A National Court of Appeal is being advocated as an intermediate forum between the Supreme Court and the various high courts of India. But a better solution to ease the higher judiciary’s burden may lie in strengthening that of the lower.

Much as Justice Felix Frankfurter once said of the U.S. Supreme Court, India’s Supreme Court too is a “is a very special kind of court”. It is special because it acts as a final court of appeal. It is special because its decisions are determinative; its pronouncements constitute the law of the land. And it is very special because under our political structure, the court acts as the ultimate arbiter on disputes concerning any interpretation of the Constitution. However, in recent times, especially over the last two decades or so, the court’s ability to remain special, to retain its allure, has somewhat been thwarted by the enormity of its burden.

Unlike its American counterpart, the Indian Supreme Court is a multifarious institution. It often tasks itself with ruling on run-of-the-mill civil and criminal appeals. The court’s docket, in fact, tends to burst with seemingly mundane disputes. These tend to include, to name but a few typical cases, rent control quarrels between landlords and tenants, factual squabbles over tax assessments, internal managerial rows concerning societies and trusts, and what not! As a result of entertaining these everyday appeals, which have little bearing on the larger public interest, the court’s focus has wavered from what many believe is its core task: deliberating on, and settling, questions of pure constitutional significance.

Easing the court’s burden

An oft-repeated suggestion aimed at correcting this perceived imbalance in the apex court’s role is the establishment of a National Court of Appeal (NCA) that would act as an intermediate forum between the Supreme Court and the various high courts of India. Although there is little scope under our country’s constitutional structure for the creation of such a court, the idea has once again come into vogue.

Recently, on a public interest litigation initiated by a Chennai-based lawyer, V. Vasanthakumar, demanding the establishment of such an NCA, the Supreme Court not only ordered notice to the Union of India but also proposed to refer questions of law concerning the establishment of such a court to a constitution bench of five judges. According to its proponents, the NCA, which would be headquartered in New Delhi, and which would have different regional benches, would relieve the Supreme Court of the weight of hearing regular civil and criminal appeals, allowing the court to concentrate on determining only fundamental questions of constitutional importance. Additionally, it has been argued that the NCA’s regional benches would allow greater access to litigants from remote parts of the country, for whom the distance to New Delhi acts as a grave barrier to justice. Although intuitively these arguments present a cogent structural solution, in reality they are unable to see the wood for the trees. The issues besetting the Supreme Court, and indeed the Indian judiciary as a collective whole, are far too deep-rooted for the NCA to represent the kind of panacea that it has been made out to be. Quite contrary to what has been suggested, to restore the Supreme Court’s grandeur, the focus ought to be not on altering the core structure of the judiciary, but in aiming to make changes that are more pragmatic, that place an emphasis on the strengthening of the base of India’s judicial edifice.

The decline of constitution benches

It is undeniable that the Supreme Court’s role as the Constitution’s sheet anchor has been weakened in recent times. This dilution, at least partly, owes to the court’s inability to devote itself substantially to the determination of important public questions. As Nick Robinson’s studies have demonstrated, the number of cases decided by constitution benches — benches comprising five or more judges — has steadily declined right from the Supreme Court’s inception. Between 1950 and 1954, almost 15 per cent of the total cases decided by the Supreme Court were decisions of constitution benches. By the time the 1970s came around, this figure had dipped below one per cent. Between 2005 and 2009, benches comprising five judges or more decided only a worryingly paltry 0.12 per cent of the court’s total decisions. This has meant that in spite of the specific precepts of Article 145(3) of the Constitution — which mandates that a minimum of five judges sit for the purpose of deciding any case involving a substantial question of constitutional law — division benches of two judges have increasingly decided important disputes requiring a nuanced interpretation of the Constitution.

For example, in December 2013, it was a bench of two judges, in Suresh Kumar Koushal v. Naz Foundation, which reversed the Delhi High Court’s momentous judgment declaring Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code, insofar as it criminalised homosexuality, as unconstitutional. Similarly, when last year in Shreya Singhal v. Union of India the Supreme Court struck down the pernicious Section 66A of the Information Technology Act, in the process paving the way for a refined thinking on the right to free speech, it was once again a bench of two judges that rendered the verdict.

What we have, therefore, is a quite unusual scheme of constitutionalism where any given pair of two individuals is vested with the enormous power of ruling conclusively on significant matters of public importance. This phenomenon — still relatively recent — of rulings by two-judge benches in noteworthy cases has coincided with the court’s mounting docket. What’s clearly evident is that this manner of functioning is far from what the Constitution’s framers envisaged of the Supreme Court.

The apex court’s original mandate

Broadly, the Constitution prescribes to the Supreme Court two types of jurisdiction: an original jurisdiction — i.e. the power to entertain cases at the first instance — where fundamental rights have been violated, or where a State is involved in a dispute with another State or with the Centre; and an appellate jurisdiction, where a case involving a substantial question of law requires adjudication, on appeal. The court was therefore always seen not merely as an arbiter of constitutional disputes, but also as a plenary body that would settle the law of the land. However, by all accounts, the Constituent Assembly believed the court would exercise great discretion in choosing its own scope of work. The court was not seen as a forum to argue over ordinary disputes between litigants that had no larger public bearing. It was believed the lower judiciary and the various high courts would be sufficiently equipped to dispense justice in these kinds of cases.

That the Supreme Court has today used the pliability of its power to grant special leave to often interfere in mundane disputes is therefore not a product of any structural problem, but rather of a deliberate decision by the court’s judges. Viewed thus, it is difficult to understand how the creation of an NCA would somehow ease the burden on the Supreme Court, allowing it to eschew its authority to grant special leave; this power was, after all, always meant to be used only in exceptional cases, where a particular interpretation of a law required definite resolution.

A bottom-up approach needed

What the NCA is meant to do, therefore, can quite easily be achieved by strengthening the lower judiciary, which generally constitutes the courts of first instance. Correspondingly, as was always intended, the high courts can be viewed as the regular — and, in most cases, final — appellate court. No doubt, to achieve this, it is necessary that there is greater rigour involved in choosing our judges. If socially conscious and meritorious women and men, who subscribe to the best constitutional values, are elevated as judges to our subordinate judiciary and the high courts, the idea of viewing the Supreme Court as a routine court of appeal can be renounced altogether. This would allow the Supreme Court to be more discerning in its use of discretion, thus substantially reducing its burden of acting as a corrector of simple errors. Moreover, at the same time, at least two constitution benches can be designated to hear cases Monday through Friday, thereby solving problems concerning the inability of the Supreme Court to devote itself to its most important duty.

Were we to tailor our solutions thus, through a bottom-up approach, the purported difficulty of access to the Supreme Court also begins to present itself as a red herring. That the real issues of accessing justice relate not to the Supreme Court but the lower judiciary becomes even more apparent through a study of the latest figures released by the National Judicial Data Grid (NJDG). The data show us that there is only one judge for every 73,000 people in India, a figure that is seven times worse than the United States. And even more staggeringly, at the present rate of functioning, according to the NJDG, civil cases will never get fully disposed of, and it will likely take more than 30 years to clear all the criminal cases presently on the file of India’s lower courts.

To think about making changes even to the basic system of dispensing justice isn’t necessarily a bad thing. But what’s clear from the NJDG data is that our judiciary isn’t broken because of any deficiencies in structure, but rather because of the feeble infrastructure that we have installed to support our justice delivery system. If we work towards establishing a more robust subordinate judiciary, it would not only negate any requirement on the part of most litigants to approach the Supreme Court, but it would also free the court of its shackles, allowing it to possibly regain its constitutionally ordained sense of majesty.

(Suhrith Parthasarathy is an advocate practising at the Madras High Court. He is also currently working on a biography of the Supreme Court.)

Keywords: National Court of Appeal, Supreme Court of India, advocate

Source: The Hindu, 9-04-2016

To check climate change, stop wasting food: Experts

Barcelona: REUTERS





Better Management Can Cut Emission From Agriculture By 14%

Reducing food waste around the world would help curb emissions of planet-warming gases, lessening some of the impacts of climate change such as more extreme weather and rising seas, scientists said on Thursday .Up to 14% of emissions from agriculture in 2050 could be avoi agriculture in 2050 could be avoided by managing food use and distribution better, according to a study from the Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research (PIK). “Agriculture is a major driver of climate change, accounting for more than 20% of overall global greenhouse gas emissions in 2010,“ said co-author Prajal Pradhan. “Avoiding food loss and waste would therefore avoid unnecessary greenhouse gas emissions and help mitigate climate change.“
Between 30 and 40% of food produced around the world is never eaten, because it is spoiled after harvest and during transportation, or thrown away by shops and consumers.
The share of food wasted is expected to increase drastically if emerging economies adopt Western food habits, including a shift to eating more meat, the researchers warned.
Richer countries tend to con sume more food than is healthy or simply waste it, they noted.
As poorer countries develop and the world's population grows, emissions associated with food waste could soar from 0.5 gigaton nes of carbon dioxide equivalent per year to between 1.9 and 2.5 gigatonnes annually by mid-century, showed the study published in the Environmental Science & Technology journal.

Source: Times of India, 9-4-2016

The Secret Of Lifelong Energy

Deepak Chopra





We expect to be engaged and involved into our 70s and 80s, a far cry from the automatic decline that prior generations identified with ageing. But the ageing process undermines many people, who find that they lose energy as the years go by.I don't mean just diminished physical energy , because mind and body are linked. We have to consider the entire person who is thinking, feeling, hoping and wishing every day .Where do you get enough energy to keep going on all fronts? Physics offers a simple but profound answer. In every physical system, the law of entropy dictates that energy will dissipate over time, which is why ice cubes melt and stars burn out. But a counterforce, evolution, allows energy to be stored and increased. Life is the prime example of negative entropy , as this energy storage is called, because living things use food, air, and sunlight to extract more energy than they give off.
We must favour evolution over entropy if we want to have energy for a lifetime. In us there is energy loss on the physical, emotional, and spiritual plane if we fail to counter it.
Physical entropy is linked to ageing in most people's minds, but in reality we are worn down by overwork, stress, the inability to take downtime, bad sleep, and a frenetic pace that the body can adapt to for only so long.
Emotional entropy can't be separated from the physical, since factors like bad sleep, overwork, and stress have emotional consequences ­ we lose enthusiasm and interest in what we're doing. Emotional entropy is also caused by psychological issues like depression, anxiety, bad relationships, abusive behaviour, and low self-esteem.
Spiritual entropy comes about when we lose our sense of purpose and meaning. This is a prevalent danger for millions of people when they retire or see their children leave home. But there's also spiritual depletion through grief, abuse, lack of productive work, and any occasion of personal defeat.
In modern times there have been major victories against entropy , most of them physical. We can cure diseases that have sapped the life out of people for centuries. We know how prevention works. We can have clean air and water, along with natural, whole foods, by exerting some effort. Recovery from debilitating stroke and heart attack is better than ever.
These are all positive signs of evolution or progress.
But the subtle aspects of entropy , the psychological and spiritual setbacks that drain us, need to be countered, too, equires expanded awareness. and that requires expanded awareness.The evolution of the inner person holds the key to energising the entire system, including the body . Research into meditation, for example, indicates that its benefits are holistic. Yet many people have negative associations with the whole project of consciousness raising, self-awareness, and the alien eastern ethos surrounding yoga and meditation.
If you ignore the emotional and spiritual issues that drain away enthusiasm, self-confidence, curiosity, inspiration, and self-worth, you have pushed away the possibility of evolving and growing. When that possibility lies fallow, entropy finds a way to win, no matter how smart, good-looking, physically fit, and rich you are. The reason we are here as living creatures is entirely due to the force of evolution.For billions of years evolution operated as an external, physical agent of growth. Now the frame has shifted, and as conscious beings we must go inward to activate our evolution. If you want to have energy that lasts a lifetime, consciousness evolution is the key .

Starving MGNREGA

The MGNREGA was inspired by the Maharashtra Employment Guarantee Act, passed in 1977, wherein policymakers found wage employment as the best way to empower people against drought 

As India faces the onslaught of another severe drought, and water, food, and employment dry up, the government will claim that it is doing its best to cope with the adversity. But, given the facts, that will be a patently false statement.

The cynical attitude towards the MGNREGA is an example of how policymakers are deliberately and knowingly — by squeezing funds and subverting the legal mandate of the law — causing immeasurable misery and suffering to people. Through the fund squeeze, the government has consciously crippled the MGNREGA’s ability to help people facing drought.

Officially, the drought has affected over a third of the country — nine out of the 29 states, 248 out of 660 districts, 2,327 out of 6,800 blocks, and 96,954 out of 2,57,000 panchayats. Unlike natural disasters, such as floods and earthquakes, which destroy ecosystems in a few moments, droughts take hold slowly and provide clear warnings to policymakers, thus giving them a chance to plan and execute effective drought management strategy. Yet, once it settles in, a mismanaged drought can wipe out economic progress made over decades, pushing an entire generation back into abject poverty.

The MGNREGA was inspired by the Maharashtra Employment Guarantee Act, passed in 1977, wherein policymakers found wage employment as the best way to empower people against drought. The funding for the state scheme came from four taxes, imposed on those less affected by the drought. The money so received went into a fund dedicated to the scheme.

However, the MGNREGA hasn’t been as fortunate. Despite its proven success, the scheme is itself facing a monetary drought. Some facts: A whopping Rs 10,588 crore is currently pending in payment delays.

In other words, nine crore workers in 25 states are facing illegal delays in wage payments. More than half of this amount is in drought-affected states.

The saddest part is that notwithstanding the government’s grand announcement — increasing the number of workdays to 150 in the nine drought-affected states — all these states have a negative cash balance. It’s hardly surprising then that only 5 per cent households have completed 150 days of work. This is conclusive proof that the government is ignoring the two most important legal requirements of the MGNREGA — work on demand, and full and timely payment of wages.

Despite its proven success, the scheme is itself facing a monetary drought.

The fund squeeze sets off a vicious cycle — delayed payments leading to lesser demand and still fewer payments — resulting in helplessness and distress migration. The continued shortage of funds severely undermines the credibility of the law.

State governments and local administrators, too, are in a quandary: The law requires them to provide work but they don’t have enough money to pay the wages. Communication accessed under the RTI Act shows that state governments have been unsuccessfully appealing for adequate fund releases, and are being forced to ration funds for the year. This distortion turns the law into a cruel joke.

But drought-affected people are not the only ones distressed. Many company heads, who have unpaid dues stacking up as bank NPAs, such as Vijay Mallya, too, have been forced into distress migration! In the budget, there’s a full section on taxes forgone for the corporate sector. And on March 23, Ravi Shankar Prasad, the minister for communication and information technology, announced a Rs 14,724 crore Holi gift for government employees, with a 6 per cent increase in their daily allowance. It’s clear that there are many competing priorities in India.

As prime minister, Lal Bahadur Shastri had suggested that the well-off should forgo meals so that the starving could be fed. That noble thought never worked. The MGNREGA was an attempt to institutionalise responsibility and move beyond such individual efforts. But this has been systematically undermined, with disastrous consequences. The MGNREGA is not the only measure required to fight a drought but an honest implementation of the law could make a huge difference. There’s no substitute for an honest effort.

The writers are social activists working in Rajasthan

Source: Indian Express, 30-03-2016

Idea of Bharat Mata is European import: Irfan Habib

Bharat’ was first used in an inscription of King Kharavela in Prakrit, says the historian

Wading into the political controversy around the slogan ‘Bharat Mata Ki Jai’ (glory to Mother India), veteran historian Irfan Habib said here on Monday that the idea of Bharat Mata was an import from Europe and there was no evidence of any such imagination in either ancient or medieval India.

“Bharat Mata has nothing to do with India’s ancient or medieval past. It is a European import. Notions of motherland and fatherland were talked about in Europe,” Prof. Habib said, delivering a lecture in the memory of late historian Bipan Chandra at Jawaharlal Nehru University.

This statement comes at a time when leaders of the BJP and its ideological mentor RSS have upheld the slogan as intimately related to nationalism in India.

In the Maharashtra Assembly, All-India Majlis-e-Ittehad-ul-Muslimeen (AIMIM) MLA Waris Pathan was suspended recently for refusing to chant ‘Bharat Mata Ki Jai,’ with Congress MLAs also siding with the BJP and the Shiv Sena on the matter.

Later, talking to The Hindu on the sidelines of the event, Prof. Habib elaborated on his statement. “Bharat is mentioned in ancient India. It was first used in an inscription of King Kharavela in Prakrit. But representation of the country in human form as a mother or father was unknown in ancient India or medieval India,” he said. “This was an idea that emerged in Europe with the rise of nationalism, and it was found in Britain, Russia, etc.”

He added that Madar-e-Watan in Urdu was also a case of the European idea being borrowed.

Prof. Habib had irked many in the Sangh Parivar months ago too, when he reportedly drew parallels between the RSS and the IS.

In another lecture dedicated to the scholarship of Prof. Chandra, historian Aditya Mukherjee recalled freedom as a key value of the Indian national movement.

“Mahatma Gandhi had said that liberty of speech was unassailable even when it hurt. I hope the government is listening,” he said.

Keywords: Irfan Habib, Bharat Mata, Bipan Chandra memorial lecture

Source: The Hindu, 30-03-2016

Providing transparency in rural electrification

The GARV app puts pressure on State governments for timely and quality delivery

“I am going to turn everything into an app and I am going to allow people to monitor daily what work we are doing, what work States are doing” — Piyush Goyal, March 23, 2016 at the Power Focus Summit

Rural electrification has been an enduring challenge for successive governments. Given India’s federal structure, States provide last-mile connectivity which includes providing access to and distributing electricity, and maintaining infrastructure, while the Central government provides policy and financial support.

However, un-electrified villages present an enormous challenge as they are often located in inaccessible or left-wing extremism-affected areas. Over the last three years, there has been a rapid decline in the pace of rural electrification to only 5,189 villages. Several States, particularly in eastern India, have seen even lower levels of electrification. For instance, in these three years, Uttar Pradesh electrified just 64 villages against the 1,518 that were sanctioned while Bihar electrified only 1,248 villages against the 9,246 that were sanctioned. The slow pace meant that this task would require more than a decade. Due to such tardy performance in the States, the National Democratic Alliance government launched the Deen Dayal Upadhyaya Gram Jyoti Yojana (DDUGJY) to ensure rapid electrification, feeder separation, and strengthening of rural distribution infrastructure. It is necessary to monitor progress intensively for smooth and fast implementation of electrification.

On August 15, 2015, Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced that all the remaining villages would be electrified within 1,000 days. Based on Census 2011, States had provided a list of 18,452 un-electrified villages as on April 1, 2015. To transparently monitor the process, the Central government, in November 2015, appointed 309 young and passionate Grameen Vidyut Abhiyantas (GVAs or rural electrification engineers) from the same areas. Reports by these GVAs are shared through the GARV (Grameen Vidyutikaran) app (http://garv.gov.in) with officials as well as the public. It puts pressure on State governments for timely and quality delivery.

Transparent monitoring system

Transparency in rural electrification brought to fore a number of issues which were traditionally swept under the rug. Villages are electrified as per the old 10 per cent household connectivity criterion, but the Central government aims at connecting 100 per cent households of the 18,452 villages. Habitations with less than 100 people (Dhanis, Majalas, Tolas, etc.) outside revenue villages were not even included earlier, but are now electrified. Prior to GVAs, only data provided by the States was available, which in many cases does not represent ground reality. GVAs provide a verification mechanism in a bold, transparent, and reliable manner. We are delighted that the media is taking an interest in tracking rural electrification.

On December 10, 2015, media reports highlighted discrepancies in some State data and it was decided that post January 1, 2016, GVA verification would be mandatory for electrified villages so that States provide accurate data. Thus GVAs have the huge task of verifying all the old data generated by the State governments since April 1, 2015, and public and media participation was solicited for scrutiny. This will ensure highest degree of probity and accountability in the system.

Articles on rural electrification published in The Hindu on March 26 (“On paper, electrified villages — in reality, darkness” and “Here, the light goes out of their lives at sunset”) fulfil this very purpose and are a step towards bringing accountability. Though these articles aim to highlight certain shortcomings in rural electrification, they are themselves outcomes of a transparent monitoring system adopted by the Centre.

Analysing specific cases

Let’s look at specific cases. Haldu Khata in Uttar Pradesh was declared electrified by the U.P. government on November 6, 2015 but during a visit by GVAs on Jan 1, 2016, no works of grid extension were found in the village. As an interim arrangement, the village stands electrified with solar power. Dimatala in Assam was declared electrified by the State on September 27, 2015 and was confirmed by GVAs. But on January 18, 2016, a visit of GVAs found that the distribution transformer was damaged. The State was directed to take corrective action. Kadam Jheriya in Chhattisgarh was declared electrified by the State on October 9, 2015 and was confirmed by GVAs. Pagara Buzurg in Madhya Pradesh was declared electrified on September 28, 2015 and was confirmed through a GVA visit. However, a GVA visit on March 22, 2016 revealed that existing infrastructure has been stolen; this remains the responsibility of the State. Panalomali, Kusadangar, Patyetapali in Odisha, and Sunwara in M.P. were declared electrified by the States on November 27, 2015; December 4, 2015; November 12, 2015; and September 28, 2015 respectively. GVAs have recorded these as uninhabited villages, but State governments have not declared them so. Birni in Jharkhand was declared electrified by the State on October 15, 2015. A GVA visit on March 23, 2016 confirmed that village works are complete, but line charging remains and is being expedited.

Additionally, 300 villages were declared electrified by State governments but not verified by GVAs. They were declared electrified before GVAs joined. GVAs are verifying all the villages and will complete the process by March 31, 2016.

The articles mention that 342 villages were marked as not electrified by GVAs but are shown as electrified. We are not sure how the figure has been arrived at by the reporter, but State governments’ data remains our primary reference complemented by field verification. There are indeed some villages such as Firozpur Darga, Fajalpur Habitat in U.P., and Bukanari in Bihar which were declared electrified on September 30, 2015 by U.P. and on September 29, 2015 by Bihar, but found un-electrified during GVA visits. State governments have been requested to reconfirm the basis of their data and take corrective action. The underlying focus remains transparency. If the purpose was to hide the status of the villages, even the “not electrified as per GVA” status will not show on the app.

The app itself highlights that 3,604 villages were found electrified during the survey by GVAs. Instead of the data first coming from States, GVAs directly captured the electrification data on the app with subsequent State government confirmation. These villages were electrified before deployment of GVAs.

Despite our commitment during meetings in the third week of March to provide precise field data after the Holi vacations, the reporter went ahead with the articles, making a case for State governments to improve data accuracy and quality.

Power Minister Piyush Goyal said on March 22: “I urge all to monitor the implementation of rural electrification carried out by States to support the efforts of the Central government to bring in transparency and ensure that proper quality is maintained and works are completed on time.” Also on multiple occasions, the Minister has asked the public and the media to scrutinise rural electrification work of States and ask for accountability. With enhanced funds, pro-people guidelines, constant monitoring and speedy delivery, Central government has embarked on a time-bound mission not only to electrify 18,452 villages much before the scheduled time but also to take it to the next level to provide connectivity to all the households in these villages and meet the ultimate goal of 24X7 power for all.

Dinesh Arora is the Executive Director of Rural Electrification Corporation.

Keywords: villages, GARV app, Grameen Vidyutikaran, rural electrification

Source: The Hindu, 30-03-2016

Social marketing: Looking beyond contraceptives

In the late 1960s, when the government decided to distribute Nirodh condoms as freebies at health centres or sell in the markets at subsidised rates, it signalled the onset of two important developments. India became the first country to officially launch a family planning programme giving a push to accelerate its population stabilisation efforts by controlling unintended pregnancies. It also positioned India as the pioneer of the concept of social marketing (SM) in the health sector. The SM strategy was to create a ubiquitous and sustained demand for the condom by tackling the inhibitions that prevented its acceptance. The sale of condoms ballooned; history was created.

On the flip side, SM is now largely seen as a sales activity, confined to family planning products, specifically condoms and contraceptive pills — broadly known as Contraceptive SM. Such a notion is fallacious, though. SM is a collation of behaviour change communication, sales promotion, demand generation, branding, supply chain management and much more.

What makes SM distinct from commercial marketing is that it focuses on selling ideas that could influence behaviour aimed at addressing concerns for social welfare. It does not favour free distribution of goods, which often leads to wastage and pressure on the exchequer. Rather, it advocates scale, sustainability and accountability.

SM hinges on accessibility, affordability and awareness, with an underpinning of behavioural change among the target groups. This leads to acceptance. For instance, even though condoms were made affordable, they were widely accepted only after awareness was created through behaviour change communication.

Interestingly, there is much scope for application of SM principles in promoting health-related practices other than family planning. These include immunisation, breastfeeding, personal hygiene and blood donation. The Truth Campaign in the United States against youth smoking, promotion of insecticide-treated mosquito nets in Nigeria to combat malaria, the safe drinking water campaign in Madagascar to prevent diarrhoea, and anti-TB campaign in Peru are examples of successful SM drives.

In India too, we have promoted the use of iodised salt, ORS & Zinc supplements, sanitary napkins, etc, through SM. The healthcare sector can largely benefit from SM as a potent tool in reaching out to the masses in underserved and isolated belts, and scale up healthcare delivery mechanisms. We can address challenges in reproductive and child health, communicable diseases, management of medical waste and lifestyle-related health issues. It can be included in the public health modules to achieve the goal of universal health coverage. Social marketing offers exciting opportunities; we need to take it to the next level to address a clutch of issues pertaining to environment and social sector.

Sharad Agarwal is CEO, Hindustan Latex Family Planning Promotion Trust

Source: Hindustan Times, 30-03-2016