Monday, November 10, 2025
WEF’s Report Shaping The Deep-Tech Revolution In Agriculture
The World Economic Forum (WEF) has released a landmark insights report titled ““Shaping the Deep-Tech Revolution in Agriculture,”” outlining seven key technological domains expected to reshape global farming systems. Developed in collaboration with academic and industry partners, the report emphasises how deep-tech convergence can enhance agricultural productivity, resilience, and sustainability worldwide.
Seven Deep-Tech Domains for Agricultural Transformation
The WEF report identifies seven technologies poised to drive future agricultural progress: generative artificial intelligence, computer vision, robotics, edge Internet of Things (IoT), satellite-enabled remote sensing, CRISPR gene editing, and nanotechnology. These domains, when combined, could fundamentally transform how crops are cultivated, monitored, and distributed. By integrating deep-tech solutions, the agricultural sector can achieve higher yields, better climate resilience, and more transparent carbon accounting.
High-Impact Use Cases and Global Examples
The report showcases examples of deep-tech in action—ranging from autonomous swarm robotics and precision farm management to agentic AI systems and real-time carbon reporting. Demonstrated use cases include climate-resilient rice varieties that reduce emissions by 20 per cent, precision agriculture techniques that boosted sugarcane yields by 40 per cent, and remote sensing models that forecast supply chain disruptions. These examples illustrate how converging deep technologies can address climate and productivity challenges simultaneously.
Collaboration and Policy Imperatives
The WEF calls for stronger collaboration among industry, academia, investors, and policymakers to scale deep-tech innovations. It urges governments to adopt agile regulations and experimental policy sandboxes to support rapid technological progress. The report stresses the importance of cross-learning and multidisciplinary research to mitigate early-stage risks, attract capital, and promote inclusive innovation across developing and developed economies alike.
Exam Oriented Facts
- The WEF report identifies seven core deep-tech domains for agriculture: AI, computer vision, robotics, IoT, remote sensing, CRISPR, and nanotechnology.
- Key use cases include autonomous swarm robotics, precision management, and carbon reporting.
- Climate-resilient rice and precision sugarcane farming are cited as success stories.
- The report is part of WEF’s Artificial Intelligence for Agriculture Initiative (AI4AI), launched in 2021.
Building a Deep-Tech Ecosystem for the Future
Jeremy Jurgens, Managing Director at the WEF’s Centre for the Fourth Industrial Revolution, highlighted that deep-tech transformation requires “ecosystems connecting science, industry, finance, and policy.” Abhay Pareek, Project Lead for Agriculture, added that deep-tech applications—such as AI crop intelligence in India and robotics in Europe—demonstrate the technology’s global reach. Through the AI4AI initiative, the WEF aims to expand India’s deep-tech agriculture ecosystem, fostering collaboration and innovation that could redefine global food systems for the decades ahead.
On the brink: Editorial on the 30th United Nations Climate Change Conference
COP30 cannot afford to become another forum for lofty speeches and vague declarations. The summit must set legally-binding emission targets and secure enforceable climate finance
The 30th United Nations Climate Change Conference, COP30, opens today in Brazil under the shadow of mounting scientific alarm and political fatigue. A decade after the Paris Agreement sought to limit global warming to 1.5° Celsius, the latest United Nations Emissions Gap Report warns that if countries continue on their current trajectories and fail to make deep cuts in greenhouse gas emissions, the world could in fact heat up by up to 2.8°C above pre-industrial levels. Global GHG emissions, the report found, have climbed to a record 57.7 billion tonnes in 2024, an increase of 2.3% over 2023. India’s record is particularly poor. The country registered the highest absolute increase in GHG emissions in 2024, rising by 3.6% over 2023. While India’s per capita emissions remain below the world average, its total output now places it among the top three emitters globally. A missed deadline for an updated national climate plan has only deepened concerns about India’s preparedness to meet its own targets. More alarmingly, the planet has begun crossing irreversible thresholds. According to a study by the University of Exeter, the world has likely breached its first climate tipping point — the collapse of warm-water coral reefs. Tipping points mark radical shifts in the Earth’s natural balance, setting off chain reactions that disrupt global weather systems, agriculture and biodiversity.
The global political landscape compounds the crisis. Climate scepticism has returned to power in the United States of America: President Donald Trump has withdrawn the US from the Paris Agreement and rolled back key clean-energy policies in one of the world’s largest emitting nations. As if on cue, influential figures such as Bill Gates are now arguing that although the climate crisis is grave, it will not lead to humanity’s extinction. The European Union, once a flagbearer of environmental multilateralism, appears increasingly divided and inward-looking. This vacuum in leadership in the battle against global warming threatens to stall collective action. But the scientific evidence and consensus are unequivocal: delay will make mitigation harder, costlier and more uncertain. COP30 cannot afford to become another forum for lofty speeches and vague declarations. The summit must set legally-binding emission targets, create clear accountability mechanisms, and secure enforceable climate finance. Without binding targets and a credible structure for climate finance, COP30 will join the long list of missed opportunities. And the world will be one step closer to the point of no return.
Source: The Telegraph, 10/11/25
Vande Mataram: The national song with a tragic journey
The national song was partitioned in 1937 to appease the Muslim League. Ten years later, the nation was partitioned
Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Friday inaugurated year-long celebrations commemorating 150 years of the stirring national song, ‘Vande Mataram’. He described the song as “an enduring symbol of devotion to the nation”. ‘Vande Mataram’ was the war cry of thousands of freedom fighters. It first appeared in 1875. As the Indian National Congress movement turned into a mass movement in the early 1900s, ‘Vande Mataram’ became the main slogan and inspiration for millions. “The partition (of Bengal) took effect on October 16, 1905… streets of Calcutta were full of the cries of ‘Bande Mataram’, which overnight became the national song of Bengal and which was soon to become the theme song of the national movement,” historian Bipan Chandra writes.
It was declared the national song on January 24, 1950. However, it also endured a tragic journey, from being an inspiration to becoming a victim of communal politics. The rise of the Muslim League in the early 1900s posed a serious challenge to the Congress leadership’s belief in “one nation — one people”. Gandhi sought to cajole the League leadership into supporting the unity of the nation, a tactic that many latter-day commentators thought naive. The more Gandhi and the Congress offered concessions, the harder the League’s position became. An early victim of this stridency was ‘Vande Mataram’. It had been a regular practice since 1905 to sing ‘Vande Mataram’ at all important Congress events. In December 1923, the annual Congress session was held in Kakinada. Gandhi was in Yerawada prison. Maulana Mohammad Ali, who was elected president of the session, was present along with senior leaders like Motilal Nehru, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Sarojini Naidu, Sardar Patel and Kasturba Gandhi.
As per convention, Vishnu Digambar Paluskar, a renowned Hindustani musician from Maharashtra, was there to sing ‘Vande Mataram’ at the inaugural. When Paluskar climbed the dais, Mohammad Ali raised an objection, saying it would hurt the sentiments of religious Muslims. Seeing the silence of the leaders, Paluskar took it upon himself to challenge Mohammad Ali. According to a biography of Paluskar,
“Digambar was incensed and hit back: ‘This is a national forum, not the platform of any single community. This is no mosque to object to music. There is no justification for a ban on music here. When the president could put up with the music in the presidential procession, why does he object to it here?’ Having silenced the president, without waiting for his reply, he proceeded to sing ‘Vande Mataram’ and completed it.”
To placate the League, Congress introduced Muhammad Iqbal’s ‘Saare Jahan se Acchha’ in its sessions. Yet, the opposition to ‘Vande Mataram’ continued. It became part of the so-called “Muslim grievances” against Congress. In July 1939, Gandhi wrote of ‘Vande Mataram’ in Harijan, “No matter what its source was, and how and when it was composed, it had become a most powerful battle cry among Hindus and Musalmans of Bengal during the Partition days. As a lad, when I knew nothing of ‘Anand Math’ or even Bankim, its immortal author, ‘Vande Mataram’ had gripped me… It never occurred to me that it was a Hindu song or meant only for Hindus. Unfortunately, now we have fallen on evil days.” In 1937, elections were held for the provincial councils. The Congress needed the League’s support to form governments in some of them. When the dialogue was initiated, Muhammad Ali Jinnah invoked the grievance about ‘Vande Mataram’. A “committee” was formed to review ‘Vande Mataram’. Rabindranath Tagore, Subhas Chandra Bose and Jawaharlal Nehru were its members. It recommended that only the first two stanzas be sung. Just a month before, in October 1937, the Congress had declared ‘Vande Mataram’ the national song.
The national song was partitioned in 1937 to appease the Muslim League. Ten years later, the nation was partitioned.
Source: Indian Express, 8/11/25
Why Indian science fails to produce Nobel laureates
The major problem remains that the current nature of academia is resistant to change and blocks visionaries. Until this system is dismantled and replaced with transparent hiring, merit-based funding, and visionary leadership, India will remain a land of potential, not of discovery
India hasn’t produced a Nobel laureate in science in almost a century now. The reason often cited for this predicament is that India doesn’t spend enough on research. Indeed, public investment in R&D must rise to at least 3 per cent of the GDP, as current levels remain modest. But is money really the only, or even the main, problem?
Leadership that prioritises control over creativity has turned many temples of science into bureaucratic fortresses. So, is the government responsible for this stagnation, or is academia to blame as well?
The answer, unfortunately, points to a crisis of leadership and vision within the system. Even a tenfold increase in funding will not bring transformation unless institutions are led by visionary scientists in the spirit of Homi Bhabha and Vikram Sarabhai.
The primary problem: How scientists are hired
India has a large pool of talented scientists, yet many of them are unable to secure academic positions. At the same time, our institutions are filled with faculty engaged in poor, incremental research. This raises some troubling questions: What criteria guide the hiring of scientists and faculty? Are they truly evaluated on quality and merit, or do connections, regional bias and patronage have an undue weight in these decisions? Is the faculty selection process transparent, fair, and merit-based, or are deep reforms needed to bring meaningful change?
The struggle does not end once a young scientist makes it to an institution. They often have to fight for every piece of equipment, every student, and every square foot of space. Valuable time which could be used for transformative research is instead expended on tackling internal politics and bureaucracy, particularly regional and disciplinary bias. . By the time they are settled, the drive to dream big is often lost.
The race for publications, awards, not for breakthroughs
In Indian academia, success is measured not by the quality or impact of your discoveries, but by the number of papers published and awards/medals collected. With several national academies and societies annually distributing a range of fellowships, medals, and awards, scientists chase citations, committees, and ceremonies, not ideas. The sScientists and researchers are often forced to participate in this race, willingly or otherwise. Those who opt out face real consequences, such as loss of funding, reduced visibility, and lack of institutional support. As researchers chase citations and committees, their resources are allocated elsewhere instead of tackling hard problems that could lead to Nobel-level breakthroughs.
The way forward: Let the ‘Gen Z’ lead
The problem is not limited to policies, but their makers. Indian academia is led by intellectuals who talk reform but fear meaningful change. While the wisdom and experience of senior leaders are invaluable, progress requires partnership with younger leaders who bring fresh ideas, urgency, and a global perspective.
This presents an opportunity to tap into the “Gen Z” of Indian academia, scientists aged 40 to 50 years, who are accomplished internationally yet still brimming with energy, ambition, and courage . The time is nigh to open up at least half of the leadership positions, including Directors, Vice-Chancellors, Secretaries of DST/DBT/CSIR/DAE, and the Principal Scientific Advisor’s office. This would mirror the transformation led by pioneers like Homi Bhabha and Vikram Sarabhai in the early years of Indian science. This could prove to be transformative in India’s road to meaningful scientific breakthroughs, which could open the road to a Nobel Prize.ystem thus rewards visibility over value and conformity over innovation. In a nutshell, meaningful change in scientific research in India requires academia to reform and align with the government’s vision of a self-reliant India
To its credit, the government has, in recent years, launched commendable initiatives for fundamental and translational research, start-ups, and innovation. At the same time, the government must continue to expand investment in research, aiming for 3% of GDP, and foster the inclusion of younger academic leaders who can drive this transformation with urgency and creativity.
The major problem remains that the current nature of academia is resistant to change and blocks visionaries. Until this system is dismantled and replaced with transparent hiring, merit-based funding, and visionary leadership, India will remain a land of potential, not of discovery.
Vivek Vijayrao Polshettiwar is a professor of chemistry at the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research, Mumbai.
Source: Indian Express, 9/11/25
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