansar Fil Hindal Sharqiya, which originated from the remote hilly terrains of Rangamati and Bandarban. Under this three-year agreement, KNF will provide shelter, training and other support to the militants in return for 3 lakh Bangladeshi Taka and food expenditure. While several of them have been arrested, 50 militants are currently being trained in the region.

    Refugee Situation in Mizoram

    This on-going military operation in the CHT has triggered the inflow of refugees in Mizoram. At least 200 Kuki-Chin refugees from Chittagong reached Mizoram’s Lawngtlai district.

    The state cabinet had recently approved the setting up of temporary shelters and other basic amenities the Bangladeshi Kuki-Chin refugees. Some 35 lakh people of Kuki-Chin-Mizo communities live in Chittagong Hills Tracts. More refugees from this region are expected to reach Mizoram. They will be recognized as “officially displaced persons” in the state government records since there are no laws related to refugees in India. These refugees will be housed on the same lines as the shelters given to the refugees from Myanmar, who entered Mizoram after the 2021 coup. Mizoram, which shares a 318-km-long border with Bangladesh, currently hosts some 30,000 refugees from Myanmar.

    Tuesday, July 19, 2022

    India to submit report on Arunachal’s Chakmas-Hajongs to UN anti-racism body

     The UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination in April had ordered India to provide information if the refugees from Bangladesh were facing discrimination and eviction from Arunachal Pradesh in violation of Supreme Court directives to provide them Indian citizenship

    India on Friday (July 15) is expected to submit its action-taken report on the steps taken to prevent any deportation or relocation of the Chakma and Hajong communities of Arunachal Pradesh, to the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD), the United Nations’ anti-racism body.

    CERD has mandated that the action-taken report should clearly specify if any special census was conducted to deport the Chakmas and Hajongs from Arunachal Pradesh, and mention measures adopted to prevent and combat their racial profiling or racial discrimination.

    The report is also supposed to specify if the judgements of the Supreme Court in the cases of the National Human Rights Commission vs State of Arunachal Pradesh and Anr and the Committee for CR of CAP; and Ors vs State of Arunachal Pradesh and Ors, were implemented.

    The Chakmas, predominantly Buddhists, and Hajongs, mostly Hindus, are tribes of the Chittagong Hills of the erstwhile East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) who migrated to India after facing religious persecution in the Islamic country, following the destruction of their homes by the Kaptai dam on the Karnaphuli River in the 1960s. The Indian government rehabilitated the communities in Arunachal Pradesh, where have been living for the past 50 years.

    In a major ruling in 2015, the Supreme Court had approved the grant of Indian citizenship to some 54,000 refugees from the two communities.

    The Centre in 2017 also promised to grant Indian citizenship to around 1 lakh Chakma and Hajong refugees under the Citizenship Amendment Act. But it led to widespread protests in the northeast as the locals fear giving the communities permanent citizenship will alter the tribal-dominant demographics of the region.

    On 29 April 2022, CERD, consisting of 18 experts (elected by the members of the United Nations) directed India to submit its action-taken report after it intervened against announcement of relocation by then Chief Minister of Arunachal Pradesh in August 2001; the special census of the two tribes launched by Deputy Commissioner of Changlang district in November 2021 to deport them, and the alleged non-processing of their citizenship applications in deference to Supreme Court orders.

    “The intervention of the UN top anti-racism body is a recognition of racial discrimination faced by the Chakmas and Hajongs of Arunachal Pradesh by the United Nations. That the UN has to intervene seeking implementation of the Supreme Court’s judgements in the country sends an absolutely wrong message on India. If the Supreme Court judgments are not implemented by the Union of India and the State of Arunachal Pradesh, it basically means that the rule of law does not exist in the country for the Chakmas and Hajongs,” Suhas Chakma, founder of the Chakma Development Foundation of India (CDFI) said in a press release.

    ndia had ratified the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD) in 1968 accepting its legal enforceability in India and on 21 September 2010. India also issued gazette notification specifying the Convention “as an international covenant in its application to the protection of human rights in India” under the Protection of Human Rights Act, 1993.

    Source: The Federal, 15/07/22

    Thursday, July 07, 2022

    What are Nairobi flies, which are causing disease in Sikkim?

     Around 100 students of an engineering college in East Sikkim have reported skin infections after coming in contact with Nairobi flies, officials said on Tuesday (June 5).

    The population of Nairobi flies, a species of insect native to East Africa, is growing at a fast pace on campus of the Sikkim Manipal Institute of Technology (SMIT) in Majhitar, officials were quoted as saying. The flies can overwhelm new areas in search of breeding grounds and food supply, Health Department officials said.

    The college administration said infected students had been given medication and were recovering. One student who was recently infected had to undergo surgery in his hand.

    What are Nairobi flies?

    Nairobi flies, also called Kenyan flies or dragon bugs, are small, beetle-like insects that belong to two species, Paederus eximius and Paederus sabaeus. They are orange and black in colour, and thrive in areas with high rainfall, as has been witnessed in Sikkim in the past few weeks.

    Like most insects, the beetles are attracted by bright light.

    How are humans affected by them?

    Usually, the insects attack pests that consume crops and are beneficial for humans — but at times, they come in contact with humans directly are cause harm. Health officials say these flies do not bite, but if disturbed while sitting on anyone’s skin, they release a potent acidic substance that causes burns.

    This substance is called pederin, and can cause irritation if it comes in contact with the skin, leading to lesions or unusual marks or colouring on the skin. The skin begins to heal in a week or two, but some secondary infections can occur, especially if the victim scratches the irritated skin.

    Have there been outbreaks of the disease?

    Major outbreaks have happened in Kenya and other parts of eastern Africa. In 1998, unusually heavy rain caused a large number of insects to come into the region, reported the Associated Press.

    Outside Africa, outbreaks have happened in India, Japan, Israel, and Paraguay in the past.

    What is the way to protect oneself against Nairobi flies?

    Sleeping under mosquito nets can help. If a fly lands on a person, it should be gently brushed off, and should not be disturbed or touched to reduce the chances of it releasing pederin.

    The area where the flies sits should be washed with soap and water. If they are squelched and end up leaving toxic fluids on the skin, care should be taken that unwashed hands do not touch any other part of the body, particularly the eyes.

    Written by Rishika Singh 

    Source: Indian Express, 5/07/22

    Friday, April 29, 2022

    Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav – North East Festival

     The week-long Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav – North East Festival began on 28th April 2022 and it will be showcasing the potential of the Northeast region.

    Overview:

    • This week-long festival will be held across the 8 states of the northeast region in their own significant and special manner.
    • The festival will culminate at a Valedictory event that will be held at Guwahati on 4th May 2022.
    • This festival’s coordinating body is the Ministry of DoNER.

    About the festival

    This festival is being leveraged to discuss the various fundamental aspects of the development of India’s Northeast region. This festival will be celebrating aspiration, hope, and vision for a prosperous and developed North East Region. Starting from the 29th of April, every day will be celebrated under a different theme across the 8 different states. Cultural programs will also be held that will celebrate the uniqueness of this region and will also be highlighting its potential.

    Themes of the festival

    • Shillong: Investment Potential and future energy needs of North East (29th April)
    • Itanagar: Welfare of Tribals and Border Management (30th April)
    • Gangtok: The Smart City Revolution in the North East (30th April)
    • Agartala: Role of women in the development of North East (1st May)
    • Aizawl: Eco-Tourism in North East (2nd May)
    • Dimapur: Agri Horti and organic products potential of North East (2nd May)
    • Sports Potential of the North East region will be celebrated as a parallel to Sports week.
    • Imphal: The culmination would be celebrated (3rd May)

    The valedictory session of this festival would be celebrated on 4th May at Guwahati.

    Wednesday, April 27, 2022

    Meghalaya Enterprise Architecture (MeghEA) Project

    he government of Meghalaya’s Planning Department’s initiative of the “e-Proposal System”, has won the UN Award – World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS) Forum Prizes 2022. The “e-Proposal System” is a part of Meghalaya Enterprise Architecture (MeghEA), which eliminates 75 per cent physical work of files in all government departments in the state.

    About MeghEA Project

    • The Meghalaya Enterprise Architecture Project (MeghEA) was launched with the aim of improving governance and service delivery for the people of the state using the power of various digital technologies.
    • Enterprise Architecture (EA) is the process by which various organisations standardise and organise their Information Technology related infrastructure to achieve various business objectives.
    • This initiative of the state government of Meghalaya is spread across six different pillars that are Human Resources, Governance, Primary Sector, Entrepreneurship, Environment, and Infrastructure.
    • Through this initiative Meghalaya will be made into a high-income state by 2030.

    Digital Goals that are Supported by MeghEA

    MeghEA is supporting the digital government goals that are:

    • A planned transformation initiative of the state government which demands efficient coordination among policies, strategies, services, processes, and organizational capacity.
    • All information and communications technology (ICT) initiatives will be coordinated under one umbrella to provide a better holistic perspective.
    • Implementation of ICT enabled state government process with the aim of providing multi-channel service delivery.
    • Ensuring that the systems and applications of the state government provide users with all relevant information.
    • Crafting an ecosystem to boost the digital economy by leveraging ICT for growth and employment.

    Conclusion

    Out of the top 360 projects from across the world, Meghalaya was selected. Out of the selected top 360, the UN selects the top 5 in 18 different categories and they are awarded as Champion Projects. Meghalaya has been awarded in the category of the role played by state governments and stakeholders in the promotions of ICT for development purpose.

    Monday, April 25, 2022

    Democratic space is slowly growing in Manipur

     Lamka, Churachandpur today is predominantly a town inhabited by the indigenous Zo kindred tribes. It is multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and has a cosmopolitan worldview. Inter-ethnic clashes on June 27, 1997, had led to the breakdown of trust among communities and encouraged patronisation of ethnic affiliations. These tensions can be traced to the time of the merger of the princely state of Manipur with the Indian Union or even before to the colonial era. The Khul Union, formed in 1947, which comprises all the hill people in Manipur except the Nagas, to protect their interests and political future, was disrupted due to the assertion of linguistic dominance by the numerically larger ethnic groups. More recently, the anti-tribal bill movement in Manipur in August, 2015 widened the ethnic divide and disrupted communal harmony, especially in Churachandpur. The anti-tribal bill passed by the Manipur legislative assembly was opposed by the hill people of Manipur and a Joint Action Committee against the Anti-Tribal Bills (JACAATB) was formed to articulate the opposition. The subsequent protests led to attacks on the houses of MLAs from the hill areas and nine persons, including a 10-year-old boy, were killed in police firing. However, the ethnic divide came into play and the outcome was the withdrawal of some tribes from the JACAATB.

    The ethnic and political divides impact everyday life, sometimes in a subtle manner and at other times in an explicit fashion. It triggers conflict and fuels violence. During elections, ethnic, institutional, money, gun, and muscle power become prevalent. In a region that has historically emphasised ethnicity, elections are not seen as an opportunity for electing lawmakers but imagined as a form of ethnic and geopolitical dominance and assertion. One’s candidature in an election is perceived as a representation of one’s community socio-culturally and politically. The outcome is that only a minuscule amount of space is provided to minority tribes like the Simtes, Gangte, Vaipheis, Mizos, Zous, and others to articulate their rights in a democratic manner.

    Thangkhangin Ngaihte, the president of Lok Janshakti Party in Manipur and a member of the Simte community, has lost eight elections to the assembly and Parliament. He says, “Ethnic organisations govern our land, and our votes are cast on ethnic grounds. For a minority tribe like the Simtes, come a thousand years, the chances of getting their representative elected are still futile. Considering ethnicity as the ground for vote casting, a qualified candidate’s chances to get elected are nullified.”

    This convoluted state of ethnic politics is further complicated by money, guns, and muscle power. It was alleged that Rs 16 crore was paid to Manipur militant groups ahead of elections to influence voters in the assembly election held in February. Congress leader Jairam Ramesh alleged that elections in Churachandpur and Kangpokpi districts in the first phase on February 28 were undemocratic because payments had been made. Demands were made for a repoll in 30 polling stations across Churachandpur and Kangpokpi districts.

    The entry of James Khuma Hauzel, an independent candidate in 58 AC Churachandpur, into the electoral fray became interesting because he refused to follow the dominant pattern of political discourse. He sought to break the symbolic, social, and cultural norms ascribed to political elites during his campaign. He attacked corruption, gun power, kinship, and institutional politics from a position that combined the Zo worldview and Christian ethics and morality. On the day of the election, Khuma and his wife, Ing Borang, visited several polling stations, exposing the redundancy of the security provided to the candidates.

    Churachandpur 58 AC recorded the lowest voter turnout in the state with 71.53 per cent. However, this is still the highest voter turnout for the district after several decades of public disinterest in politics. The turnouts in 2012 and 2017 were 64.13 per cent and 62.56 per cent respectively. Khuma secured only 2,244 votes while the leading candidate, LM Khaute of JD(U), secured 18,321 votes. However, Khuma’s campaign against corruption, money and muscle power, kinship, and institutional politics had a resonance among young people, who desperately yearn for a change in the political discourse. This is how a supporter put it: “Khuma paved the way for new ways of seeing politics.

    Winning or losing doesn’t matter.” On March 26, 2022, a month after the Manipur assembly election, the town held a “Pakhuma Night” at Lamka public ground with a large young crowd in attendance to take forward the issues Khuma highlighted in the campaign. Addressing the crowd, Mang Taithul, a journalist from the Zou community who hosted the event, said: “Tonight, a Gangte artist sings, a Zou hosts the event. If only all the tribes in our town came together like this, why wouldn’t Lamka be a convivial place?… There is no reason for Thadou, Paite, or Zou (tribes) to segregate… The Church, tribe and ethnicity have failed to bring Lamka together. Only Pakhum and music can bring us together…”

    Although Khuma lost, the election has become a catalyst to unite people of different political persuasions in Churachandpur, a region that has been riven by divisive ethnic politics. Hopefully, these non-ethnic mobilisations driven by the belief in the power of democracy to transform the society and end corruption in public life will not dissipate.

    Written by Suanmuanlian Tonsing , Sangmuan Hangsing

    Tonsing is a doctoral candidate at the School of Information, University of Michigan-Ann Arbor and Hangsing an independent researcher

    Source: Indian Express, 23/04/22

    Wednesday, April 20, 2022

    Towards a peaceful, stable Northeast

     On March 29, the Assam and Meghalaya chief ministers signed an agreement to resolve the five-decade-old border dispute in the presence of the Union home minister. Two days later, the Union home ministry (MHA) decided to reduce the disturbed areas under the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) in Assam, Nagaland and Manipur after decades. Both these developments are significant for restoring normalcy and enabling perception changes about the northeastern region.

    Ever since Amit Shah became the Union home minister in May 2019, efforts to address the issues of the Northeast have been moving according to a strategic plan which is premised on three objectives — ending all disputes, ushering in economic progress and taking the region’s contribution to GDP back to its pre-Independence levels, and making efforts to maintain and preserve the region’s languages, dialects, dance, music, food, and culture and make it attractive for the whole country. On all these fronts there is progress and a difference from the past when assurances and agreements languished due to poor or almost no implementation.

    As part of that strategy, existing issues of both interstate border disputes and insurgency have been closely studied and negotiated and a few agreements have been signed. Assam, with the maximum border disputes in the region, got into a proactive border dialogue ever since the current chief minister took office almost a year ago. The dialogues on the state’s border disputes with Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland and Mizoram are continuing at a steady pace and while the recent agreement with Meghalaya has been signed, progress is being made in the other disputes as well.

    In January this year, Assam and Nagaland agreed to settle their dispute out of court and talks are on with the Arunachal Pradesh government to solve the 122 disputed sites. After the violent flare-ups witnessed last year at the Assam-Mizoram border, today there are regular engagements to maintain peace and work out a permanent solution. The model of Assam’s engagement with Meghalaya, is a good one to emulate — the two chief ministers, after two rounds of talks in August last year, constituted three committees each under cabinet ministers in their states to go into the complex boundary issues. Based on the recommendations of the committees, the first phase has seen six points of dispute, with less critical differences, being settled. A phase-wise solution is also a good confidence-building measure, apart from the experience gained on the ground in implementing the agreement.

    The run up to this current notification on AFSPA is also significant. The MHA has been confabulating with the state governments, irrespective of the demands from many civil society organisations for the removal of AFSPA. Peace has been witnessed in most places across Assam, and even in Nagaland and Manipur talks with various groups for a permanent solution had resulted in a cessation of violence. The NLFT Tripura Agreement (August 2019), the Bru Agreement (January 2020), the Bodo Peace Accord (January 2020) and the Karbi Anglong Agreement (September 2021) have actually resulted in about 7,000 militants surrendering their arms. In 2021, militancy incidents had reduced by 74 per cent compared to 2014 and security personnel and civilians deaths have also come down by 60 per cent and 84 per cent, respectively, during this period.

    So the demand for the removal of the disturbed areas notification (DAN) was very much justified. DAN has been in force in the whole of Assam since 1990, in all of Manipur (except the Imphal Municipality area) since 2004 and in the whole of Nagaland since 1995. With the removal of the DAN tag, AFSPA has been removed with effect from April 1 this year completely from 23 districts and partially from one district of Assam, from 15 police station areas of six districts of Manipur and from 15 police station areas in seven districts in Nagaland. DAN is currently applicable in only three districts and in two police station areas in one other district of Arunachal Pradesh. Pertinently, AFSPA was completely removed from Tripura in 2015 and Meghalaya in 2018, respectively. Clearly, more areas will be out of the ambit as the situation improves on the ground.

    The efforts by the Union government to make the northeastern region the main pillar of the Act East policy have been useful in bringing a sense of political stability that is very crucial for optimal economic development and capacity enhancement in the region.

    Written by Subimal Bhattacharjee 

    Source: Indian Express, 20/04/22

    Monday, April 18, 2022

    The significance of Nagaland govt’s green signal for 33% reservation for women in civic bodies

     Earlier this week, the Nagaland government informed the Supreme Court that it was ready to implement a 33 per cent reservation for women in the civic body polls. With that, the apex court said there was no longer any “impediment” in holding elections to the Urban Local Bodies (ULB), and asked the Nagaland Election Commission to schedule dates.

    If implemented, ULB elections, a contentious subject in Nagaland, will be held in the state after more than a decade.

    The civic body elections were first held in the state in 2004, in accordance with the Nagaland Municipal Act of 2001.

    In 2006, the Nagaland Municipal Act of 2001 was amended to include a 33 per cent reservation for women in line with the 1992 Constitutional amendment.

    Since then, there has been widespread opposition to the amendment, as many Naga groups contend that the reservations are in contravention with Naga customary laws as enshrined in Article 371(A) of the Constitution — which accords the state special status and protects its traditional way of life.

    In February 2017, as the Nagaland government tried holding the elections as per a Supreme Court directive (to hold elections with 33 per cent reservation for women), the state was convulsed by violent protests that led to two deaths, and ouster of the then chief minister T R Zeliang.

    Is everyone in Nagaland opposed to it?

    Women’s groups like the Naga Mothers’ Association (NMA) stand on the other side of this debate, and have fought a long legal battle for elections to be held. They argue that reservations do not infringe upon Article 371(A) of the Constitution. Their rationale: Article 371 (A) related to laws made in the Parliament while the reservations had been effected through a Constitutional amendment.

    The contention around the polls led the Nagaland government in December 2009 to indefinitely postpone municipal elections, which were due in 2010.

    In 2011, the NMA petitioned the Gauhati High Court on the issue. Many leaders from the NMA, as well as other tribal womens’ groups in Nagaland, also formed the Joint Action Committee on Women Reservation (JACWR) in the same year to press for the issue.

    However, despite the high court directing the government to hold the elections in 2011, the Nagaland assembly, in 2012, adopted a resolution rejecting women’s reservation in ULBs.

    Thereafter, the NMA filed a special leave petition in the Supreme Court making its case for reservations. It was on the basis of this petition that the apex court ordered the state government to conduct elections in 2017. The state assembly revoked its 2012 resolution and agreed to hold elections.

    However, as the elections were announced and the opposition to it turned violent leaving two dead in February 2017, the NMA withdrew its name for the petition. Thereafter, the People’s Union for Civil Liberties made itself a party to the case.

    What happened thereafter?

    In October 2021, a committee was formed by the state government to review the Municipality Act 2001.

    In February 2022, the Supremer Court rapped the Nagaland state government for delaying the elections, saying that an “important aspect of gender equality seems to be getting postponed.”

    Shortly after in March, the state government convened a meeting with all stakeholders, including civil society organisations, churches, tribal bodies, political parties and NGOs and “unanimously” adopted a resolution to hold ULB polls.

    Mmhonlumo Kikon, state government spokesperson and advisor, described it as“historic day” for the people of Nagaland.

    On April 12, 2022, the Nagaland government informed the Supreme Court of its resolution, after which the court directed the government to fix a date for the ULB elections with 33 per cent seats reserved for women. The next date of hearing is in July.

    Is there a public consensus on the elections now?

    Kikon said that there was “resistance” in the last term among various sections of the civil society. “However, the government has mobilised and discussed with all stakeholders and there is a consensus now,” he said.

    The Naga Hoho, the apex tribal body of the state, said that there was no more “opposition”.

    “As far as the tribal HOHO is considered, we have no objection,” said HK Zhimoni, President, Naga Hoho, adding that women “should be given equal position and privilege.”

    However, the Joint Coordination Committee (JCC) on urban local bodies continues to demand a review of the Municipal Act. Following the March resolution of the government, the JCC said that “all stakeholders were not consulted”.

    “We are not against reservation but we still feel many aspects of the Act need to be reviewed. There may still be conflicting views among the public on the reservation issue and proper discussion is needed,” said Rainbow Ngullie, Secretary, JCC.

    Written by Tora Agarwala

    Source: Indian Express, 16.04.22

    Thursday, April 07, 2022

    What the Assam Accord of 1985 said about immigrants

     In the late 1970s, an extraordinary student movement had taken root in Assamese soil. The Mangaldoi constituency, which was voting in a bypoll after the death of its MP Hiralal Patwari, was under the spotlight. The seat, with a very high concentration of immigrants from East Bengal, drew national attention due to a sudden rise in the number of voters compared to the previous election two years earlier. Even as reports suggested a large-scale immigration from Bangladesh into the state, on June 8, 1979, the All Assam Students Union went on a 12-hour general strike demanding the ‘detention, disenfranchisement and deportation’ of all foreigners. What followed in the next few months and years was a spree of protest movements, several rounds of negotiations with the government and ultimately the signing of the Assam accord in 1985 that listed down a number of measures to be taken for the state to deal with the issue of immigration.

    It has taken 33 years for this crucial piece of the Assam Accord to finally fall into place. On Monday, when the final draft of the National Register of Citizens was released, close to 40 lakh residents of Assam were disappointed to find their names missing from the list. With the Opposition, especially West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee slamming the move, BJP president Amit Shah reminded everyone that the accord was signed in 1985 under the Rajiv Gandhi-led Congress government. “Rajiv Gandhi signed the Assam Accord in 1985, which was similar to NRC. They did not have the courage to implement it, we did,” he said in the Rajya Sabha on Tuesday.

    What was the Assam movement?

    The issue of immigration had rankled ethnic relations in Assam since the years preceding Independence. American political scientist Myron Weiner, carrying out a census study in Assam, had noted – based on the projection of the 1891 census – that immigrants and their descendants would then number 8.5 million as opposed to locals and their descendants at 6.5 million. However, after free India was born the issue was brushed under the carpet until 1979, when the Assam movement began. What kept the immigration issue at bay was the centrality of language issue in defining the boundaries of ethnic conflicts for a long time.

    While the immigration issue did come up once in a while, it was only in 1979 that it shook the state, defining the contours of ethnic and religious relations for years to come. “It ruptured carefully nurtured ethnic coalitions that were at the foundation of political stability in the state, setting the stage for a prolonged period of political turmoil,” writes political scientist Sanjib Baruah in his article ‘Immigration, ethnic conflict and political turmoil- Assam 1979-1985’.

    The 12-hour strike of June 8 was soon followed by the formation of the Assam Gana Sangam Parishad (AGSP) for conducting a coordinated statewide movement.

    “An unprecedented mass popular upsurge followed in the form of sit-ins, picketings in front of government offices, strikes, and symbolic disobedience of the law,” writes Baruah.

    Between 1980 and 1982, close to 23 rounds of negotiations took place between the movement’s leaders and the central government. Even though the Assam movement had sufficient support, there were many against it as well, considering the size of the immigrant population in Assam and the political cost of agreeing to the demands of the movement.

    By the end of 1982, however, an agreement was reached between the Centre and the movement’s leaders that all those who made it within the Indian borders between 1951 and 1961 would be given citizenship status, while those who came after 1971 would be deported. But the status of those who entered between 1961 and 1971 was not resolved.

    Also, there was no agreement on the procedures to be used in order to conclude the status of a resident. In the meantime, the movement had gained sufficient momentum to be able to disrupt the functioning of the government including the 1980 parliamentary elections, and the Assembly elections of 1983.

    Negotiations between the movement’s leaders and the central government were once again initiated in 1984. By this time the Janata Party was no longer in power, and the government lay in the hands of Rajiv Gandhi. Consequently, an accord was signed on August 15, 1985, according to which, all illegal aliens who entered the state between January 1966 and March 1971 would be disenfranchised for 10 years, and those who came after March 1971 would be deported. Once the accord was signed, the state government was dissolved as fresh elections were held based on revised electoral rolls in December 1985.

    What is the Assam Accord?

    The Assam Accord of 1985 began with the assurance that the “government has all along been most anxious to find a satisfactory resolution to the problem of foreigners in Assam.” Consequently, it put together a list of resolutions to be implemented in order to solve the immigration issue in Assam.

    As per the accord, all people who came to Assam prior to January 1, 1966, would be given citizenship. Those who moved in between January 1, 1966, and March 24, 1971, would be “detected in accordance with the provisions of the Foreigners Act, 1946 and the Foreigners (Tribunals) Order 1964”. Their names would be deleted from the electoral rolls and they would remain disenfranchised for a period of 10 years. Lastly, the accord provided a resolution to the case of those who entered Indian borders after March 24, 1971.

    “Foreigners who came to Assam on or after March 25, 1971, shall continue to be detected, deleted and practical steps shall be taken to expel such foreigners,” said the accord.

    The signing of the accord ensured that the agitation came to an end. However, several clauses mentioned in it are yet to be implemented, and that in turn has kept the issue burning along ethnic, religious and geographical lines for the last three decades.

    Source: Indian Express, 2/08/2018

    Defining who is ‘Assamese’: attempts, challenges

     Last week, the Assam government informed the Assembly that nearly 1.44 lakh foreigners had been identified in the state until January 31 this year based on the 1985 Assam Accord, and around 30,000 of them had been deported. It added that definitions of phrases mentioned in the Accord such as ‘Axomiya janagan’ (Assamese people), ‘khilonjia’ (indigenous) and ‘adi basinda’ (original inhabitants) were yet to be determined.

    Who is a foreigner under the Accord?

    The Assam Accord was signed in 1985 by the Centre and the Assam government with the All Assam Student Union and the All Assam Gana Sangram Parishad, which had spearheaded the 1979-85 Assam Movement against migration from Bangladesh. It set March 24, 1971 as a cut-off. Anyone who had come to Assam before midnight on that date would be an Indian citizen, while those who had come after would be dealt with as foreigners. The same cut-off was used in updating the National Register of Citizens (NRC).

    Why is it important to define ‘Assamese people’?

    Clause 6 of the Assam Accord promises “constitutional, legislative and administrative safeguards to protect, preserve and promote the cultural, social, linguistic identity and heritage of the Assamese people. Clause 6 is important because many felt the 1971 cut-off was inadequate to address the impact of migration. It is seen as a provision that would guarantee certain benefits to the Assamese people to compensate for the 1971 cut-off.

    Why is the definition difficult?

    Dr Kaustubh Deka, from the political science faculty at Dibrugarh University, pointed out that ‘Axomiya’ or ‘Assamese’ is a contested term and there is no specific universal definition. Many feel people whose ancestors were living in Assam before 1826, when Assam was merged with British India, are Axomiya. Others feel ‘Axomiya’ include residents of Assam before 1951, when the first NRC was drawn up. Still others feel anyone speaking any indigenous language is an Axomiya, and many are in favour of extending the definition to include Bengali-speaking residents of Barak Valley, where Bengali is the local language.

    Have any definitions been proposed?

    Over the years, several committees have been set up to determine a definition, but none adopted. In 2015, then Assembly Speaker Pranab Kumar Gogoi prepared a report proposing that ‘Assamese people’ mean anyone belonging to the state, speaking the Assamese language or any tribal dialect of the state, or local language of the region in the case of Cachar district and adjoining areas (Barak Valley), and families living in Assam since 1951 or earlier.

    Another key committee came in 2019, when Assam was rocked by protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA). The government set up the committee to quell the protests. According to its recommendations in 2020, all citizens who are part of the Assamese community, any person of indigenous tribal community of Assam, any other indigenous community of Assam, all other citizens of India residing in the territory or Assam on or before January 1, 1951 and descendants of these categories would be considered Assamese. No movement has happened on this.

    According to this committee’s recommendations, all citizens who are part of the Assamese community, any person of indigenous tribal community of Assam, any other indigenous community of Assam, all other citizens of India residing in the territory or Assam on or before January 1, 1951 and descendants of these categories would be considered Assamese. In essence, this definition includes not only the indigenous people but also all other Indian citizens, irrespective of mother tongue, as long as their ancestor

    What are the other terms for which no definition has been finalised?

    Khilonjia refers to indigenous communities. The question is who would be considered indigenous; some are in favour of communities living in Assam before the 1826 annexation with British India. Adi basinda, also undefined, is generally used to describe tribes who have lived for several generations in Assam.s were staying in Assam before 1951.

    Written by Debraj Deb

    Source: Indian Express, 22/03/22