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Friday, February 13, 2015

Stents costing Rs 40,000 sold to you at Rs 1.2lakh


Only Those Covered By Govt Schemes Pay Less
If you aren’t a government employee — and the overwhelming majority obviously aren’t — an angioplasty could cost you five to six times what the government pays for those covered under schemes like the central government health scheme (CGHS), the Indian railways health directorate or various state health schemes.The dealer price or the landed cost (total cost of an imported item as recorded by customs, which includes original cost of the item, brokerage and logistics fees, shipping costs, customs duties, tariffs, taxes, handling fees etc) in India for a drug eluting stent (DES) is not more than Rs 40,000, often just Rs 20,000. But patients are charged anything from Rs 55,000 to Rs 1.2 lakh for a DES.
The rate fixed by the Maharashtra health ministry under the Rajeev Gandhi health scheme for the poor in February 2014 and by the Centre for the CGHS in April last year was Rs 23,625. Many stent manufacturers, including MNCs, have agreed to supply at this rate for the various government schemes. But such schemes cover only a fraction of the patients who might require stenting. An estimated six lakh patients undergo angioplasty every year. While not all of them need stents, there are al so many cases where doctors advise two or three stents for one patient. Hence the market for stents in India is huge, and steadily increasing with the rising incidence of cardiovascular diseases.
A recent comparison of the price of DES of top stent companies including Abott, Medtronics, Johnson & Johnson’s, Cordis and Boston Scientific in the US, UK and India showed that while the Indian price seems lower, this could be a misleading comparison. The price of DES in the UK ranges between the equivalents of Rs 1.2 and Rs 1.4 lakh. In the US, the range is from Rs 50,000 to Rs 2 lakh. The Indian range of Rs 55,000 to Rs 1.2 lakh might seem reasonable in this context.
However, if we take the difference in income levels into consideration, the picture changes dramatically.
The comparison showed that in the UK or UK, even at the top end, the price of a DES would be no more than 6% of GDP per capita (which mirrors average incomes). In India, it ranges between 27% and 130% of GDP per capita. Thus, it is between 5 and 22 times harder for the average Indian to afford a DES than it is for someone in the UK or US.
It has also been found that not only company dealers but also hospitals which might get the stent cheap, charge patients ‘handling charges’ on every stent, often pushing up the price to two or even three times the original cost of the stent.
For the full report, log on to http:www.timesofindia.com
India is dirty because Indians are clean


The Litter Truth: The Indian Litterbug is proud of being filthy; He'll dirty New Delhi but never New York
Like Nature, India abhors a vacuum. Which is a prettier way of saying that India and Nature have had a longstanding joint venture that celebrates filling and trimming spaces with muck and filth that folks in other less rank cultures and countries seem to have such a problem with. It explains why there is no mention of Vedic-era flush toilet technology. It also explains why when three members of the Rolling Stones urinated in public in 1965 making headlines after being fined by the police, Indians wondered what the hullabaloo was all about.Along with the proliferation of beggars, invasions of privacy and lack of silence, we are inoculated against public dirtiness by being literally inside the garbage dump. Having our streets and roads being extensions of garbage tips and urinals strike us as being as noxious to us as it's scandalous for a lady to be topless at Las Salinas beach in Ibiza.
There's been an explanation passed down generations to explain why we're so filthy: India is so dirty because Indians are so clean. For outsiders, that sounds zen-Upanishadic. But what it's supposed to mean is that our homes are moderately neat--if we don't live in a chawl or a home that resembles a chawl with tubelights, that is -and the world outside can go to the dogs. This explanation is usually accompanied by a description of how other cultures are totally apathetic towards personal hygiene -`How do you think the Arabs and the French invented the perfume?' `Have you seen British teeth?' `The Swiss actually smell of cheese.' `I was once trapped in an elevator in America...' Essentially , there's some theory about the worse your personal hygiene the better your public cleanliness.Which makes no sense at all for us who take a dip in the very public-cum-personal Ganga or local tubewell to cleanse our squeaky bits including our souls.
This theory , of course, is wet gunkoozing rubbish. We are a filthy nation because we're quite proud of being filthy. It's a way of declaring we're not namby-pamby and stricken with a fet ish for the antiseptic. We're capable of walking past a hill-sized heap piled with cabbage corpses mixed with detritus with smatterings of used sanitary napkins and dark fluids that look like leftover sewer, without gagging. We aren't coy about throwing out kitchen waste straight out of the windows `out there'.(A lot of us don't even do the chucking; our cooks and maids `with little sense of public decorum' doing the needful.) Cleanliness, to us, bears an elitist tag--despite the nice try by yet another Gujarati to tell the country otherwise.Roads and streets in Indian metropolitan cities--you really don't want to talk about the small towns, trust me--are zones that simply connect people from one point to another. These are no flyzipped zones, where if the pavements have rivulets of piss running down the gutter or bear all demonitions of litter, this is, well, India. Why do you think we like travelling abroad? We can walk about in public spaces that aren't as `colourful, full of aromas and life' (read: visually filthy , smelly and chaotic) without having to be marked out as being un-Indian. It's simply more pleasant to step out in Toronto or Sydney than in Delhi or Mumbai--unless you're a very , very rich ragpicker.
There's only one way we litterati, garbage-chuckers, public peebodies and spit-mongerers can stop what comes so naturally to us in our happy , filthy surroundings: By having our roads and streets become super clean. Even the dirtiest scumbag will find it tough to mess up pavements made of genuine slabs (rather than of glued-on tar and cement chowder), filthify walls with paan and worsen stains that don't grow lab fungi, and trash public loos that don't give us a sneak peak of narak right here in our Maha Bharat.
Because no one wants to throw a wrapper, to spit, to pee or chuck rubbish in an already-sparkling clean place. Not even proudly filthy people like us who gladly litter Kolkata but never Zurich.



Thursday, February 12, 2015

In conversation

Let the adivasi voice lead



HISTORICALLY, adivasi communities have best flourished in their own domain, where they had ownership of land and forests, which they protected prudently. Sadly, when adivasis are displaced because of dams, industries or other infrastructure, often there is either no or inadequate rehabilitation, resettlement and compensation. In Odisha and Jharkhand where poverty among adivasis is highest, displacement has also been maximum. Weak governance is the main reason for poverty and chronic undernutrition among adivasi children.
Adivasis rely heavily on forests for their livelihood and close to half of their daily food intake comes from the forest. It follows that restricting their access to forests has a direct impact on their lives, nutrition status and therefore the overall quality of health.
In the past, when adivasis lived in the forest, a wide variety of foods ranging from vegetables, fruits, milk and animal products were available. But after moving out of their habitat, poor income has restricted their ability to buy a variety of foods and this has had an adverse implication on their lives. Families also find it difficult to adjust to the new food practices; unsurprisingly therefore, there is considerable deficiency in food intake.
The Constitution provides protection along with the provisions for development and implementation of welfare programmes and schemes for adivasis. However, though there has beena lot of concentration on the development part the protection part has not been taken care of. All the affirmative action programmes of education, health and employment get undermined by the dominant trend in the political economy that actually throws them out from their livelihood and where their voice unfortunately goes missing or unheard.
In order to make a difference to their lives, it is important that for some time, the larger trends in political economy of development are altered to ensure that adivasis are really able to develop. The constitutional guarantee to provide protection to tribals must be ensured along with the effective implementation of the different affirmative action programmes and schemes.
The larger questions relating to land and forests should be addressed by giving tribals their entitlements to land, forests and other kinds of resources. If they have their own voice, possibly a state of their own, and autonomy over their territory, they should be better able to articulate their needs more forcefully. Therefore, the real issue is to change the paternalistic mindset of the government that something good for the people is being done to ensure voice and space is provided to them. This will help them regain their right to a better and productive life.
Virginius Xaxa
Deputy Director, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Guwahati

Break the mould of penury
WHEN the Forest Rights Act (FRA) was passed during British rule in 1865, large tracts of forests, a community resource for adivasis, became state property, restricting adivasis access to their main source of livelihood. It is worth noting that colonial intervention in the systems of ownership and management of forests and land was minimal in the northeastern states as compared to those in the mainland like West Bengal, Jharkhand, Odisha, Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh. Little surprise that in the North East, tribal communities can exercise a voice and are far more aware of their rights.
Traditional tribal habitats, particularly in mainland India, are rich in mineral and other resources and this has attracted mining, hydroelectric and infrastructure projects. The communities who live here have borne the brunt of displacement as resettlement efforts have been pathetic.
The loss of habitat and source of livelihood continues to be a major cause of misery, not merely because of chronic undernutrition in adults and children, but also because this has led to a loss of identity among adivasis.
Loss of forests and displacement has necessitated migration, in most cases as unskilled workers in brick kilns and construction sites. Migration tells most on little children. Their hurried and ‘forced integration into the mainstream’ has left them most vulnerable. While parents work, the older children look after their siblings, living in the most unhygienic conditions, often without food and water for long hours. At least in their earlier habitat, there was some likelihood that children could collect edible fruits, berries, roots and flowers, but all that is lost in the new settings.
Apart from the loss of livelihood, an indifferent administration and a suboptimal public service delivery add to the problem. Further, the prevalence of a wide range of illnesses, non-availability of safe drinking water and poor sanitation are key factors that contribute to undernutrition in children under two. In some cases, early marriage and early pregnancies in adolescent girls also result in chronically undernourished children. Since the young mother is undernourished, her baby is undernourished while in the womb and in a majority of cases, stunted after birth.
Currently, the quality of public services at the balwadis and anganwadis meant to cater to children below five is extremely poor. At least 75% of Primary Health Centres in these regions do not have a doctor or nurse. Further, most anganwadi workers are often not adivasis themselves and live far away. Consequently, they don’t have an empathetic attitude towards tribal children and often ignore their needs.
The government has failed our tribal communities in many ways. Apart from disenfranchising them ostensibly for industrialization, even earmarked budgets have been diverted. Even where the allocation is sufficient, the money is either not disbursed or programmes not implemented optimally because of administrative inefficiencies. There are also instances of the Tribal Sub Plan funds being diverted for projects of little direct benefit to adivasis. Under the Panchayat Extension to Scheduled Areas or PESA, the management of forest land, local forests and water bodies should be handed over to adivasi communities but the number of instances where such transfer of power has happened is minuscule. The same goes for restoration of land to adivasis under FRA and roll out of MGNREGA, a key source of income, which is currently inadequate.
Tribals are an integral part of our society who live under and operate a unique system. They are unfamiliar with modern laws and find it difficult to cope with a forced move into modernization.
For change to occur, the need is for a more responsive administration. If the state governments were to ensure that services like provision of drinking water and proper sanitation as also public health services work well, it would make a huge difference. Anganwadi and balwadis must be made more functional and the tribal affairs ministry needs to be more proactive in addressing the rights of the adivasis. Clearly, a special mandate is needed for them; only then will adivasis be able to break out of poverty and discrimination and live fulfilling lives on their own terms.
Deep Joshi
Social activist; Magsaysay award winner, Delhi

The politics of disenfranchisement
GLOBALLY, India is ranked at 136 in the human development index, among the lowest in the world, and within the country, it is our adivasis who fare the worst. They face numerous challenges and deprivation is rampant across all communities. As a result, approximately 88% of all adivasis are impoverished.
Chronic undernutrition caused by poverty is one manifestation, particularly in children, whose life expectancy is far lower than those of children in other groups. However, those who struggle with undernutrition caused by poverty are unfortunately invisible.
Apart from hunger, displacement and land alienation there is another factor – bondage and semi-slavery – as adivasis are forced to borrow from moneylenders after losing their land, and are often unable to repay the loans.
The biggest casualty is household food security. Across the country, inadequate availability of food has had an adverse impact on the lives of adivasi children. Child deaths among adivasis because of lack of food have been reported from many states, with Maharashtra recording the largest number of child deaths due to undernourishment. Persistent hunger in adivasis continues to be a serious problem.
Even in Kerala, a state with far better social indicators, 40 child deaths were reported due to undernutrition. Here, too, land acquisition by non-adivasis has driven adivasis into nutrition deprivation.
The midday meal scheme, usually run by women’s self help groups, has in many instances been handed over to corporations, but centralizing the food basket has created a serious problems for adivasis since most of them do not eat rice and wheat. Their nutrition and sources of nutrition are linked to their dependence on forest and land, a situation which is marked differently from non-tribals.
Similarly, the adverse impact on health and nutrition due to indiscriminate mining without any safeguards has been severe. For instance, since the process of manufacturing aluminium is poisonous, the mortality is higher for those families who live in the vicinity of such projects.
If the status of adivasis has to be improved, not only their proclivity to be in debt, but also the restoration of land that has been lost due to debts and finally the protection of adivasi land, is imperative. The enforcement of laws governing access to forests for adivasis must be urgently implemented along with construction of roads that can be only used by adivasis so that they are able to reach markets and avail other services such as healthcare and education.
There are fortunately a few instances of good practices such as the Kudumbashree initiative in Kerala. With nearly four million members, this movement has empowered underprivileged women to address their basic needs such as food security through employment. Today, they live a dignified life on their own terms. However, in the rest of the country, especially in central and eastern India, even where the adivasis voices are demanding that their rights be restored, who is listening?
Palagummi Sainath
Journalist, Mumbai

Empower local bodies in tribal areas
IT is truly unfortunate that in almost all adivasi areas, children are highly undernourished and this has now become a generational problem. A prime cause is the mother’s inadequate nutrition and malnutrition – iron deficiency is very high and very often she survives on a single staple that does not provide enough micronutrients. This results in a low birth rate child (less than 2.5 kg) who obviously has a lot of problems. The mother is unable to feed her child well, because she is usually anaemic and as a consequence, so is the child. Another important cause is poor sanitation and inadequate drinking water. Even if a child has enough calories, it often has a diarrheal infection – what we call a leaky pot. Finally, there is the question of diversity in the diet. A child needs enough calories, proteins – (either daal or non vegetarian food or eggs or milk) and adequate micronutrients. What we refer – what is refer to as ‘hidden hunger’ is about micronutrient deficiency particularly iron, zinc, vitamin b12.
If you want to attack this problem, you have to start with the mother – a good diet for women affects the child both in the womb and outside. We call this very critical period a 1000 day opportunity (nine months in a mother’s womb and two years outside).
The Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) in the ’70s was designed not only to look at the problem of malnutrition but also healthcare and education. So the government delivery services and ICDS were tailored for the child in and out of the womb. This was a holistic, life cycle approach. You can’t reach a child below two in an anganwadi – you can only reach it through the mother.
In India, malnutrition is more acute in tribal areas. Here access to public services is poor; nutritional literacy is poor. The supporting services (malnutrition is not just about lack of food) like clean drinking water, sanitation, primary healthcare and immunisation also have to be in place. What is required is an integrated approach to what we now call nutrition security.
Tribal areas are rich in biodiversity and in minerals – mining has been a major cause for displacement and in the past they have been treated very shabbily. When displacement is envisaged, we must give a checklist. What were the original sources of food? Do they now have a balanced diet? Has it got the calorie, protein and micronutrient content? The human dimensions of displacement are very serious and seldom discussed. Once you start putting faces before figures and look at the problem in a more humanistic way, then things will fall in place.
We definitely require coordinated action among several ministries and they should deliver as one, there must be convergence. The lack of integration and coordination is undermining the utility of expenditure. Budgets for tribal areas are high there are many tribal area development programmes, but despite this poverty and malnutrition are high, education is poor, children development is poor. A very important element of governance is to understand that when you have a multidimensional problem, you can’t deal with it unidimensionally.
I feel we should empower the local bodies in tribal areas. I am very encouraged by the opportunity we have to involve local bodies in tribal areas, making the community aware of what are the nutritional problems and what are the agricultural remedies – nutritional sensitive agriculture.
Last year the then finance minister provided Rs 200 crore for nutrifarms in tribal areas and where there is a high malnutrition burden in order to ascertain what kind of crops to grow. For every nutritional malady, there is an agricultural remedy. We must take a humanistic view, not merely administrative or financial. I hope with a new and growing awareness we learn to work together, have time-bound targets, and progress indicators – the birth weight of a child; the incidence of anaemia for instance. We must have the will and heart to ensure that there is nobody whose potential is wasted. That nobody misses out on the opportunity for a healthy and productive life because of malnutrition.
M.S. Swaminathan
Geneticist; Founder Chairman, MS Swaminathan Research Foundation, Chennai

Bring livelihoods closer home
IN our region malnutrition has many causes. But now our land has been taken away to build highways and what we have is not good enough to cultivate, so we are able to do only a bit of farming and at a small scale. Earlier, we would have eggs, now we cannot afford them.
When the land was taken from us, we were told that we would stand to gain, but we ended up facing more losses. We got very little as compensation and mostly the money was insufficient and often misused. Though the law envisages rehabilitation and restoration for adivasis, it is rarely implemented correctly. Those who have some education save money, but a majority spend it on alcohol.
Those rehabilitated cannot cultivate vegetables and pulses in their new fields. They do not know what kind of diet is good for children and are unable to provide the right kind of food. Government schemes have brought some improvement in what children are being fed, but the scale is too small to make a difference. For us adivasis, the benefits and reach of government schemes is barely visible.
Women are malnourished and have many children in a short time span. These children are born undernourished and remain underweight. Mothers are often unable to breastfeed and give their children cow’s or processed milk. Denied the immunity that breast milk gives, these children then become prone to infections. Children here are very weak and severely undernourished.
Some parents are able to ensure that their children get proper nourishment, but in families where there is no support system in the form of grandparents or other family members, there are problems. It is hard for a mother to take care of children alone. At times poverty prevents children getting proper nutrition. Since there are no livelihood opportunities, many men stay at home and are without any income.
There are no anganwadis in our village. When we requested the panchayat to set up one, we were told that since there was a centre in the next village, we should take our children there. The distance is too much for children. So, very few go to the anganwadi because mothers don’t have time as they would rather earn some money to run their household. Besides, in the anganwadi, all the children get is khitchri which is inadequate for growing children.
The government needs to set up anganwadis in every village so that we are able to provide good quality food that children need. Children must be taken care of properly and not in the way things are happening now. Meals are only given to children under three. Those below two and above three are left out. Besides, the centre is open only till 12 pm. If it was run till 4 pm, mothers would be able to leave their children at the centre and work without any worry. Anganwadis should be strengthened so that pregnant women get more care and supplies such as iron and folic acid tablets and take home rations where children get at least two to three meals in a day along with an iron syrup so that malnutrition can be controlled. Only then can the lives of our children improve.
To fight undernutrition, families need work where they reside so that they don’t have to migrate. We also need to regain some of our land. We have approached the government, right up to the chief minister and asked him to shift the security forces from our area but no one listens. All our land has been taken. Now, we are left with just one pond where our cattle can get some water.
If only our land is restored, will we regain our lives once again.
Sanji Toppo
Field worker; from the Oraon tribe, Bhunda village, Ranchi

Bring back local wisdom
OUR lives were very different in the past – along with the main crops, we grew indigenous leafy vegetables that were nutritious and healthy. But everything changed with the introduction of new farming techniques. With an increased demand for hybrid cultivation, such nutritious plants are no longer grown and children no longer benefit from their nutrients. Hybrid cultivation has also destroyed seasonal vegetables that were grown earlier.
Another hazard is the use of urea which is sprayed by women who tie their little children on their backs while working in the fields. This is harmful and a cause of ill health among adivasi women and their children.
Hybrid cultivation was initially subsidized but later became so expensive that the adivasis were forced to look for other kinds of employment such as working on construction sites, leaving behind their basic skill – farming. Here, they face a lot of difficulties and because of their ignorance, are also exploited. When they return home after six months or so, they find their houses broken and in need of repair. So whatever money they earned is spent on repairs and for the treatment of those who are sick.
These are some causes that lead to poverty, hunger and undernutrition. Another health hazard is alcohol-ism; it leads to a deterioration in health and some even die before they turn 50. In such cases their children suffer the most, as the parents are sick and can neither treat their own illness nor educate and look after their young.
To really make a difference, the government must first increase the reach and improve the quality of anganwadis. Currently, the required quantity of ration is not distributed either because the villages are too far away or due to scarcity. Not just anganwadis, even government health facilities are either missing or defunct in adivasi areas.
Second, the use of local seeds and manure must increase and the use of fertilizers and pesticides should be prevented. Third, alcoholism stands as an obstacle to any development and this needs to be addressed. Fourth, the government should support day care centres that would look after children between six months to three years in terms of giving them appropriate food and education. This would allow parents to go out into the fields and work, and at the same time their children’s health would improve. Their daily struggle would end and they would get a new lease of life.
Dildaar Hussain
Field Facilitator, Action Against Malnutrition Public Health Resource Network, Bhunda, Ranchi

* The interviews were conducted by Mohuya Chaudhuri.

The smart res publica as basis for urban planning


TATE policy in India seems to be in thrall of the fact, highlighted by the Census of India (2011), that the urban population in India is growing at a faster pace than the rural. Those who have been studying and observing the winds of change unleashed by the post-1991 dismantling of the Nehruvian socialist economy, are aware of the myriad ways that urbanization has determined the course of all social, cultural, economic and political processes in the country.
Given that other than food production, all aspects of the Indian economy have been centred in cities for centuries, and given that food security and changing lifestyles have already distracted us from the predominantly rural nature of our population, it comes as no surprise that cities are being recognized, albeit belatedly, as ‘engines of growth’. It should be suggested, however, that the rapid growth of cities is the glamorous side of the urban transformation, whose less seemly side is conflict-ridden and requires a new set of priorities and new tools for thinking and policy formulation.
It has been noted since well before Independence that the Indian city creates and represents immense disparities between the rich and poor. The amassing of (often ill-begotten) wealth by elites manifests itself in conspicuously luxurious lifestyles that translate their power and privilege into space, form and culture. That these overly influence the articulation of developmental goals and the formulation of policies and programmes by the nation state is a natural outcome of inequality, and the Indian city is unexceptional in this regard. It is interesting, however, that the past two decades of subaltern politics and the empowerment of marginalized identities with a voice in Indian politics has not significantly reversed or altered the inequitable distribution of space and resources that marks our cities. The formation of new elites and their ascendance finds manifestation in the same way regardless of their caste and creed, and the organization of space and the forms of built environment becomes a mirror of the differences, schisms and contestations in its social matrix. This divided city must command our collective attention if the fruits of urbanization are to be shared as common wealth.

The Government of India has announced an unprecedented urban agenda. It includes the urban renewal of 500 cities, the development of 100 smart cities and the ‘rejuvenation’ of pilgrimage centres and heritage cities. The agenda aims both to complete the unfinished project of urban infrastructure development that was the thrust of the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission launched in 2005-06, but also to secure the reformatory outcomes anticipated from India’s first systematic attempt at funding urban renewal. During the JnNURM’s extended course of eight years, neither did the GoI ensure that its incentive-led programme could encourage all states to devolve 18 critical functions to the urban local bodies as envisaged under the 74th Constitutional Amendment, nor did the self- proclaimed achievement of reforms actually create financially robust and sustainable local bodies as intended.
When the JnNURM was brought to a formal conclusion in mid-2014, the project of urban renewal and the building of sustainable cities remained unfinished. However, the mission irreversibly altered our terms of engagement with cities, and we now understand cities as complex phenomena generated from a highly localized and site-specific combination of tangible and intangible assets, systems of administration and control (aka ‘governance’), economic drivers and relationships, social structures, patterns of land use and settlement, and environmental impacts. Cities are borderless entities where the flows of people, capital and resources intersect in space and find order and organization as an outcome of the policies and actions of local governments. We now speak of Indian cities in a new language.

The new language of urbanism is not merely the lexicon comprising words like ‘smart’, ‘sustainable’, ‘green’, ‘livable’ and so on, which is a predictable peeve for the critics of government action who might see these as decoys meant to distract us from more real issues of deprivation and dissent. Rather, the new language is that of the economics of the city. The new urban agenda of the Government of India is to treat cities as engines of economic growth, creators of jobs and generators of common wealth.
There is nothing unusual in this articulation, as cities around the world and throughout history – even Indian history – have been the centres of trade, commerce and industry. The Indian city is home to informal industries that may generate close to 30 per cent of its GDP. However, if the ‘smart’ cities of India are to generate the dramatically enhanced number of jobs that are being imagined – a multiplication factor of ten from the existing number – and if the youth, women and other working age populations are to be brought into the workforce, then we must imagine our cities differently.
We need a crucial shift in thinking at this historic juncture towards a deeper articulation of citizenship and civic identity. Today’s discourses of ‘inclusion’ and ‘participation’ can only be meaningful if we understand the critical role of the public domain and the contribution of the citizen in determining the outcomes of economic development.

A prime example is the contentious issue of ‘public purpose’ that was evoked by the draft land acquisition policy, presently being reviewed by the government. The policy highlights an interesting contrast. In the case of a project being executed in a rural or forest location, the difference between the indigenous or local and the extraneous or intrusive is visibly established and the proverbial battle lines between ‘public’ purpose and ‘native’ rights are clearly drawn; however, the valuation of damages and compensation is extremely difficult.
In the urban context, the value of land and assets is established by the market, whereas the definition of public purpose becomes extremely fuzzy, as it rests on a notional ‘public’ that is assumed to be speaking in one voice. In both cases, the government assumes the ‘voice’ of the public, although in the rural/forest areas, that identity becomes conflated with ‘the nation’ and the national cause, whereas in the urban context, the assumption that the government represents a consensual identity can easily be challenged.
There is very little rigour in the state’s articulation of urban policies with respect to this seemingly esoteric and jurisprudential aspect. However, it now assumes critical significance because of the role that urban planning must play in the future of our cities. When reduced to a purely utilitarian exercise, urban planning becomes a handmaiden of circumstance. Thus, after the initial post-Independence and post-Partition phase, when historic urban centres were haphazardly occupied by migrants and refugees accommodated willy-nilly into existing settlement patterns, the Indian city plan became a post facto rationalization of ground conditions.

In all Indian cities, the decisions regarding planning were preempted either by slum settlements, urban villages or speculative real estate developments. The plan was less of a projection of progressive ideology, economic vision or planning per se, and more of a seeming organization of otherwise chaotic and uncontrollable components of land use and invaded natural features. If there was any semblance of planning then it appeared driven more by the lure of windfall gains, which have been one of the key contributors to the pelf and corruption that have become synonymous with the government’s role in ‘managing’ cities.
Smart cities will need to harness a radically altered understanding of public purpose and public interest because they must, by definition, be better planned cities. If planning has to deliver results, in particular support the creation of livelihoods and the enhancement of economic growth, then it must be both rational and driven by evidence and data. It may seem ironic to be arguing for rational planning in the year 2014, given that the tenets of modern town planning originated in the European Enlightenment and they were articulated into a technical discipline more than a century ago; however, we must consider it as a science that has been overwhelmed by considerations non-scientific. There is now some hope that it may recover its true purpose in the context of the smart cities programme.
Informed by the combined intelligence of data and geo-spatial mapping, the planning of our cities would be a complex system for delivering collective visions and problem-solving. Our capacity to grasp that complexity through mapping technology and to embed the intelligence that results from data into the ‘space’ of the city will create the possibilities to engage with the public in unprecedented ways.
For example, decisions about the feasibility and social sustainability of infrastructural or real estate projects could derive from informed scrutiny of the project by the public. Consultations and referendums about larger issues concerning the public at large, such as the effects of a traffic management system or the location of education and health facilities, could become the basis for policy and regulatory interventions. The rehabilitation of settlements for the urban poor could be informed by intelligence about land values, access to transportation, locations of work centres and schools and hospices.

The ‘death of the commons’ has been a nefarious notion in urban discourse for the past couple of decades. The crippling grasp of its cynicism, which was reinforced by the palpable reality of disenchanted and alienated citizens – hapless participants in the first wave of global commodification – has resulted in unsustainable, unproductive and highly vulnerable cities. The smartness of cities in India can harness the collective smartness of their citizens, and information and communication technology can enable governments to access that collective smartness in ways unimaginable in the analog and non-digital world. Whether we will choose to leverage this opportunity will be determined by the quality and level of our faith in the potential of participation, and whether we still believe that the city is the cradle of democracy.

For cooperative federalism

The views expressed by Chief Ministers at the maiden meeting of NITI Aayog’s Governing Council last weekend, demanding greater freedom to frame their own development plans, vindicate the thought process that went into conceiving the body that has replaced the 60-year-old Planning Commission. Promoting cooperative federalism and giving States greater freedom in designing their development plans were two of the key objectives behind the setting up of the NITI Aayog. Chief Ministers, cutting across party lines, demanded that they be given such freedom, with Kerala Chief Minister Oommen Chandy pointing out that schemes such as Jan Dhan Yojana or Beti Bachao were of little relevance to his State which already boasted of superior metrics in both fields. Similarly, Rajasthan’s Chief Minister demanded that the number of Centrally-sponsored schemes be reduced to 10, while Haryana Chief Minister Manohar Lal Khattar wanted such schemes to be dispensed with altogether. If these demands prove something, it is this: there can be no one-size-fits-all approach to development in a diverse country like India. And no longer can development be orchestrated from the Centre alone; it is as much the preserve, prerogative and responsibility of the States. Thus, the NITI Aayog will stop with making recommendations; implementing them will be the responsibility of the States.
An important decision made at the meeting was to constitute a subgroup of Chief Ministers who would study the 66 Centrally-sponsored schemes to assess whether they should be continued, transferred to States or dropped altogether. While doing this assessment, care should be taken to ensure that socially important inclusion schemes are not either downgraded or dropped. There could be examples of schemes that may not have national relevance but have resonance with particular States; these should be identified with due care and alterations should be made only after a consensus is evolved in the Governing Council. In this regard, it is encouraging to note that inclusion of the vulnerable and marginalised sections and redressing identity-based inequalities are at the top of the seven guiding principles for the Aayog as laid out in an e-book published by the government. This should also reassure those who see the body’s mandate as promoting a free-market economy which could come at the cost of the less-developed States. Of course, the true test of this government’s commitment to inclusive policies will come in the Budget’s allocations to social sector schemes. All the lofty ideals of the Aayog will come to naught if the government, forced by fiscal considerations, decides to set aside lower sums for social spending.
Feb 12 2015 : The Times of India (Delhi)
Year of living dangerously: India more unsafe than Syria in 2014
New Delhi:


Far away from the war zones of Syria and Afghanistan, it's in India where more bombs are exploding. In 2014, India witnessed 190 IED explosions, putting it just behind Pakistan and Iraq in the list of countries worst affected by bomb blasts.And while VIPs continue to clamour for security , they make only 3% of the target as compared to the general public, which accounts for 54% of the targets. Maoists continue to remain the biggest enemy of the state, executing more than 50% of the blasts, followed by insurgents in the Northeast, accounting for 30% of the explosions.
According to latest data released by National Bomb Data Centre (NBDC), Pakistan witnessed the maximum number of blasts in the world last year with 313 explosions, followed by Iraq which suffered 246 blasts. Af ghanistan with 129 blasts is far behind India. Syria, which has seen pitched battles between ISIS, Kurdish Peshmargas and Nato forces, has seen only 32 blasts.
These five countries together account for almost 85% of the 1,127 blasts across the world.
India, however, has been able to reduce the number of explosions and casualties in 2014. While 2013 saw 99 casu alties in 212 explosions, 75 people lost their lives in 2014.This is in keeping with the trend across the world.
What's worrying is that in 92% of explosions in India high explosives were used, recording an increase of four percentage points over 2013. This indicates the ease with which anti-national elements are able to lay their hands on explosives and electronic detonators. NSG chief JN Choudhu ry blamed it on `less-than satisfactory' control over sale and stocking of explo sives and detonators. “All 190 blasts in India used electron ic detonators. We see a ban on the sale of detonators de sirable, but that's not possi ble. There needs to be some control on sale and secure storage and use of detona tors,“ Choudhry said.
He said, “It seems when licence for use of detonators is given out by district ma gistrates, it is done in a very routine manner with no monitoring of its end use.“
Internally too, India is . witnessing a geographical shift in pattern of blasts.
Jammu & Kashmir, which has witnessed a 30% drop in explosions, is no more among , the top danger areas. Ditto for Manipur which has seen a 45% drop from 66 blasts in 2013 to just 36 in 2014. Conver sely, Chhattisgarh and Jhark hand witnessed an increase of 33% and 50%, respectively , in number of explosions.
Feb 12 2015 : The Times of India (Delhi)
Growth factor: No desi city in Top 10
Washington:


Only 6 Indian Metros Among Top 100 In An Economic Performance Index
The hurly-burly is done; the electoral battle is lost and won. As the poll dust settles over Delhi, the two men who matter most in the city may want to mull over the dismal rating of India's capital and premier metropolis in the world's growth chart, a scroll in which no Indian city makes the Top 10 or even Top 15.The Brookings Institution's 2014 Global Metro Monitor Map that measures and compares growth patterns in the world's 300 largest metro economies puts Delhi at 18th place, followed by Kolkota (among Indian cities) at 32nd.Mumbai (52) Chennai (57) Hyderabad (76) and Bangalore (87), round up the Indian cities in the Top 100, which expectedly is dominated by Chinese cities. China has 11 cities in the Top 20, and four in the Top 10.Surprisingly, Turkey has four in the Top 10, including Izmir, Istanbul, and Bursa at two, three and four, respectively. Macau got the top spot. The report compares growth patterns in the world's 300 largest metro economies on two key economic indicators -annualized growth rate of real GDP per capita and annualized growth rate of employment.
These indicators, which are combined into an economic performance index on which metro areas are ranked, matter because they reflect the importance that people and policymakers attach to achieving rising incomes and standards of living and generating widespread labour market opportunity, the report says.
There is increasing emphasis by planners in recent years on cities because, as the report shows, with only 20% of the population, the 300 largest metropolitan economies in the world accounted for nearly half of global output in 2014.
Despite the dismal ranking of Indian cities, they have all improved on their rankings from the 2009-2014 period, pointing to better prospects.
Most of the growth in the cities surveyed is occurring in developing countries, particularly in Asia.
The highest ranked developed western city is London, which is placed at 26, and the top ranked American city is Austin at 38.