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Wednesday, November 18, 2015

3 New Master’s Courses at JNU

The prospective candidates looking to enrol themselves for a Master’s degree at the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) will now have three new programmes to choose from the next academic session. The three new MA courses are in the field of film and television, art history and theatre. SK Sopory, Vice-Chancellor JNU, made the announcement  after the University’s Academic Council cleared the introduction of the new courses. “The University will be offering three new MA programmes from the next academic session. The courses will be MA in Art History and Visual Studies; MA in Film, Television and New Media Studies; and MA in Theatre and Performance Studies,” Sopory said. The Vice Chancellor said the proposal had come from the Board of Studies of the School of Arts and Aesthetics in July and the preamble as well as the courses to be taught and credit requirements for the three programmes have been worked out. JNU had recently proposed a course in Indian culture and yoga as well. There was a proposal to introduce three short-term courses in yoga, vedas and jatakas. 


Source: Elets News Network (ENN) Posted on November 17, 2015 

LSAT-India 2016 is on May 15


The examination date for the prestigious Law School Admission Test – India (LSAT-India™) has been announced. The reasoning-based test will be conducted on May 15, 2016 in 16 cities across India.
LSAT-India™ is one of the leading law tests for Undergraduate and Postgraduate law admissions in the country. More than 60 law colleges accept LSAT-India™ scores as one of their admissions criteria.
Dan Bernstine, president of LSAC, said, “On behalf of the Law School Admission Council, I am pleased to announce the 8th annual administration of the LSAT-India. This program has grown each year since it began, and is now firmly established as a key element of law school admission in India. It is a privilege for LSAC to provide this service in partnership with Pearson VUE.”
“Year-on-year, we are seeing more law colleges in India associating with LSAT-India™ which is a testimony of the credibility of this law exam in India. More candidates are opting for LSAT-India exam as the preferred law exam in the country,” said Divyalok Sharma, director of client development at Pearson VUE India.
Offered by the global Law School Admission Council (LSAC), USA (LSAC.org), in conjunction with Pearson VUE, The LSAT-India™ assesses the critical reading and verbal reasoning skills that are needed to succeed in law school.

‘Suu Kyi will play a critical role in Myanmar’

Historian Thant Myint-U explains how Myanmar could offer a powerful example of a peaceful transition from authoritarianism to democracy

The historic election in Myanmar on November 8 is the first step to a peaceful transition of power after decades of military rule. The people of Myanmar have given an absolute majority to the Aung San Suu Kyi-led National League for Democracy (NLD). In step, the military, which continues to exercise power over the defeated Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), seems committed to play by the norms of electoral politics. In an e-mail interview with Kallol Bhattacherjee, Thant Myint-U, author of Where China Meets India: Burma and the New Crossroads of Asia and chairman of the Yangon Heritage Trust, says the election marks the beginning of not just transition but also democratisation of Myanmar’s society where minorities are yet to find space. Excerpts:
Kallol Bhattacherjee
What is the significance of the Myanmar elections in the global context?
Myanmar’s elections are the first general elections since the beginning of political reforms in 2011. They are a test of the country’s democratic transition. Myanmar’s path to democracy, far from being complete, has been a top-down process, begun by the military elite, that has so far kept on board all parts of the political spectrum. The Constitution is hybrid: it has democratic elements, but still protects core military interests. The first step was the 2010 election (which was boycotted by the NLD), which ushered in a far more open political environment and competitive politics. In this second step, the main opposition, the NLD, will take over the reins of government, but within this hybrid constitutional framework. If successful in the years to come, Myanmar will offer a powerful example of a peaceful transition from authoritarianism.
What kind of ideological currents emerged during the election?
The election was a two-way contest between the ruling establishment and its party of ex-generals (the USDP), and the NLD. Neither has offered detailed policy agendas or has clear ideological moorings. They do not differ in any significant way on foreign policy either. But they do differ in their attitudes to Myanmar’s history of military rule, and in the speed with which they would like to see further democratic change.
Ms. Suu Kyi is disqualified from holding the top post of Myanmar. Is there an alternative line of leaders?
There are many capable people in Myanmar and in the NLD. But for obvious reasons, the only ones with actual experience in government are those in the old military establishment and existing bureaucracies.
Will Ms. Suu Kyi’s personality cult grow over time in Myanmar?
It’s hard to imagine a Myanmar where Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is not head and shoulders above all other political figures. I think she will play a critical role in Myanmar politics for many years to come.
Will the clause that disqualifies her be revised by the new government?
It would require a constitutional amendment; the armed forces would need to give their de facto assent. Only then would it be put to a referendum in which more than half of all the eligible voters nationwide would have to say yes. It will not be an easy clause to change.
Does it mean that Ms. Suu Kyi might end up as the real power behind the government?
I think so. She will clearly be in charge of her party. The party in turn will dominate Parliament. It is now in a position to choose the next President and one of two Vice-Presidents (and most but not all the Cabinet). What the exact working relationship will be between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as party head and the new President, who will be her selection, remains to be seen.
What will be the civil-military relation in Myanmar following this election?
The relationship between the current USDP government and the military has been a cooperative one. But the USDP is headed by recently retired generals, including the incumbent President. Many had been senior to the current army chiefs within the military hierarchy not long ago. A government led by former opposition leaders and civilians with no military background may have a far different relationship to the military, which will still control key offices.
Understandably the military in Myanmar has stakes in business. What is your opinion on armed forces having ties with business groups?
There are two large military-controlled business conglomerates. They operate in the same way as many other conglomerates in Myanmar. Since 2011, they have paid taxes on their income. The military has no formal ties otherwise with any specific business group. There may be many informal ties but these are not clear from the outside. Corruption is a big problem in Myanmar but again it’s difficult for an outsider to assess properly. It is certainly the case that people with connections to people in power have an easier time making lots of money, but I think we can all agree that that situation is not unique to Myanmar. Many leading businessmen are, I would think, politically neutral, though some clearly have USDP links whilst others have openly supported the NLD. It’s a complex business environment. It would be wrong to generalise about the top business class in Myanmar.
The junta has a record of not respecting the public mandate. Why do you think they supported the mandate this time?
It’s about a sense of history and a desire to see the country move in a different direction. The generals (now ex-generals) decided almost 10 years ago to take this path. They began to prepare for this transition 6-7 years ago when few believed them. They have actually done more or less everything they said they would do when they first set out on their “road map” in the mid-2000s. They have been saying repeatedly over the past few years that they would hold free and fair elections and respect the results. Many have said to me that they believe this is the role in history, to make possible this transition. There is an incredibly strong desire, across the political spectrum in Myanmar, including in the officer corps, to see Myanmar catch up with China, India, Thailand, and everyone else in the region, and see a better life for their children. We should not be too cynical about what is happening in Myanmar today.
Myanmar is also highly sought after in the global market because of its minerals, agro-products, and strategic importance. Do you think the world is eager to break into the Myanmarese resource basket and that the democratic movement is under pressure to oblige the global market forces?
There is a long history of wariness, going back to discussions around the India Act of 1919; a strong sense that Myanmar needs to be protected from exploitative forces from the outside. At the same time, the legacy of self-imposed isolation and then sanction have been so disastrous that I think most people do want to re-engage and see new, well-managed foreign trade and investment. But that’s the problem, as Myanmar really does not have the strong institutions that are necessary to properly reintegrate with the world economy. On the other hand, it cannot wait a generation or two needed to develop these institutions.
Myanmar is in the middle of a rivalry in the Southeast Asian region among various global powers. How do you think it will balance these various forces?
There is very little discussion of foreign policy in Myanmar. The country is extremely inward-looking with very little knowledge of politics, even in next-door neighbours such as India and China. A nascent democracy may be even more inward-looking. I think Myanmar should be much more proactive in its foreign policy, seek to build good relations with countries around the world, and be more involved in multilateral forums such as at the United Nations. The country’s natural foreign policy is a non-aligned one, and that is its instinct. But I think it will need a more imaginative approach if it is going to do well in this neighbourhood over the coming decades.
What is your assessment of the regional impact on Southeast Asia of this historic election of Myanmar? Will this election also send a message to the people of China?
The proof of the pudding will be in the eating. Expectations are sky-high. If a new democratic (or even quasi-democratic) country can really deliver on the economy and improve standards of living over the coming years, then yes, I think it will have an impact on people’s thinking in other authoritarian societies.
Do you think Myanmar will take remedial steps for the Rohingya under the new democratic government?
I think the current government has taken some important initial steps. We have not seen any repeat of communal violence for more than two years. There is still the specific challenge of displacement. I’m not sure how a new government will try to manage the situation. The regional Arakan National Party has done reasonably well in regional elections and Arakanese (Rakhine Buddhist) sentiment may have a stronger voice than in the past.
It is said that Ms. Suu Kyi has remained silent when it comes to resolving the issue of the Rohingya refugees.
I don’t think she’s been silent. And to be fair, she has not been in a position to do very much. But that will change by April and we’ll have to see if she chooses to move government policy in a new direction.
What kind of electoral participation has come from the conflict-ridden communities of Myanmar like the Karen, and minorities like the Han Chinese?
We’ll have to wait to see the final election numbers. I would only say that in many conflict-affected areas, the overwhelming desire of local people is more likely to be peace and freedom from the kind of semi-criminal exploitation they are often subject to, than any specific political programme.
What kind of peace initiatives will be taken by the democratic government for the warring ethnic groups of Myanmar?
The peace process is at a very delicate moment. The Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement was drafted by almost all the non-state armed groups that have been fighting the government over the years, but then only signed by eight. There are hundreds of other militia, primarily along the Sino-Myanmar border. In 1949 Prime Minister U Nu promised “peace within a year”. It should be a top priority, but it will not be easy. There are multi-billion dollar mining, logging, and narcotics operations at stake. There is also deep distrust, lack of institutions that could easily implement agreements, and issues of pride on all sides.
Do you think India’s working ties with the junta cast a shadow on future ties between New Delhi and Myanmar?
The junta was abolished in March 2011. I don’t think there has been a marked change of policy between 2011 and today, and I don’t think there will be one in the years to come. What’s needed beyond immediate security-related issues is a shared vision for the future of Northeast India and Myanmar, that will be beneficial to the people on both sides. I have a great desire to see strengthened people-to-people relations between Myanmar and India, in particular Northeast India, as well as greater economic ties. I think it’s important to work towards a shared vision and not make border security issues the be-all and end-all of bilateral ties.
kallol.b@thehindu.co.in
Source: The Hindu, 18-11-2015

A clean-up act with a short sweep

The Environmental Laws (Amendment) Bill is the first step in quantifying and penalising environmental damage — but it falls short in gauging the scope and ramifications.

New Delhi is in the news again as respirable particulate matter is said to have crossed hazardous limits. On the one hand, this is environmental damage that affects everyone, while on the other, it is damage with multiple determinants — vehicle exhaust, construction dust, Diwali firecrackers, pollution caused by the burning of paddy stumps and agricultural residue, and, of course, apathy. In quantifying environmental damage, there are at least two stumbling blocks: identifying when the damage started and what its impact will be; and finding the source and cause of damage.
It is timely then that an attempt is being made in India to quantify and penalise environmental damage. The Environmental Laws (Amendment) Bill has been put out for comment. For example, it seeks to define the scope of damage by gauging its distance from a project site, and circumscribing penalties for damage.
Neha Sinha
While this is an important first attempt, the Bill falls short in understanding the scope, ramifications and extent of environmental damage.
Damage beyond pollution

The Bill focusses on environmental damage as pollution. It is only when we experience pollution that we become alert to environmental problems or damage. Water pollution makes potable water undrinkable, soil pollution contaminates ground water or renders soil infertile, while air pollution exacerbates respiratory ailments. While pollution is an important source of damage, all damage is not just pollution.
While the Bill suggests that there are three kinds of environmental damage — substantial, non-substantial and minor — it does not elaborate on what the differentiating factors between these categories are. It suggests that damage under these three categories is contained within pollution and hazardous substances. It states that “substantial damage means damage to the environment whether by release of environmental pollutant or environmental pollution or handling of hazardous substance or any other substance or otherwise determined in the manner as may be prescribed by which the environment is affected or is likely to be affected.” It adds that violation of “statutory environmental obligations” would count as environmental damage.
But there are several other types of environmental damage that merit inclusion in the Bill that change the ecological integrity or character of an ecosystem. These include dredging activities that can fill up an important wetland or the cutting off of water supply. The extent or presence of environmental damage can be quantified by measuring a difference or drop in ecosystem services. For example, land degradation can affect plant pollination and forests can turn barren, in turn affecting carbon sequestration and air purification.
Further, the idea of pollution as damage is interlinked with our health. Legislation in other parts of the world has gone beyond human-centric definitions. For instance, under British law, environmental damage is defined as that which causes a significant, harmful effect on the conservation status of an EU [European Union] protected species or natural habitat. Even harmful effects on the ecological structure and function of an area of “special scientific interest” come under the ambit of damage. This is due to the commitments built into wildlife protection laws and also the concern about keeping habitats intact for future generations. Therefore, projects that fragment wild habitats or irretrievably damage ecosystems can be considered as factors that cause environmental damage.
Thus, these points merit further debate. In India, would we consider damage to wild species and wild places as environmental damage? Or would we confine ourselves to damage that is pollution? These are tough questions that need to be posed to scientists, ecologists, affected communities and citizens.
The second major point is the role of distance as a factor in determining environmental damage, and its use in setting the extent of penalties. The Bill suggests that the costs of environmental damage, in the form of hazards and pollution, “may extend to 10 crore rupees” within a 5 km distance from a project site. For damage within 5 to 10 km from a site, the sum should be between Rs.10-15 crore and beyond 10 kilometres, Rs.15-20 crore. Continuing environmental damage would attract a fixed, per day penalty for all three categories. The underlying assumption seems to be that if there is pollution beyond 5 or 10 km, it must be of a serious nature and should attract heavier penalties. This may be true in some cases.
In several cases such as radiation or air pollution, proximity to the site of damage exacerbates damage and suffering. While air pollution causes grievous harm, the nature of the pollutant is such that it causes more harm through proximity, and not through distance. This is the logic that serves many metropolitan cities which ban cars on certain days in critically polluted areas, and not in other spots. Radiation leaks, accidents and spills are also likely to impact people, wildlife and habitat closest to the site.
Finally, thought needs to be given about capping penalties for environmental damage. Should such penalties have a ceiling? While most believe that there should be a minimum penalty to be paid for damaging the environment, it may be counter-intuitive to also prescribe the maximum amount. As the Bhopal gas tragedy showed us, environmental damage can last for generations, and it requires long term and sustained redressal.
Adjudicating authority

Perhaps what is of most interest in the Bill is the proposal to set up a two-man adjudicating authority to decide on pollution and whether environmental damage has been caused. Given the poor performance of pollution control boards, the question on whether environmental damage should be considered by government officials or independent courts assumes importance.
In the end, there are questions related to both science and perception. While science and laboratory tests can determine impact on health, there must be larger consensus on whether we want to go beyond the perception of pollution as constituting environmental damage. Protecting the environment is a Fundamental Duty under the Constitution. How we begin to perceive the incommensurable damage caused to Nature and the environment requires more attention and application.
(Neha Sinha is with the Bombay Natural History Society. The views expressed are personal. E-mail: n.sinha@bnhs.org)
2-3 cups of coffee a day reduces death risk: Study
Boston:
PTI


Drinking two to three cups of coffee daily may reduce your risk of death from heart disease, diabetes and suicide, researchers, including those of Indian-origin have claimed.In the study, people who regularly drank moderate amounts of coffee daily--less than 5 cups per day--experienced lower risk of deaths from cardiovascular disease, neurological diseases, Type 2 diabetes and suicide.
The benefit held true for drinking caffeinated and decaffeinated coffee, suggesting it is not just the caffeine providing health perks but possibly the naturally occurring chemical compounds in the coffee beans.
“Bioactive compounds in coffee reduce insulin resistance and systematic inflammation,“ said Ming Ding, the study's first author. “They might be responsible for the inverse association between coffee and morta lity,“ Ding added.
In general, people who frequently drank coffee were more likely to smoke and drink alcohol. To separate the effects of coffee from smoking, researchers repeated their analy sis among never-smokers, and found that the protective benefits of coffee on deaths beca me even more evident.
Source: Times of India, 18-11-2015
Ideology Is The Root Cause Of All Violence


Real prayer has nothing to do with words, formalities. Real prayer is neither Hindu, Muslim nor Christian. How can silence be Hindu or Muslim? Silence is silence. Words can be Hindu and words can be Muslim; hence words create conflict and violence in the world. It is not that people are fighting for realities ­ they are fighting for words.Thousands of wars have been fought, not for any real thing, but just for mere words. For example, one believes in the Quran and the other believes in the Gita ­ that's enough to kill millions of people.And both are words; neither is a reality .
Have you seen people killing each other for a rose flower or for the moon or for the sun? These are realities. But they can kill even in the name of the moon. If somebody claims, “The moon is our God,“ then he has imposed a word, God, on the moon. And then somebody says, “You are a fool. The moon is not the real God, the real God is the sun.“ And quarrelling starts, and fights happen.
Words have been the cause of all wars ­ religious or political wars.Ideology is the root cause of all violence.And now there are people who try to bring peace to the world, and again they create another ideology .
The name that Prophet Muhammad gave to his religion is Islam. Islam means peace. But the ideology isn't bringing peace ... Who else can claim more peaceful attitude towards life than Jesus? But Christianity , the ideology that was created around Jesus, has been a calamity .
All ideologies are bound to bring war, even ideologies based in peace and for peace. Then how can peace come? Peace can come only if we understand the stupidity of all ideologies and drop them. If we simply start living without any ideology , there will be peace.
But when you say , “This is our ideology; that we will not believe in any ideology ,“ then you are making an ideology out of that also. Then those who won't believe and who won't agree with you will start fighting with you.
I am not saying to you that you have to make this an ideology , or that no ideology is needed. I am simply saying try to understand what has happened through ideologies, words, theories, philosophies. Just see the point, and seeing it, let it drop.
Don't make a new ideology against ideologies. Just see the point ­ drop it, let it drop, be finished with it.
Live without any theories of how to live. Live without any `shoulds' and `oughts'. Every fact sooner or later becomes an `ought' and then it becomes dangerous. Every truth sooner or later becomes an ideology and then it is harmful and poisonous.
Can't we live without any ideology?
Have you seen any Catholic tree or communist peacock? If the whole of existence can live without ideology , why not man?
And the moment a man lives without ideology he is prayerful. Then his whole life is prayer, then, he is religious. The man who has an ideology is political; all ideologies are political.
The religious person lives without any ideology . He simply lives moment to moment, responding to reality ­ not through words, not through disciplines, not through certain attitudes, conclusions. No, he simply responds to whatsoever is the case and whatsoever is right in the moment, not according to some idea.
The moment one drops words and ideologies, suddenly one becomes very , very aware. And that awareness is prayer.
Source: Times of India, 18-19-2015

Tuesday, November 17, 2015

Govt Will provide all support for research on medicinal properties of Ganga water for holistic health: J P Nadda 

New Delhi: To further investigate the claim made through various existing research and studies that the waters of Ganga river have medicinal properties which destroy various kinds of bacteria and microbes, in order to use it for holistic human health, the Union Minister for Health & Family Welfare Shri J P Nadda has assured all support for this research including financial assistance. He stated this at the workshop organised today at AIIMS, New Delhi on the “Non-putrefying properties of Ganga Water”. Also present was Sushri Uma Bharti, Union Minister for Water Resources, River Development and Ganga Rejuvenation and senior environmentalist Shri Krishna Gopal. 

Speaking at the workshop, the Union Health Minister stated that in a world increasing fighting various kinds of new and more powerful drug resistant bacteria and germs, such a study which explores and examines what is it that lends this unique property to the Ganga water that not only cleanse itself by destroying germs and microbes present in it, but also purifies other waters, is worth conducting. He described Ganga as a pious river that has many interconnected and layered values to it, be it cultural, spiritual, economical and environmental. He stated that the river flowing through 2600 kms and crossing many states nurtures these regions by providing livelihood option to many, in addition to irrigation the banks and the plains. It is the mandate of the Government to not only clean the river but to also rejuvenate it, he further stated. He said that the valuable scientific evidence generated as a result of this research and in-depth study will help to understand the medicinal properties of the Ganga water. He said that in addition to AIIMS, New Delhi, scientists from IIT Kanpur and Roorkee, Banaras Hindu University, National Environmental Research Institute (NEERI) and National Botanical Research Institute will be participating in this detailed study. Another workshop to discuss and deliberate on the findings of the research shall be held after six months, the Health Minister informed. 

Sushri Uma Bharti highlighted that despite crores of people taking a dip in the river during numerous religious occasions very year, the river has not led to any pandemic or epidemic. This had to be the consequence of some self-purifying power of the river water which prevented its deterioration, she stated. She added that the study will help in using the Ganga water with this unique property for a larger welfare and health of mankind. 

Shri Krishna Gopal drew from the studies and research conducted on the exclusive property of the Ganga water and the references from the Akbarnama and the British bacteriologist Ernest Hanbury Hankin, to state that the presence of bacteriophage activity had been detected in the river since long. New research needs to be conducted to further renew this claim, he added. 

Present at the workshop were senior officers from the Ministry of Health & Family Welfare, and Ministry for Water Resources, River Development and Ganga Rejuvenation, AIIMS, NEERI, IIT Kanpur and IIT Rourkee. 

Source: indiaeducationdiary