Manipur: Festival of Dance and Music “Nata Sankirtana”

 

“Nata-Sankirtana” festival was started at the Mandap of Jawaharlal Nehru Manipur Dance Academy (JNMDA), Imphal, from September 30, 2021.

Highlights

• The festival is a three-day festival of Dance and Music.
• It is the annual features of the Academy’s activities.
• Manipur is known for its rich culture and tradition inherited from forefathers and Sports. Thus, to protect and promote the culture and tradition for the future generations government is taking up several activities in the state.
• The government is also monitoring the income generation and employment generation for unemployed youths and taking up several schemes like ‘start up’.

Different sessions of the festival

• Inaugural session of the Nata Sankirtana was attended by artistes from different organizations of Nata Sankirtana, students of JNMDA as well as gurus & other eminent personalities.
• On the first day of festival, students of JNMDA showcased Nata Sankirtana called Sheihou while artiste of Prachaya Nata Sankirtana Samaj, Khurai Thangjam Leikai, Imphal showcased Nata Sankirtana called Sheisin.
• Second day of the festival will mark the performance by artiste of Public Theatre Artiste Association in Phoijing, Nambol. They will perform Nata Sankirtana ( Sheihou). On the other hand, artiste of Indra Kala Bhavan from Moirang will perform Nata Sankirtana (Sheisin).
• Last day of the festival will be marked by performance of artiste from Nata Sangeet Academy & Research Centre, Yaiskul Janmasthan, Imphal. They will perform Nata Sankirtana (Sheihou).

Nata Sankirtana

In classical Ragas, Nata sankirtana is a hymn of lord Krishna that synthesizes seevral indigenous rhythms. Sankirtana follows a strict code in its performance with rhythms pattern and costumes that are determined by specific rules & regulation. Sankirtana is performed to mark important occasions in person’s life such as from birth to death. UNESCO had recognized Manipur Nata Sankirtana in 2013.

Revolving door: On Manipur politics

A never-ending tale of defections continues to churn the political pot in Manipur

The politics in Manipur has come under fresh turmoil following the withdrawal of support to the Bharatiya Janata Party-led government from MLAs belonging to the National People’s Party (NPP), two independents and defections by three BJP MLAs to the Opposition. The Biren Singh-led government has probably now been reduced to a minority. The uncertainty in the numbers in the 59-member Assembly has been due to several defections in the last three years, beginning with former Minister T. Shyamkumar’s shift of allegiance from the Congress to the BJP in 2017. This enabled the BJP, with only 21 MLAs, to form the government with the support of the NPP, the four member Naga Peoples’ Front, an independent and an MLA belonging to the Trinamool Congress. The defection by Mr. Shyamkumar who went on to become a Minister in the ruling cabinet was not ruled on for disqualification for three years, before the Supreme Court intervened, stripping the Minister of his post and banned him from entering the Assembly in March 2020. Subsequently, the Speaker disqualified him. Seven more MLAs from the Congress had defected to the BJP since 2017, and the Speaker has yet to rule on their disqualifications. On Friday, only a select number of these seven, and most of whom had not gone back reportedly to the Opposition-fold were allowed by the Speaker to vote in the Rajya Sabha elections, whose results were disputed by the Congress. This might not survive a legal challenge. But the whimsical changes in loyalties have once again opened the door for the Congress to stake claim to form the government.

The shenanigans in Manipur are not unique to the State. The examples of Karnataka and Madhya Pradesh most recently, and Arunachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand earlier show the utter failure of the anti-defection law in curbing the brazen subversion of electoral mandates by legislators who get elected on the ticket of one party but do not find it inconvenient to shift to another, due to the lure of ministerial berths or financial gains. If the role of the Speaker who has the authority to decide upon defections has been utilised by ruling parties to engineer defections without inviting immediate disqualification in some cases, legislators have also adhered to the law in letter if not spirit by utilising the option of outright resignation. This begs the question whether the anti-defection law actually serves any purpose today. In the absence of any amendments to the law suitably, the only disincentive for defectors is the possibility that voters might punish them in a by-election. But as Karnataka recently showed, voters in some States have yet to discern candidacies beyond considerations of patronage and identity, emboldening parties to retain or seize power through immoral machinations.

Source: The Hindu, 20/06/20

The stakes in Manipur

nipur will vote in 38 of its 60 Assembly constituencies on Saturday in the first of two phases. This election is shaping up into something new for Manipur’s polity, a direct contest between two national parties, the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party. The Congress is seeking to defend its 15-year record in power, while the BJP fancies its chances in a State that has generally voted favourably for the party ruling at the Centre. The four-month-long blockade by the United Naga Council of highways leading up to the valley has dominated the discourse in the run-up to the elections. The Manipur elections are important for both national parties. The Congress is seeking to retain its hold as the only party that has electoral support across various ethnic and geographic regions in the State, while the BJP is keen to get power in another northeastern State, after its victory last year in Assam. A contest between the Congress and the BJP in Manipur is welcome, as both parties do not represent any specific ethnic groups, unlike other parties in the fray in previous elections. But the BJP lacks a grassroots base in Manipur and largely comprises leaders who have defected from the Congress. This has resulted in a political campaign largely made up of accusations and counter-accusations of corruption, besides the blame game on the ongoing blockade.

The decision in early December 2016 by the Okram Ibobi Singh government to notify the formation of seven new districts, creating 16 districts in the State, was momentous. It allowed the Congress to seek support from the hill areas for this decision, as the new districts in the hills made for better administrative access in areas far from the valley. However, it resulted in the intensification of the blockade sponsored by the UNC, severely hitting normal life in Manipur. The persistence of the blockade has led to some degree of disaffection owing to the inability of the Congress government to bring it to an end, even if the government’s defence that any punitive measures against the UNC would have led to violence cannot be summarily dismissed. The Congress blames the Centre for not prevailing upon the UNC and other Naga groups to end the blockade, while the BJP blames the Congress for precipitating the crisis. In a State where insurgent groups remain active and that is still dependent on Central transfer of resources to shore up its economy, the electorate would have welcomed a genuine discourse on such issues in the run-up to the elections. Sadly, this did not happen.

Source: The Hindu, 3-03-2017

Manipur Challenge





Centre must work harder to end the punishing economic blockade imposed by UNC

With the Election Commission announcing the dates for assembly elections in five states, the focus now shifts to the challenges of actually conducting the polls. And one poll-bound state that might prove tricky is Manipur. The latter has been experiencing a punishing economic blockade imposed by the United Naga Council (UNC) since the beginning of November. This in turn sparked off counter-blockades by Meitei groups. All of this has meant increasing hardship for the ordinary people as supply of essentials has been severely curtailed. Manipur has been experiencing periodic blockades and violence for the past two years now. It all started with an agitation for an Inner Line Permit (ILP) system for Manipur, to restrict entry of `outsiders' to the state. It was under pressure from valley-based organisations that the Manipur government passed three anti-migrant bills that encapsulated the ILP demand. However, these bills were viewed by Manipur's hill tribes like the Nagas as tools to marginalise them.
It was precisely to protest against these bills that the UNC had launched the latest economic blockade.
This intensified further when the Manipur government announced the creation of seven new districts by bifurcating existing ones ­ all hill districts were affected. Nagas believe the bifurcation is a clear ploy to divide them by appropriating Naga villages and merging them with non-Naga areas. They also accuse chief minister Okram Ibobi Singh of Congress of using such methods to win a fourth consecutive term. Singh's calculations are simple ­ if the Meiteis vote for him en masse and if he can win over some hill tribes like the Kukis as insurance, it will be a winning formula.
Correspondingly , the Nagas have increasingly come to be viewed as having the support of the BJP-led central government, something that was accentuated by the Centre's signing of a peace accord with the NSCN (I-M) Naga insurgent outfit in 2015. Add to this BJP's poaching of some big Manipur Congress leaders and there are indications that the party is trying to do an Assam or an Arunachal Pradesh on Manipur.But especially given the state's geographical position, the Centre has a special responsibility to ensure it isn't periodically cut off from the rest of the country . Elections of course will demand open and safe thoroughfares. Even otherwise, it's unacceptable that the people of Manipur are repeatedly held hostage to crushing blockade politics.

Source: Times of India, 06-01-2017Ma

10 things you need to know about ‘Iron Lady’ Irom Sharmila

Irom Sharmila is on Tuesday expected to end her 16-year hunger strike against alleged army atrocities. Her decision to call off the protest and join politics has invited death threats. Many supporters and some family members want her to continue the fast.

As Sharmila embarks on a new journey, here is a look at girl from a small Manipur village who took on the Indian state:

1) Often called the Iron lady of Manipur, Irom Sharmila is the youngest of nine siblings. She wanted to be a doctor but chose to be a rights activist to wage war against the armed forces special powers act (Afspa) that allegedly gives soldiers the “licence to kill”.

2) Sharmila was born in 1972 and was 28 when she began her fast on November 4, 2000, two days after Assam Rifles personnel gunned down 10 people, including teenage students on way to tuition classes, at Malom near Manipur capital Imphal.

3) She has since become the face of the anti-Afspa movement in Manipur and elsewhere in the country, easily recognisable from her free-flowing curly hair and a feeding tube stuck to her nose.

4) Sharmila has been in the custody of Imphal’s Sajiwa Central Jail but spends her time in the city’s Jawaharlal Nehru Institute of Medical Sciences. At least 40 persons, including five doctors, 12 nurses and three policewomen, ensure she gets her injections of nutrients through the nasal tube.

5) After her first arrest in 2000, Sharmila has been released and rearrested several times for attempt to commit suicide, which is still a crime. The Rajya Sabha on Monday passed a bill that decriminalises suicide bid. The bill will now go to the Lok Sabha.

6) Sharmila is an author and poet in her native Meiteilon language. Among her literary works is Fragrance of Peace – a collection of 12 poems of “passion, protest and hope” that she wrote before starting the marathon fast.

7) Sharmila took her protest to New Delhi in 2006 where she and other activists began fasting at Jantar Mantar. She was arrested but her hunger strike got international attention and members of the European parliament wrote to the Indian government seeking changes to Afspa.

8) Sharmila has received several prizes. They include the Gwangju Prize for Human Rights in 2007, a lifetime achievement award from the Asian Human Rights Commission and the Rabindranath Tagore Peace Prize, both in 2010. Amnesty International declared her a Prisoner of Conscience in 2013.

9) The activist’s personal life began to affect her public life after Desmond Coutinho, a British citizen of Indian origin, met her in the hospital in March 2011. Sharmila and Coutinho, then 48, had been exchanging letters since 2009 and after their meeting, Sharmila said he loved her. This did not go down well with many in Manipur who believed Coutinho was planted by the government to wean Sharmila away from the anti-Afspa movement.

10) On July 26, Sharmila surprised her supporters by deciding to end her fast, join electoral politics and get married. She will be set free on Tuesday if she sticks to her decision.

Source: Hindustan Times, 9-08-2016

The cause is AFSPA

The campaign depended too much on Irom Sharmila. The decision she has taken should serve as a wake-up call that the cause must always remain greater than the leader

Irom Chanu Sharmila has always made puzzling decisions, whether it is going on a hunger strike and steadfastly sticking to it for 16 whole years, or suddenly calling it off and deciding to contest elections. Most remarkable, however, is how she remained in solitary confinement all these years, foregoing the sense of taste, unquestionably a fundamental need which adds texture and meaning to life, and stayed sane. Sanity for her certainly does not mean what it means to others — conforming to practised norms and standards.

India, in general, and Manipur, in particular, were caught unawares by her latest decision, but now as emotions settle, there is widespread agreement that the Iron Lady’s decision may be the most practical way forward, both for her and for the campaign. It was perhaps the people who were being unfair — and not Ms. Sharmila with her decision — by expecting her to always be their superhuman icon. There is, however, a touch of tragic surrender too in this realisation that certain conditions of life in India’s peripheries, loathsome as they may be, are destiny.

Pradip Phanjoubam

An immovable law

The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, or AFSPA, is one such example. Nothing, it seems, can move the Central government to have this draconian Act repealed or moderated — not Ms. Sharmila’s hunger strike, not the periodic eruptions of violent street protests against it in Imphal or Srinagar, not even the recommendations of three high-powered panels set up by the Central government. These include the 2005 recommendations of the Justice Jeevan Reddy Commission set up to “humanise the AFSPA”, as former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said; the 2005 Veerappa Moily-led second Administrative Reforms Commission (ARC); and the2013 Justice J.S. Verma Committee set up in the wake of the December 16, 2012, Delhi rape case, looking into reforms to speed up as well as ensure conviction in rape cases.

While the Justice Jeevan Reddy Commission and the ARC had no doubt that the AFSPA had to go and that its provisions be incorporated into a civil Act, the Justice Verma report mentioned the Act as a part of a section on offences against women in conflict areas. “Sexual violence against women by members of the armed forces or uniformed personnel must be brought under the purview of ordinary criminal law,” the report said, adding that “there is an imminent need to review the continuance of AFSPA and AFSPA-like legal protocols in internal conflict areas as soon as possible.” This resonates with the ruling by the Supreme Court in July that the Army and police are not free to use excess force even under the AFSPA. However, none of these have made any real difference to the status of the AFSPA.

There is obviously a very strong lobby, not just of the military but also a prominent section of the Indian intelligentsia, which believes that the country cannot hold itself together without the use of its military. This is indeed a sad reflection on a country which calls itself a republic. What does it say about India that it does not trust, even after nearly seven decades of independence, its people or its police? If in a republic the military is an instrument of war, can it wage war on its own people?

It is true that there are many violent insurrections in India which must be met militarily, at least in the short run. But if the situation has not subsided even after so many years, isn’t there something seriously wrong with the nation itself?

Keeping internal order is the job of the police. And if the firepower of the police is felt to be inadequate sometimes, it is understandable that the military has to be called in its place. However, should not the military in such situations be seen as doing policing duty and therefore be put under the provisions of civil laws for as long as it performs these duties? If India thinks this is war, it should in all fairness allow international laws of war, such as the Geneva Conventions and Hague Conventions, to be invoked, allowing international bodies such as the United Nations and the International Committee of the Red Cross to intervene and moderate. And if it doesn’t think so, then what is wrong in asking the military to be governed by civil laws while on civil policing duties? In the mistrust of its own people and in the military aggression on its own people sanctioned by the AFSPA, India has inherited the DNA of the imperialist administration. Should not this vestige of injustice from the past be purged?

Need for a martyr

This is the campaign that Ms. Sharmila has been advocating. The possible loss of focus of this campaign because of her changed stance now is what has given cause for anxiety for others in the campaign. Ms. Sharmila herself sounded exasperated last week when she spoke to the media about what she described as lack of support from the public. Here at least, in her longing for a positive outcome, she may have read too much into the public mind. The deluge of support messages and stunned responses to her decision is evidence of this. What the public could not do was emulate her. Nobody can.

The AFSPA campaign depended too much on Ms. Sharmila. This jolt should serve as a wake-up call for everyone in the campaign; they should realise how the cause must always remain greater than the leader, any leader. They must admit that there were many amongst them who were looking for a martyr in Ms. Sharmila, and are therefore now disappointed. This hunger for martyrs is a sign of Manipur’s weakness, where the cowardly try to shine in the reflected halo of those who have dared to court death. Courting death is nothing to be proud of, so there is nothing to be sad about Irom Sharmila abandoning her dance with death by starvation.

Pradip Phanjoubam is editor of Imphal Free Press and author of The Northeast Question: Conflicts and Frontiers.

Keywords: AFSPA, Armed Forces Special Powers Act, Irom Sharmila, Manipur

Source: The Hindu, 2-08-2016