A Bite of Cancer ?

A new study by Delhi-based non-profit Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) has shown that 84 per cent of bread and bakery samples collected from the city contain residues of potassium bromate, potassium iodate or both. Potassium bromate (KBrO3) and potassium iodate (KIO3) are chemical food additives which, according to Indian food regulations, can be used by bread makers and bakeries as flour treatment agents. Potassium bromate helps achieve high rising and a uniform finish. But the safety of these additives is under a cloud.

Popularly used in many parts of the world a few decades ago, potassium bromate was allowed based on the assumption that no residue of bromate would be found in the final product. However, studies began to find detectable residues of bromate in finished products. Other studies showed that bromate was a possible carcinogen. In the 1980s and early 1990s, global scientific expert committees began reducing the allowed limit of use for bromate. Eventually, they recommended not using potassium bromate at all, a warning that was heeded in many countries. Potassium iodate is also banned in many countries as it can lead to higher intake of iodine, which can potentially affect thyroid function. But India continues to allow the use of these treatment agents, exposing people to the risk of consuming them through bread and bakery items.

To find out if potassium bromate and potassium iodate are present in different types of breads, the Pollution Monitoring Laboratory (PML) at CSE collected 38 bread and bakery samples from retail shops, bakeries and fast food outlets in Delhi during May-June 2015. The samples included popular varieties of white bread, whole wheat/atta bread, brown bread, multigrain bread, sandwich bread, pav, bun, ready-to-eat burger bread and ready-to-eat pizza bread. The tests were conducted on a UV-visible spectrophotometer using a published method. Both potassium bromate and potassium iodate oxidise the dye, producing the same colour and indicating the presence of either one or both chemicals. The results were startling.

• Thirty two of 38 samples or more than 84 per cent of samples tested were found to contain potassium bromate and/or iodate in the range of 1.15–22.54 ppm (parts per million). Moreover, residues of potassium bromate and/or iodate were found in all product categories tested by PML (see ‘A grim report card’).
• All samples of white bread, pav, bun and ready-to-eat pizza bread were found to contain potassium bromate and/or iodate. Nineteen of 24 samples or 79 per cent of bread and about 75 per cent of ready-to-eat burger bread also tested positive for the chemicals.
• The highest level of potassium bromate and/or iodate was found in sandwich bread. This was followed by pav, bun and white bread. Even the average level of the residues was high in these product categories.
• Products of Perfect Bread, Harvest Gold and Britannia were found to contain high average levels of potassium bromate and/or iodate. Harvest Gold Sandwich bread had the highest concentration of the chemicals.
• Products of all seven popular fast food outlets selling pizza and burger tested positive for potassium bromate and/or iodate, but at levels lower than those found in bread, pav and bun.

Level to level, women earn almost as much as men in India: survey

The pay gap narrows to 3.5% for men and women at the same job level, same firm and in the same function

Reams have been written about the difference in pay between men and women, which has emerged as a hot-button issue when it comes to gender equality at work.

According to various surveys, the pay gap is estimated to vary anywhere between 19% and 27%. But on a closer look, the difference is far less, finds a recent global report.

Indian men, overall, earn an average 18.8% more than women, according to Korn Ferry Hay Group’s report released on Tuesday.

But on comparing the salaries of men with women at the same job level, the same company and in the same function, the study shows that men earn only 3.5% more than women.

The global study analysed gender and pay of about eight million employees in 33 countries, including 57,000 employees in India.

“Our data shows that when it comes to thinking about pay on the basis of gender, a man and a woman in the same company, doing the same job will usually be paid nearly the same—but still favouring men by 1.6% (globally),” said Ben Frost, a global reward expert at Hay Group, adding that this is true across geographies form Sweden to South Africa.

So just where is that huge pay gap coming from then?

It exists partly because there are fewer women in better paying job functions and industries such as science, technology, engineering—all of which pay above average, and are very male-dominated.

Lesser-paying sectors such as hospitality and tourism are women-dominated. This pushes the overall average male salary above the average female salary, resulting in a wide average pay gap, said Frost.

“Getting more women into these higher-paying functions and industries will push up average female salaries, and help to close the overall pay gap,” he said.

The other reason is also the lack of women in senior functions and in leadership positions.

“If we want to close the pay gap and make a difference, it is the road to the top jobs that needs to be the focus. This is the pay gap problem,” added Frost.

Globally, Hay Group’s research found that women make up 40% of the workforce for clerical jobs, but only account for 27% of manager roles and 17% of executive-level jobs.

In India, that number is worse—only 10% of managers are women and 5% of women hold executive-level jobs.

But it is also important to note that the study considered only the base salaries when comparing the pay of men and women.

“There is some evidence that the gaps for variable pay are slightly larger than for the base salary, which is mostly explained by women working fewer overtime hours than men on average,” said Frost.

Experts, believe that not including variable pay does not give the complete picture as variable pay accounts for a significant part of the compensation.

“Without variable pay, the data is not representative, as women lack the ability to sell their performance as well as men, affecting their ability to earn more for their performance,” said Geetha Kannan, managing director of The Anita Borg Institute, a non-profit that works to foster gender diversity in the technology sector.

Also, even within a function, the pay that employees can earn within a band varies much more than 3.5%; so a pay gap of 3.5% seems to be on the lower side, said Kannan.

Job site Monster.com last week released a report that said the gender pay gap varies as much as 34.9% in the manufacturing sector to 17.7% in the banking, finance and insurance sector.

Sucharita Palepu, global head of people policies and practices at Tech Mahindra Ltd, however, said that even if one includes variable pay, there is not a perceivable difference in what men and women earn in a similar role in a company.

But she did concede that as a function of negotiation, men tend to earn more than women, as men possess better negotiation skills.

“All good employers do not have any element of compensation that gets governed by gender. So, by design, pay is designed based on the role, the criticality and the performance,” said Sandeep Chaudhary, chief executive officer at Aon Hewitt India.

However, he said that employees have different preferences based on their gender, age and income, and that could influence the way the employees are paid, thereby creating a pay gap.

In India, women account for only 23-24% of the total labour force and generate a mere 17% of the share of the gross domestic product (GDP), a 2015 McKinsey Global Institute study found.

This figure is far below the global average, where female workers generate 37% of the world’s GDP.

Also, a gender pay gap usually emerges over time.

“Women and men in the technology sector start out with equal pay, responsibility and aspirations. However, by the time they are 12 years into their careers, women tend to receive ` 3.8 lakh lesser salary than men,” said Shachi Irde, executive director, Catalyst India WRC, a not-for-profit that works to expand opportunities for women.

Source: Mintepaper, 25-05-2016

The ease of living in India

A quarter century of economic reform has transformed the economy. But governments have been less mindful of addressing social and natural capital

In June 1991 a new government was installed in the country after a period of economic precariousness combined with political instability following the assassination of a prime minister. For the next five years the political process and the economy were managed by the unlikely duo of P.V. Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh, respectively. The policy changes that had been initiated then have come to be known as “the economic reforms”. But even decades later finance ministers of both the UPA and NDA speak of the need for “more reforms”. This must confuse the layperson for it suggests a process that is never completed. It is of course true that as our understanding of the working of the economy evolves, fresh avenues for reform of policy open up. However, the reforms of 1991 were based on a certain idea of what was needed and a substantial part of the agenda announced then has been implemented. So as the 25th anniversary of the reforms approaches, it would be legitimate to take stock of what has been achieved, especially the extent to which they have succeeded in terms of the expectation.

The crisis of 1991

In 1991, the focus of the reforms had been on trade, exchange rate and industrial policies. This had everything to do with the immediacy of the balance-of-payments crisis the economy then faced. When the Rao government took charge, it was estimated that foreign exchange reserves would cover up to two weeks’ imports. A rule of thumb is that a country should aim at a cover of about six months. With debt servicing due, the speculation in the international circles was whether India would default on its commitments. In political memoirs of the moment India’s leadership comes across as motivated to ensure that India honoured her obligations. To contain the external deficit, Finance MinisterManmohan Singh had devalued the rupee and reined in public expenditure. He then went to the International Monetary Fund for balance-of-payments support. This would have required courage. Retrenchment, belt-tightening, and devaluation were unpopular across the political spectrum, even within the Congress party — though on the question of how the foreign exchange needed to finance international payments was to be acquired, the critics of the strategy had had little credible to offer. Within three years the crisis was surmounted and the programme with the IMF ended.

There can be no doubt that the reforms have eased India’s balance-of-payments constraint. India’s reserves today exceed $350 billion, compared to less than $6 billion in March 1991. Moreover, the period since is the longest recorded when the country has gone without a foreign exchange shortage. Earlier one had arisen in every decade, starting with the 1950s. It is also significant that this new-found resilience has been achieved while the economy has got increasingly integrated with the rest of the world. This outcome has gone against the pessimistic prognosis of the time that eliminating controls would suck in imports and jeopardise the balance of payments. This did not happen as exports also rose, though mainly in a sector unimagined in 1991, that is, software services. Of course, the rupee has depreciated very substantially after it was floated.

There is the criticism that the balance of payments has been manageable only due to capital inflows, and that the portfolio flows they comprise are subject to reversal. This is indeed correct. But a run has not occurred in 25 years, not even in the last decade when global capital may have stampeded out following the global financial crisis. Altogether, the reforms should be credited with having improved India’s external position. The current account deficit has been financed comfortably, most measures of external indebtedness show an improvement, and the dramatic increase in foreign exchange reserves tells its own story.

Great power ambitions

However, the reforms were not envisaged as merely staving off a balance-of-payments crisis. In Dr. Singh’s words, spoken in Parliament, they were meant to be the harbinger of “the emergence of India as a major economic power in the world”. This is a worthy aspiration and the crude nationalism at times on display today should not discourage us from nursing it. The question is whether we are on the right path to the goal. If per capita income is taken as the measure then we are still some distance away from ‘great power’ status. The most recent World Bank data show that over 2011-15 GDP per capita — measured in PPP dollars — was 5,700 in India, 11,108 in Albania, 13,206 in China and, yes, 25,638 in Malaysia.

Though India’s economy may not at present compare well with that of other countries, it could yet be that its rate of growth has increased after the reforms. This has actually happened, but the claim often encountered that 1991 was a watershed year in that a stagnant economy had finally been energised is false. While the rate of growth of the economy accelerated after 1991, it had done so twice earlier, first in the 1950s and then in the late 1970s. So the reforms have only maintained an existing history with respect to economic growth. What of poverty? Here the record is the same as that of economic growth. Absolute poverty has declined since 1991, but this has been the trend since the early 1970s. Essentially, the decline in poverty has kept pace with growth. Thus, mirroring growth of the economy, while the rate of decline in poverty accelerated since 2004, it had already accelerated on the cusp of the 1970s and the 1980s. However, even after a quarter century of economic reforms, approximately a quarter of the country remains poor according to a poverty line that is low by international standards.

It is important to note that poverty measures are dependent upon the definition of poverty. The official index in India, on which the above cited trends are based, measures access to food a little more accurately than it does access to other conditions of life which are at least as vital. Even beyond health and education, the conditions of life are affected by physical infrastructure, which determines livelihood chances and well-being. Major components of this infrastructure would include transportation, water supply and sanitation.

It is not as if successive governments have not recognised their significance, but they fail to convince that “more reforms” — incidentally called for by both the Finance Minister and the Governor of the Reserve Bank — will be able to provide them. Structural reforms as liberalisation aim to provide access to and raise the profitability of the private sector. This may be essential at times, but there is a wide swathe of an economy where the market fails to deliver. This it does in the presence of what are referred to as externalities and public goods. Public goods are important as they mitigate the impact of income poverty and inequality. We can think of health, education, public infrastructure and recreational facilities as constituting the space in which we actually lead our lives. A significant transformation of it in India would require both a strengthening of the public finances and a generation of political will. The relevance of both can be understood when we see political parties competing in the distribution of kitchen appliances and laptops while the public infrastructure crumbles to pose a threat to life and limb and diminish the quality of life.

Natural capital

Then there is natural capital. An underlying premise of the reforms is the desirability of expanding the scope of markets. In many spheres of the economy controls had proliferated over the decades to the detriment of both growth and welfare, and their dismantling has resulted in an increase in both. But markets are not always the best way to deal with nature, as we discovered when confronted with water shortages across the country this summer. Deep and smart regulation is necessary if we are to deal with depleting natural capital, of which this is only one instance.

Widespread liberalisation of the economic policy regime was long overdue in 1991, and has played a positive role since, but its impact has run its course and the policy has recognisable limits. Liberalisation cannot address all aspects of the man-made environment and now climate change threatens to change everything forever. We do not have another quarter century to deal with these imperatives. Government must be prevailed upon to match their concern for the ease of doing business with a commitment to the ease of living in India.

Achal Prabhala works on access to medicines; Sudhir Krishnaswamy is on the faculty of Azim Premji University.

Keywords: Economic reforms, economic growth, privatisation, 

Source: The Hindu, 25-05-2016

Census data on Muslim family size can help counter myths

n an ideal world, Indians should not be quibbling about the details of people following various religions. But the times are such that some numbers are useful in getting a better understanding of the country to dispel propaganda, lies and half-truths. Details of the 2011 Census revealed last week showed that India’s average household size was 4.45 members, down from 4.67 a decade ago.

The size of an average Muslim household fell to 5.15 from 5.61 over the previous decade. Notably the reduction was sharper at 11.1% for Muslim households headed by men while for families headed by women it was 4.47%. The average size of Hindu families declined by 5 % over the decade. Such data should help us counter myths being propagated to create perceptions that fan social tensions.

The old slogan, “Small families are happy families” should ring better in a developing country that has seen a population explosion. The fact that the average size of a Muslim household is shrinking faster than that of the Hindu counterpart indicates that both communities are headed in the right direction and are increasingly on comparable ground.

The data signals that perceived threats to communities based on demographic bogeys are unwarranted. Last year, BJP member of parliament Sakshi Maharaj said every Hindu woman must produce at least four children to “protect” the community. Such statements fan tensions in far-flung areas, while actually, the attempt should be to not only shrink the size of the average family but also challenge outmoded notions of women being treated as child-bearing machines.

Given that Muslim personal law allows polygamy, casual banter and malicious propaganda by Right-wing hardliners have sometimes raised concerns about the growth of the nation’s Muslim population.

Census data for 2011 showed last year that Hindus made up 79.8% of the population, down 0.7 percentage points over the decade, while Muslims were 14.2% of the country, up 0.8 percentage points. Last week’s data puts the issue in a clearer context because absolute numbers are not everything. Over time, a better balance seems to be emerging.

Source: Hindustan Times, 24-05-2016

Enlighten Yourself

ANDREW COHEN





Is Enlightenment a personal matter? No, when you think about Enlightenment, it is important that you include other people in that idea. Transcendence will be yours when you begin to accept responsibility for the condition of the whole human race. When you give yourself up in unconditional surrender, automatically you rise up beyond the limited perspective. You come upon an infinitely greater perspective in which all questions disappear.The by-product of Enlightenment is that you cease to suffer the way you suffered in the past. If you feel disturbed by all the conflict and suffering that you see in the world but are unwilling to come to the end of conflict within yourself, then you can be sure that you are not serious.
And what is the reason for all spiritual experiences? Evolution. The true value of profound spiritual experience lies in the discovery of fundamental trust. Full realisation is the evolutionary leap to which all spiritual experiences ultimately lead. In deep spiritual experience, a human being realises a profound trust is found, so that you can liberate yourself from tendencies towards aggression and permanently destroy the illusion of separation that those tendencies arise from.
The result of this discovery is a level of integrity that is deep and profound and that manifests consistently at all levels of human expression. If the evolutionary leap is to take place, then the final outcome of true spiritual experience must result in this kind of purity .

Acquisition Of Power & Gaining Of Wisdom

Neema Mazumdar





Many today associate spirituality with acquiring extra powers or mobilising a cleansing energy which could solve our problems. Hence they conclude that a spiritually evolved person will acquire extraordinary powers. But there is a difference between acquiring powers and becoming spiritually evolved.Hindu tradition does recognise that through specific practices one can acquire extraordinary powers. But these may not necessarily be spiritual in nature. Many examples are given to show extra powers can be meaningless, become a curse or be responsible for one's destruction if one abuses them.
The first story is about a person who did great penance for 12 years and acquired the power to walk on water. He wanted to show off his power to a boatman crossing the river and told him, “You need a boat to cross whereas I can just walk across the river.“ The boatman asked, “How long did it take for you to acquire this power of walking on water?“ The person proudly said “12 years of hard work“. The boatman replied, “Why did you waste 12 years of your life trying to acquire this skill when you can easily cross the river in a boat?“ The second story is about a king who was greedy for wealth. He managed to acquire the power whereby whatever he touched would become gold. Initially he was thrilled that when he touched his table, chair and other objects, they turned golden. But when he sat down to eat and the food turned to gold, he was in distress. When he embraced his daughter, she became gold. Now the king begged for the boon to be reversed.
Finally , the story about Hiranyakashyapu. Through penance, he gained a boon that he could not be killed by man or animal, neither inside nor outside the house, not during the day or at night. Now he thought he was invincible and so he abused his extraordinary powers. Finally , Lord Vishnu in the form of Narasimha, half-man and half-lion, neither man nor animal, at the threshold of the house that was neither inside nor outside, killed him at dusk, between day and night.
Do these examples mean that acquiring additional power is necessarily bad? No. One can become more intuitive, one's prayers begin to get answered, and one can actually use it for common benefit. Power has to be put in perspective. The Bhagwad Gita enables you to see that every individual has some sphere of influence, and some can acquire more power than others through practice. However, these powers are nothing in comparison to the all-powerful Ishwara that governs the universe since time immemorial, generating cycles of creation and destruction, making everything the way it is. No one who claims to have powers can stop day, a tsunami or other natural calamities such as cyclones and hurricanes, that follow the laws of nature. That means, the objective position to have towards power is that one can have it, use it for common benefit, but that cannot be the measure of one's spiritual progress.
Spirituality is not about gaining powers; it is about making a deliberate attempt to expose oneself to wisdom that enables one to see things in the right perspective. Evolving spiritually includes gaining mastery over one's emotions, making appropriate choices of action, responding to challenging situations with equanimity and dwelling on the deeper meaning of life.Just like any higher learning such as mathematics, physics and economics, gaining wisdom requires deliberate effort and perseverance.

UGC amends norms to give more say to deemed univs

New Delhi TIMES NEWS NETWORK





The University Grants Commission (UGC) has made major amendments in the regulations for deemed universities, taking away the element of subjectivity and adding new features that will reduce government interference. Most of the deemed universities (88 of 123) are privately managed while only 35 are government controlled.To set up deemed university under de novo (new areas of learning), promoters will have to give a Letter of Intent. Be it private or government, a deemed university will have to be set up within three years.Earlier, deeemed status could be acquired only after setting up the institution.
At the same time, subjectivity has been taken away by specifying as to how many departments and number of teachers will be required to get the status. Also, instead of making it mandatory to only fulfil land requirement, builtup area has been specified. A deemed university will need 40% open area and 60% builtup area that give floor space of 10sq.m per student.

Source: Times of India, 25-05-2016