Nagaland: a long road to peace

It is a 97-year-old struggle. To initiate even the beginnings of closure is a major breakthrough. And to have achieved that by recognising the Naga people’s pride, culture and history crowns the accord with renewed hope

Poignancy, laced with a sense of Naga pride and aspirations, can best describe the responses to the August 3 Naga Peace Accord signed between the NSCN (I-M) and the government of India. This can only be understood by talking to those living in Nagaland. On August 4, I received an early morning phone call from Zunheboto town (Zunheboto in Sumi dialect refers to a flowering shrub) in Nagaland. The sober voice of one of my young Naga friends broke the silence across the miles as she whispered, “Sister, finally, we do have closure, right?” followed by a spell of silence pregnant with meaning. I knew that she was brimming with emotions — pride amidst hurt; dignity amidst insecurity. I recalled Martin Luther King, Jr.’s lines from the movie Selma: “this is a demonstration of our dignity”.

That is what the Naga struggle has meant to me: a demonstration of the Nagas’ pride and dignity as a people. This, notwithstanding the violence and the insurgency, the fear and the insecurity and a life lived in uncertainty. Naga-inhabited areas resonate with a sense of unique history and culture — the National Socialist Council of Nagaland NSCN (Isak-Muivah) represents both.

Where it began

The ethnic Naga movement began its journey in 1918 with the formation of the Naga Club by 20 Naga members of the French Labour Corps, who had served in World War-I in Europe. The wartime knowledge motivated the few who came in contact with the European battlefield to politically organise themselves as a distinct ethnic entity. It also aroused in them a feeling of Naga nationalism, which shaped the idea of a ‘Naga nation’.

The Club submitted a memorandum to the Simon Commission in 1929, in which it stated that the people of Naga areas and those of mainland India had nothing in common between them and hence the Nagas should be left alone. In 1946, Naga National Council (NNC), a successor to the Naga Club, was formed under the leadership of A.Z. Phizo. Phizo, with the collaboration of eight other Nagas, declared Naga independence on August 14, 1947. In a 1951 speech, Phizo argued, “In the name of the Naga National Council and on behalf of the people and citizens of Nagaland, I wish to make our stand and our national position clear. We are a democratic people, and as such, we have been struggling for a Separate Sovereign State of Nagaland in a democratic way through constitutional means as it is so called. We shall continue to do so”.

It is important to note that several efforts were made to resolve the Naga issue. On June 27-28, 1947, the Akbar Hydari Agreement was signed between the then Governor of Assam, Sir Akbar Hydari and the NNC, in which the Nagas’ right to freely develop themselves was respected. However, Clause 9 of the Hydari Agreement created divisions as it stated, “The Governor of Assam as the Agent of the Government of the Indian Union will have a special responsibility for a period of 10 years to ensure the observance of the agreement, at the end of this period the Naga Council will be asked whether they require the above agreement to be extended for a further period or a new agreement regarding the future of Naga people arrived at”. This was interpreted by the NNC as terminating in sovereignty.

The NNC took to arms in 1955. Indian security forces responded with counter-insurgency operations, which resulted in the imposition of the Assam Disturbed Areas Act on the Naga Hills on August 27, 1955. This later became the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958, further amended in 1972.

Those were turbulent times in Naga history, with the landscape plagued by violence, counter-insurgency and civilian deaths. The hills came alive with a complex mix of political ideology, a desire for self-determination, ethnic alignments and tribal divisions. It was not an easy situation to deal with. The insurgency and the deployment of armed forces resulted in civilian deaths.

In 1963, as a mechanism for conflict resolution, the Nagaland State was established. Yet, the insurgency continued, as most Naga inhabited areas were left outside the purview of the new State. In 1964, a Nagaland Peace Mission was created and a ceasefire agreement was signed that lasted till 1968. After years of violence, another effort at peace was attempted with the signing of the Shillong Accord in 1975, where the NNC members agreed to give up violence and accept the Indian Constitution.

However, Thuingaleng Muivah and Isak Chishi Swu, then members of the NNC, interpreted the Shillong Accord as a complete sellout and revolted, going on to form the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) in 1980. S.S. Khaplang, who now heads NSCN (K), was a member of the unified NSCN that split in 1988 to form the two divisions: NSCN (I-M) and the NSCN (K).

Looking ahead

This history of the struggle is important as a backdrop to understand the significance of the Naga peace accord signed on August 03. NSCN (I-M) under Muivah and Swu have held to the ceasefire since its signing in 1997.

The ceasefire by NSCN (I-M) attained greater significance after NSCN (K) abrogated its ceasefire on March 27, 2015. Also, unlike NSCN (K), whose leader Khaplang has failed to maintain unity within the group, the NSCN (I-M)’s leaders and cadres have stayed with it since 1988.

Where the NSCN (I-M) has succeeded while groups like NSCN (K) have failed is in establishing a presence across all Naga-inhabited areas. It has achieved this by holding regular People’s Consultative Meetings (PCMs) with groups such as the Naga Hoho; Naga Students’ Federation; Forum for Naga Reconciliation; and the larger Naga civil society across States.

The PCMs have reinforced the much-needed local social networks that are the mainstay of any insurgent group. This largely representative structure has also kept violence in check and created an accountability mechanism where aspirations for Naga dignity and pride have taken centre stage.

It is notable that the NSCN (I-M) has shown flexibility in relegating the sovereignty clause to the background and bringing to the fore the issue of Naga identity — a more negotiable factor with the Central government.

Consequently, as I read through the Prime Minister’s speech at the signing ceremony that set the framework for a peaceful resolution to the Naga insurgency, his emphasis on restoring a sense of dignity, pride and respect to the Naga people stood out. This, as the 97-year-old Naga struggle will tell you, is the core issuefor the Nagas — a recognition of their history, dignity and culture.

The details of the Accord are yet to be made public, especially on how the NSCN (I-M)’s complicated political demand for a ‘Greater Nagalim’, comprising areas in Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur will be negotiated. However, the biggest breakthrough is that the group has agreed to give up violence and resolve all issues peacefully. For now, this Accord has ushered in hope, bringing joy mixed with poignant memories to my friend from Zunheboto… and that matters the most.

(Dr. Namrata Goswami is Research Fellow at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi. E-mail: namygoswami@gmail.com)

Refugees as citizens

None can object to the Union government’s move to grant citizenship to undocumented migrants who have come to India fleeing religious persecution in Pakistan and Bangladesh. Not just Hindus but also Buddhists, Christians, Zoroastrians, Sikhs and Jains are eligible for citizenship under the proposed amendment to the Citizenship Act. But ideally, so long as those seeking citizenship are able to prove they are victims of religious persecution in the neighbouring country, their religious persuasion should not be a criterion for grant of citizenship. Minority sects within Islam too face persecution, especially in Pakistan. The real difficulty, however, would be to distinguish between illegal migrants who came to India seeking work opportunities and a better life, and those who fled Pakistan or Bangladesh fearing persecution. In a situation where the Narendra Modi government continues to push for a tough stand against “infiltration” and illegal migration, the religious identity of the migrants should not be the basis for deciding their eligibility for citizenship. Given the past rhetoric of the BJP, which in the 2014 election manifesto described India as the “natural home of persecuted Hindus”, and the election speeches of Mr. Modi himself, in which he asked Bangladeshis to be ready to pack up and leave, the initial fears were that only Hindus, or at the most those adhering to Indian-origin religions, would be chosen for citizenship. That there has been some rethinking is a welcome sign. The government ought to make this religion-neutral.

However, what needs to change more urgently is India’s attitude to refugees in general. India must remain open to all those seeking refuge, and not just those fleeing religious persecution. Although not a signatory to the 1951 UN Refugee Convention, under which it would have been obliged not to send refugees back to a territory against their will if they fear threats to life or freedom, India cannot escape its responsibilities under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to respect the rights and freedoms of all people in its territories. Article 14(1) is categorical in stating that “everyone has the right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution.” Any well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a social group, or political opinion qualifies for refugee status. Worries about the impact this would have on relations with Bangladesh at a time when a friendly government is in place are misplaced. In any case, India cannot compromise on its commitment to human rights and fundamental freedoms. If there is a problem with the proposals, it is that they do not go far enough.

the speaking tree - Happiness From Within

HARSH KABRA





The driving force behind every individual's worldly pursuit is a craving for mental peace and material pleasure. The yearning is for happiness that is selfsustaining and that cannot be impeded even by the strongest resistance. This longing for happiness is founded on definite expectations that revolve around intuitive happiness that is integral to the being.The pleasure of the pursuit and realisation of the Almighty inspires happiness that is overwhelming and results in the culmination of Self-discovery . But why does happiness continue to elude us?
The Bhagwad Gita says that whenever the wavering heart wanders away , then so often let him subdue it and bring it back to the control of the soul; for, supreme happiness comes to the yogin whose heart is at rest, in whom passion is tranquillised, who is one with Brahmn, and free from sin.
We need an escort while trekking, climbing peaks and traversing forests so that he anticipates and solves on our behalf all likely obstacles and setbacks we are likely to face during our journey . Similarly , the feeling of Divinity as an escort ameliorates the difficult path of the spiritual seeker, making his advance appear effortless.
The mere assurance of an escort personifying strength, vigour, enterprise and success makes difficult situations endurable. Happiness that emanates from dilution of the self is lasting in nature. This selfless state of the mind cannot be generically defined, but is characterised by the absence of anger and frustration.

4,400 dropouts in 3 years at IITs and NITs





As many as 2,060 students dropped out of the 16 IITs over 2012-15, HRD minister Smriti Irani told Lok Sabha on Wednesday , listing inability to cope with academic stress as one of the reasons. At NITs, 2,352 dropped out in the same period.The IIT dropout count was highest in 2014-15, with Roorkee accounting for 228 students and Delhi for 169.
Irani said the institutes were taking remedial measures, including counselling and additional coaching for weaker students. HRD ministry has told Joint Seat Allocation Authority (JoSAA) that carried out joint counselling for admission to IITsNITsISM and IIITs to return bulk of non-refundable acceptance fee tuition fee to students who haven't joined courses and also told them to take necessary steps to fill up 3,200 vacant seats expeditiously .
After a meeting on Tuesday attended by top officials and minister Smriti Irani, HRD ministry on Wednesday told JoSAA the practice of “refund of acceptance fee in cases of candidates who have not joined the courses or have withdrawn after joining the course is found to be not in accordance with various judicial pronouncements on the subject. Ministry said in order to “ensure that a uniform policy is adopted by all the higher educational institutions“ JoSAA should follow the new procedure.
Directive to JoSAA says that if a student withdrew before the course starts, the fee collected from the student, after a deduction of the processing fee of not over Rs 1,000 may be refunded and returned by the institution to the student who has withdrawn.

Source: Aug 06 2015 : The Times of Indi

International Conference on Humanities and Social Sciences (ICHSS 2015)

Event Serial -10115

Website   http://www.istdst.org/HSS

Contact Person - Secretariat Event Enquiries Email Address - info@istdst.org

Deadline For Abstracts/Proposals: 2015-11-01

Organized By: ISTDST

Venue: Agra,   Uttar Pradesh,  India

About Event http://www.istdst.org/HSS

Everyday, 60 Indian cities churn out 3,500 tonnes of plastic waste

Delhi, Chennai, Kolkata, Mumbai, Bengaluru, Ahmedabad and Hyderabad generating the most.

60 major cities in India together churn out over 3,500 tonnes of plastic waste everyday, Lok Sabha was informed today.

Environment Minister Prakash Javadekar said as per available information, consumption of plastic in the country was 11 million tonness in 2013—14. “The total quantum of plastic waste generated in the country from 60 major cities is estimated to be 3,501 tonnes per day," he said during question hour.

Delhi, Chennai, Kolkata, Mumbai, Bengaluru, Ahmedabad and Hyderabad generating the most plastic waste. Mr. Javadekar said the environmental impact of plastic waste has been examined by various committees in recent years, such as the task force constituted to formulate a strategy and action programme for management of plastic waste.

Plastic bags

The reports of these committees indicate that plastic bags, if not collected systematically and choke the drainage system. Animals also ingested plastic bags that are discarded with food leading to their illness and sometimes death. Recycled plastic bags and containers also contaminated packaged food, Mr. Javadekar said.

Source: The Hindu, 4 August

Breakthrough in Nagaland

Good beginnings are no guarantee to good outcomes. India has taken a big step forward in ending the protracted Naga insurgency by signing a framework agreement with the largest and most prominent of the armed Naga groups, the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak-Muivah). However, not all the major issues stand sorted out with this agreement, and some smaller groups have not been part of the decisive phases of the peace process. While the Khole-Kitovi and the Reformation factions, which are not party to the present accord, have signed a ceasefire agreement with the government, the Khaplang faction of the NSCN, active in the eastern areas of Nagaland and with bases across the border in Myanmar, remains hostile to the engagement with the Isak-Muivah faction. The NSCN (Khaplang) is known to have carried out a deadly ambush on Army personnel in Manipur in June 2015 as a way of communicating its opposition to the evolving accord with the I-M faction, and demonstrating its capabilities. The NSCN (K) seems to have forged an alliance with other disgruntled splinter groups that are in opposition to the course taken by the I-M faction. Thus, while the agreement with the NSCN (I-M) is a breakthrough in the decades-long peace process, the Government of India will have to bear in mind that many of the players of the insurgency are still not on board, and several issues do not have a settled look yet.

To make matters worse for groups that are not part of the agreement, and that feel left out of the process, details of the accord have not been made public yet. There is no clarity on the controversial “sovereignty” demand that was central to the I-M group’s negotiations strategy, or on the demand for the creation of a Nagalim or Greater Nagaland that is tied to claims on the territories of the neighbouring States of Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh. Issues relating to sovereignty and territories of other States offer no easy solution. For this agreement to hold, and to be built upon, the government needs to involve all the stakeholders, including other groups and members of Naga civil society, and representatives of the neighbouring States. Otherwise, the present agreement, which is no doubt a landmark event in the decades-long history of the insurgency, could falter in the months ahead. To recognise the Naga sense of identity without acceding to claims on the territories of other States, to allow the people of Nagaland greater autonomy in deciding their own lives and future without allowing concessions on the sovereignty of India: these are the challenges before the government. The agreement provides a basis for pushing ahead on these aspects, and is a hard-earned opportunity that should not be lost.

Source: The Hindu, 5 August, 2015