Never Yield to Fear

SHRI SHRI ANANDAMURTI





To accomplish anything, one must not only acquire certain positive qualities but also avoid certain negative qualities. The fear instinct is ingrained in our minds. When fear is prominent, people are said to be timid. The rule regarding fear is the more you surrender to it, the more it will increase.One must exercise control. If one surrenders to fear, the fear instinct will increase.One who is timid may see a ghost even in broad daylight.Due to fear psychosis, a kind of internal psychic projection is created. Usually , the mind is in one of five states: almost mad, almost foolish, scattered, almost concentrated and one pointed. Depending upon one's internal psychic projection within any one of these five states, ghosts may be created.
The only way to become totally free from fear is to take refuge in Parama Purusha.Those who are affected by a fear psychosis doubt their own capacity to do anything.But if they were to try a little, they would easily accomplish what they wanted to do. March forward with courage and you will see the ghosts, ghouls and goblins stepping away from you! It may happen that you are tormented by someone in your personal life and tolerate everything out of fear.
If one day you summon up all your courage to oppose that person, you will find that the tyrant retreats. There is a great need for courage. Never surrender to fear in individual or collective life.

You Wish To Do Something. If Not Now, When?

Marguerite Theophil





So many of us spend a ridiculous amount of time just worrying about how terrible things are in the world these days. If only we could convert that vast amount of worry into action! To be fair, many are not quite sure what they can do, others feel that their small efforts won't amount to much ­ though `small efforts' are still way ahead of doing nothing. There are others who declare: i'll do this or that `when i retire'. Really? While there are numerous older people who actively engage in activities for the larger good, most of them began in `small' ways when they were a lot younger.A great idea from people with passion is catching on. There are many of them i know but two now come to mind: From a simple idea, noticing vast amounts of cloth and other materials lying unused in India's urban households, while many rural poor die because they do not have enough clothing, Anshu Gupta founded an NGO which is now a movement working in 21 states. Through its staff, volunteers, and partner organisations, it redistributes contributed items, and processes materials into essential articles like rugs, blankets, mattresses ­ and most touchingly ­ cloth sanitary pads, as a hygienic alternative to the unclean rags that less privileged girls and women often are forced to use.
Rushab Turakhia spearheads a movement to not just spread kindness but make it a way of life. The idea is that s when you do an act of kindness, instead of accepting a simple `thank you' you give the person a YTN card (`your turn now'), encouraging that person to pass on the kindness to some one else in need. A simple idea, but one that has spread to over 32 countries.
Genuine service should dissolve the notion of doing good for only `people like us'. Our proclaimed inclusivity is most nobly expressed when we reach out to those we tend to label as the `other'.
Hundreds of impoverished Palestinian herders and farmers living in caves and tents in a remote area of the Palestinian West Bank, denied basic amenities by the govern ment, have been provided free electricity due to the ingenuity of two Israeli physicists, Elad Orian and Noam Dotan, both pro-peace activists who despite obstacles and opposition have d a high-grid wind and solar system free of charge for them.
We have read, heard and believed that apathy is really the more destructive force; more terrible at times than outright hate. To believe something is wrong and do nothing about it is considered in many traditions a `sin' or something that goes against the higher teachings.
As Hillel, renowned Judaic sage and scholar, urges us in this powerful message: “If I am not for myself who is for me? And, being only for my own self, what am `I'?“ And then, significantly: “And if not now, when?“ Whatever age we are, there is much we can do, either starting something on our own or supporting the work of others. There are no real valid excuses to side-step this ­ i read of a paraplegic man helping at-risk youth in his community , who said that he was formerly able to do 1,000 things. Now he can do 50. So his focus is on the 50 things he can do, not on the things he cannot.

President Pranab Mukherjee receives copy of book 'Grassroots Innovation' 

New Delhi: The President of India, Shri Pranab Mukherjee received a copy of book ‘Grassroots Innovation’ authored by Prof. Anil K. Gupta of IIM Ahmedabad who is also the Vice Chairman, National Innovation Foundation at Rashtrapati Bhavan today (August 2, 2016). 

Speaking on the occasion, the President congratulated Prof. Anil K. Gupta and said that he was deeply appreciative of his efforts and painstaking work about the innate creativity and innovative potential of our people. He stated that Dr. Gupta’s book was about stories of extraordinary men and women who are silently contributing in the innovation movement for the economic development and advancement of society. 

The President said that the Government should provide institutional support to the grass root innovators. Their efforts will not be appreciated if necessary linkages between the relevant stakeholders are not established. The Festival of Innovations which is organized by Rashtrapati Bhavan in collaboration with National Innovation Foundation has helped to bring together creative energy from different domains. 

The President conveyed his best wishes to Dr. Gupta and his dedicated team to continue their march in adding value to the ideas and innovations of communities at grassroots level. 

Among the dignitaries present on the occasion were Prof. Ashutosh Sharma, Secretary, Department of Science & Technology and Dr. R. A. Mashelkar, Chairperson, National Innovation Foundation. 

Source; Indiaeducationdiary, 2-08-2016

Digitally literate women will challenge patriarchy

My

mother told me a woman should choose her words wisely. My grandfather told me a woman should stick to her family,” says 29-year-old Lipika. “But I will tell my daughter that a woman has the right to dream. A woman is not destined for marriage, but she has the same prospects as men envision.”

We were recently working on a project to trace the behavioural and social changes that women have seen in their lives through exposure to digital literacy. That’s when we met Lipika, a woman from Sonapur in Assam who lives with her two sisters. Education for her wasn’t easy. She had to struggle to complete school, and then convince her parents to allow her to study further. Though she managed to complete her graduation, she was only allowed to give tuitions to children of the neighbourhood at home.

A couple of years ago, Lipika learnt about a community information resource centre (CIRC) that was being set up in her village and decided to pay a visit. She turned out to be an enthusiastic and quick learner and became a computer trainer at the same centre.

At present, 72% of women in India do not have access to mobile phones, according to GSMA’s Connected Women report of 2015. Over 1.7 billion women do not own mobile phones in low and middle-income countries, it says, adding that women are on average 14% less likely to own a mobile phone than men, which translates to 200 million fewer women than men owning mobile phones ( http://mintne.ws/2aJmraz).

Data and statistics portal Statista states that as of October 2015 only 38% women have access to the Internet in urban India. This figure drops to 12% in rural India.

We often hear or read about a certain panchayat or religious group banning the use of mobile phones for women in their region of influence. Many others do not want girls to learn about computers. What are the men in the community scared of? In the years that we have been working in rural India, we have witnessed several cases of women showing great eagerness to acquire digital literacy.

One such example is of three women from a family in Guna district of Madhya Pradesh who would scale their compound wall to attend literacy classes at the CIRC run by the Digital Empowerment Foundation (DEF). Their husbands and fathers-inlaw were against them stepping out of their home, but these women saw opportunities in computer education—even if it was to look up vegetarian recipes or watch knitting videos. The centre in Guna is managed by a woman named Kiran. Every evening, she transforms the centre’s façade into a projection screen to show educational and entertaining videos to the village folk.

At least 60 of 161 CIRCs across India have women trainers or coordinators. And I’ve noticed that those centres are the ones that have shown the best results in terms of punctuality, deadlines, accountability and impact. At least five of our 10 centres in Baran district in Rajasthan, which cater to the Sahariya tribe, are run by women. One of them, Rajkumari, even edits Khoj Khabar, a local newspaper that reports stories related to the local tribe, which was forced to work as bonded agricultural labour for decades.

Ghanaian scholar James Emmanuel Kwegyir-Aggrey said if you educate a man, you educate an individual; but if you educate a woman, you educate a family. And it’s true. Women inherently have a sharing nature—be it stories, knowledge or food.

Chandralekha is a 32-year-old woman with a child. It’s been 10 years since she got married, and the initial years weren’t easy. Her mother-in-law was neither in favour of her pursuing her education nor allowing her to step out of the house to work. Her words— “Though education is important, a woman should stay at home and know how to run her family”—often echoed in her mind and held her back from going after her dreams. However, it was her husband’s support that helped her finally take the first step towards the Malakhera (Rajasthan) CIRC to enrol herself as a digital literacy student. The woman who used to graze cattle during the day is now an advocate of women’s rights, digital literacy and even conducts surveys on her tablet.

Twenty-two-year-old Madiyas looks like a Class X schoolgirl. Until a year ago, she used to go to school, come back home to eat, go out to play with her friends and return home to spend time with her goats. That was pretty much her routine. Even in school, she used to look forward to computer classes when she would spend time playing pinball or puzzle games. However, it was at the Barefoot College that Madiyas got a chance to learn computers (DEF has taken on the responsibility to digitally train children and adults in Tilonia, Rajasthan). Today, Madiyas is a digital literacy teacher at Barefoot College and trains three batches of 10 students each. She aspires to be a journalist, and is using her salary as a computer trainer to support her family and save up for her education.

These are just some of the stories and more of these tales can be read in a DEF publication titled ‘Digital Roshini’ ( bit.ly/2aaPYIQ), a four-part series that documents the lives of women and tribals whose lives and attitudes have changed after embracing digital tools and technology.

The reason I am sharing these stories with you is because digital literacy often creates an indirect impact on the lives of people. Digital literacy can give confidence to a lot of women to pursue their dreams, cross their social boundaries and overcome challenges.

And it does not end with one generation. What digitally literate women will pass on to their daughters will be a world apart from what they were told by their mothers.

Digital literacy is not just about learning to use a computer or access the internet; it can help bring about several behavioural and social changes. Digitizing India can help women break the shackles of patriarchy. And, a few years from now, present India with a massive economic opportunity.

Osama Manzar is founder-director of Digital Empowerment Foundation and chair of Manthan and mBillionth awards. He is member, advisory board, at Alliance for Affordable Internet and has co-authored NetCh@kra–15 Years of Internet in India and Internet Economy of India. His twitter handle is @osamamanzar.

Source: Mintepaper, 3-08-2016

Foreign funds pour in; 3,000 NGOs get over Rs. 22,000 cr.

TOPICS

politics

As of July 2016, 33,091 NGOs were registered under the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act, which regulates foreign funding to these bodies.

A total of 3,068 non-governmental organisations (NGOs) received foreign funding above Rs. 22,000 crore in 2014-15, according to government data presented in response to a question in Parliament.

These are NGOs who reported receiving more than Rs. 1 crore from foreign donors. This amount was 83.3 per cent (nearly double) more than the Rs. 12,000 crore received by 2,301 such NGOs during 2013-14. As much as Rs. 7,300 crore — or 33 per cent of the total — went to NGOs based in Delhi and Tamil Nadu alone.

In fact, 80 per cent of this funding went to NGOs based in seven States — Delhi, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and West Bengal.

As of July 2016, 33,091 NGOs were registered under the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act, which regulates foreign funding to these bodies.

Delhi, T.N. NGOs get chunk of foreign funds

The total funds received from abroad during the last three years and the current year is Rs. 51,000 crore, the Home Ministry said in response to a question in Parliament last week.

“Delhi has always been the top recipient as many international charities are registered in the capital and funds are then passed on to other States. Similarly, Maharashtra figures [high] on the list as many organisations register in Bombay,” Mathew Cherian, Chairperson of Voluntary Action Network India told The Hindu.

Granular data with details of funders and recipients is not available after 2011-12. In that year, the highest foreign contribution was received by the World Vision of India, Tamil Nadu, (Rs. 233.38 crore), followed by the Believers Church India, Kerala (Rs. 190.05 crore), Rural Development Trust, Andhra Pradesh (Rs. 144.39 crore), Indian Society Of Church Of Jesus Christ Of Latter Day Saints, Delhi (Rs. 130.77 crore) and Public Health Foundation of India, Delhi (Rs. 130.31 crore).

Faith-based charities tend to attract more foreign funding, Mr. Cherian said. “Southern States get more foreign money due to the presence of Christian organisations,” he added.

U.S., U.K. and Germany were among the top donor countries in 2011-12.

The highest amount of foreign donor money was utilised for rural development, followed by the welfare of children, construction and maintenance of schools and colleges and research, the annual FCRA report of 2011-12 said.

Keywords: Foreign Contribution Regulation Act, non-governmental organisations, Voluntary Action Network India

Source: The Hindu, 3-08-2016

A tricky debate on abortion

It might be more prudent to look at counselling instead of rushing through a law liberalising abortion.

Recently, in a case before the Supreme Court, a woman successfully obtained direction for medical termination of pregnancy (abortion) after 24 weeks on a plea that she was raped by her boyfriend on the false promise of marriage. In another case, the Delhi High Court intervened directing medical examination for fitness for abortion responding to the poignant tale of a 16-year-old kidnapped by unknown persons, sexually abused by them for two years, and finally found abandoned near the Delhi University campus. The orders in both cases were beyond the permissible period in the Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act (MTP Act). There is an outcry for change in law for easy availability of the option to abort without court intervention. Does it discard patient autonomy and impose unnecessary restrictions? Can a woman have the right to seek abortion at any time she pleases? Should the state have a say in an intimate matter of what a woman wants to do with the foetus?

Abortion is an exception

In India, the transition from a regime of proscription against abortion by treating it as a criminal offence liable for punishment under the Indian Penal Code (IPC) to legitimising the practice as a health and family planning measure through the enactment of the MTP Act of 1971 had been fairly easy, unlike in the West, where the movement towards legalising abortion has been tumultuous involving major heated public debates.

K. Kannan

According to the IPC the offence falls under ‘Offences Affecting the Human Body’, and provides that causing a miscarriage with or without consent for a purpose other than saving the life of the woman is punishable. The MTP Act makes for a quantum difference in approach, as if by a legislative sleight through a non-obstante clause, by decriminalising abortion without bringing an amendment to the IPC or abrogating the penal provisions. The MTP Act sets some limitations regarding the circumstances when abortion is permissible, the persons who are competent to perform the procedure, and the place where it could be performed. Outside the ring of protection that the Act draws, the IPC still operates.

It is common knowledge that abortion is possible within 12 weeks at the option of the pregnant woman and within an extended period of 20 weeks with the permission of a Medical Board consisting of not less than two persons. In both cases, the freedom of choice of a woman is limited to a situation when (i) continuance of the pregnancy would involve a risk to the life of the pregnant woman, or of grave injury to physical or mental health that includes rape; or (ii) there is a substantial risk that if the child were born, it would suffer from such physical or mental abnormalities as to be seriously handicapped. But the latter limitation does not apply to the termination of pregnancy by a registered medical practitioner in case he is of the opinion, formed in good faith, that it is immediately necessary to save the life of the pregnant woman. Most foetal abnormalities are said to be capable of being detected around 20 weeks and a law that allows for abortion in the second situation mentioned above therefore caps the limit to that period. There are strong ethical objections to the idea of abortion per se as well as to aborting a child with disability.

The MTP Act does not address any ethical issues, but in legal regimes that do not allow abortions, the moral standpoint is that medical termination of pregnancy results in the death of a living being. The fundamental question is: what makes killing a human being wrong? We may then consider whether these characteristics, whatever they might be, apply to the earliest stages of human life in the womb. Explanations that have roots in religion include the traditional Christian doctrines such as that all humans are made in the image of God or that all humans have an immortal soul. In Roe v. Wade (1973), the U.S. Supreme Court decided by a 7-2 majority that an implied constitutional right to privacy, whether based on the Fourteenth Amendment’s concept of personal liberty or in the Ninth Amendment’s reservation of rights to the people, was sufficiently broad to encompass a woman’s right to terminate her pregnancy — but it again set limitation for States to declare the outer limit to carry out the procedure.

Issue of avoiding disability

The more critical decisions are the ones where the child in the womb is diagnosed to have some mental or physical deformities and the mother decides to terminate the pregnancy. Not only can we then ask ourselves if we want a child, but with genetic information we can ask ourselves: do we want this particular child? This reframes the nature of the parenting relationship, making our parenting conditional upon the child meeting certain criteria. The issue now swings from health concerns to avoiding disability. Within this understanding of disability, genetic technology then becomes a tool not for promoting community health but a mechanism of social control for avoiding the appearance of difference.

Apart from the point of view of health and avoidance of disability, with modern notions of individual liberty, many a pregnant woman believes that apart from her, no one else will have a right to decide about what she wishes to do with the foetus. In today’s society, some pregnant women deny the biological fact that they are mothers until their baby is born. Late-term abortion is justified as a form of self-defence to get rid of involuntary servitude and a form of slavery caused by pregnancy. Instances of partial-birth abortion performed on foetuses with chromosomal abnormalities, performed under the guise of reducing suffering, threaten the best interests of the mother and infant. The Supreme Court courted the issue in Suchita Srivastava v. Chandigarh Administration (2009) as an issue of eugenics, while declining to accede to the state’s request for abortion for a 20-year-old inmate of a state-run protection home who was a rape victim and was mentally retarded, having a mental maturity of a nine-year-old. The court reminded: “Empirical studies have conclusively disproved the eugenics theory that mental defects are likely to be passed on to the next generation.”

It is also suggested that an alternative for parents faced with the decision to terminate their pregnancy is a perinatal hospice. A perinatal hospice recognises the value of bringing these infants to term by treating them as beings conceived with a tangible future. This alternative is preferred because of post-termination psychological distress and because biblical teachings emphasise the dignity and worth of each foetus.

If the pregnant woman has not attained the age of 18, or if she is a lunatic, the statute allows a surrogate decision to be taken by the guardian. This was found to be not inviolable by the Madras High Court in V. Krishnan v. G. Rajan alias Madipu Rajan and The Inspector of Police (Law and Order (1993) when a Division Bench of the Madras High Court considered the case of a minor girl who married an adult man without her family’s consent and got pregnant. Her father approached the High Court for permission to abort, and the High Court ruled after eliciting the desire of the pregnant girl that she was capable of understanding the world as well as the consequences of the pregnancy. The court said that if termination of pregnancy was to be ordered against the girl’s will, it would harm her mental health and might also affect her physical health. The court asserted that it was her fundamental right to have a child having become pregnant. Suchita Srivastava, referred to above, was another instance where a mentally retarded woman who was a victim of rape and who bore a child of the watchman who mis-guarded the safety of a hapless resident of a protection home was permitted to retain the foetus against the petition from the state for termination of pregnancy.

A search for the middle path

Perhaps the right of a woman to choose what to do with the foetus has to be balanced with the right of the foetus to survive. It is only that a foetus does not have the ability to exercise an option while the person who carries it does. There could be no two opinions that a victim of rape shall be allowed the choice to abort. But why should the choice be made at a time when the foetus is viable and termination of pregnancy carried out at a belated stage could imperil the safety of the mother and the life of the foetus? In the V. Krishnan case, elopement against parental wishes, framing a case of rape against the man in whose company the minor girl was, and the petitioner’s eagerness to subject his daughter to abortion against her will were the harsh realities.

Again, why should a child born with disability be eliminated without devising an inclusive approach of dignity to even a child with disabilities? In Germany, the law permits abortion after mandatory counselling and a three-day waiting period. Rather than criminalising abortion, German law focusses on counselling, employment security, social welfare, and financial support to persuade pregnant women to give birth to their children. In this way, German law successfully achieves some degree of protection for the unborn by obtaining voluntary recognition of personal responsibility and respect for the personhood of the unborn. Shall we give greater emphasis to counselling instead of rushing through a law liberalising abortion?

Justice K. Kannan is a former judge of the Punjab and Haryana High Court and presently Chairman of the Railway Claims Tribunal, Delhi.

Keywords: Medical Termination of Pregnancy (MTP) Act, abortions, Federation of Obstetric and Gynaecological Societies of India, Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act 1971, rape survivor

Source: The Hindu, 3-08-2016

How to win the world over

India’s external ambitions can be achieved only if they fit into a coherent national strategy.

Strategic affairs analysts ponder whether India can become a “great power”. It has the prerequisites of size, location, demography, economic potential and political standing. The question is about its capacity to forge these attributes into demonstrable national strength. The Modi government’s ambition in that direction is evident in India’s foreign policy initiatives in our near and extended neighbourhood, with major powers and in campaigns for UN Security Council and Nuclear Suppliers’ Group (NSG) membership.

Securing desired outcomes in multilateral forums tests a country’s international influence. India’s application for NSG membership at the recent Seoul meeting of the group encountered an unwillingness or inability of the United States to decisively influence the result, unlike in 2008 when it effectively got the group to approve civil nuclear cooperation with India. Besides raising questions about U.S. motives, this turned the spotlight on the diplomatic tools India could use to obtain success.

P. S. Raghavan

In 2008, India had addressed NSG members’ non-proliferation concerns. Its application, therefore, should not have been controversial, since its record had not changed. What was different was the geopolitical landscape and the absence of a strong U.S. push. This gave countries the space to advance their perspectives or to pursue strategic advantage by taking one or the other side.

The geopolitical games

The outcome in such international negotiations is really determined by geopolitical games, bilateral equations and domestic politics, more than the “merits” of a case.

The strength of bilateral relationships underpins such negotiations. Every country, big or small, matters. Mutually beneficial bilateral cooperation enhances the stake of both countries in the relationship. This influences their attitude in multilateral forums on subjects of interest to each other. As in interpersonal relations, so in diplomacy: make a friend before you need him.

Another diplomatic tool is projecting to countries the advantages of a positive stance and the “costs” of a negative position. A current example is the Saudi Arabian threat to sell $750 billion of U.S. assets if the latter enacts a law enabling victims of 9/11 to sue the Saudi government for its alleged involvement in the terrorist act. The U.S. Congress may pass the bill, but the President will probably veto it.

Awarding or withholding major contracts and facilitating or impeding investments are recognised negotiating tactics. Countries leverage strategic import decisions — civilian and defence — to extract benefits from the exporting country. In the 1990s, when Boeing dominated its market, China placed a large order with Airbus — apparently reacting to U.S. criticism of its human rights record. Airbus thereafter consolidated its position in China. Today, China is exploiting the Airbus-Boeing competition to extract technological know-how for designing and manufacturing its own civilian aircraft.

India does not have the internal flexibility to use such tactics. Central audit and vigilance guidelines are invoked to block them. These guidelines are meant to check profligacy and venality of officialdom; not to obstruct strategies pursued in the national interest, provided they are coherently defined and implemented. In 2003, the Vajpayee government initiated an internal dialogue on evolving a methodology, conforming to international practices, for extracting strategic value from our major import orders. Predictably, bureaucratic headwinds grounded the initiative.

India’s Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) membership was vetoed by Italy in 2015. When this veto was lifted this year, some attributed it to a deal on the Italian marines awaiting trial in India for the killing of two fishermen off the Kerala coast in 2012. Even if true, the national interest justifies such deals. Similarly, every time our government signs a multilateral agreement, it faces charges of a “sell-out”. The truth that you must concede somewhere to get something elsewhere is as valid in international negotiations as in daily life.

The China lessons

Influence in multilateral forums is enhanced by bilateral and plurilateral alliances promoting shared strategic, security or economic interests. India’s initiatives in East, Southeast and West Asia and in Africa are relevant in this context. These elements feed into specific negotiations: strategic alliances, tactical alignments, bilateral trade-offs and pressure at sensitive points combine to achieve the objective.

All these factors are relevant in our approach to China. Notwithstanding its inflexibility at Seoul, India’s NSG membership is not its most important concern. This was demonstrated by China’s strident response to the recent Permanent Court of Arbitration judgment on its actions in the South China Sea. China dismisses the court’s authority, but is assiduously canvassing international support for its position. No country, however powerful, likes isolation in an international forum.

China has a number of other interests which need international support. Expanding the footprint of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, developing its ambitious One Belt One Road project and a range of trade and investment issues are just some of them. It would therefore weigh the political capital expended on continuing to block India’s NSG membership in the broader context of its strategic objectives.

India’s options vis-à-vis China derive from these factors. Our interests intersect or run parallel with those of China in regions where we have strong connections — West Asia and Africa are obvious examples. Bluntly put, almost every Chinese interest is an opportunity for India — for cooperation or compromise. The third ‘C’ — confrontation — is not a practical option, except in extreme provocation. We expect Chinese pragmatism to weigh a ‘give’ in one area against a ‘take’ in another. India has to find the right trade-offs, ensuring that what we gain is commensurate with what we concede. This is the thrust of the debate on the rationale of India’s NSG campaign.

These stratagems for achieving external objectives are not original — they are simply Chanakya’s approaches of Sama, Dana, Bheda, Danda (alliances, compensation, divide and rule, and armaments). However, they need an enabling domestic environment.

We need effective nationwide public diplomacy to explain our foreign policy perspectives to government, legislative, corporate, media and civil society circles, so that major initiatives do not become hostage to party politics or narrow local interests.

Intra-governmental coordination has to ensure that domestic measures are synchronised with foreign policy objectives (and vice versa). A mechanism to oversee implementation of inter-governmental agreements should include resolving inter-ministerial turf battles and conflicts of perspectives.

In the ultimate analysis, external ambitions can be achieved only if they fit into a coherent national strategy. Bharat Karnad identifies ingredients of such a strategy in his book, Why India is not a Great Power (Yet). It requires a major restructuring of mindsets and overhaul of practices. The political spirit seems willing, but the bureaucratic flesh remains uncertain.

P.S. Raghavan is a former Secretary in the Ministry of External Affairs.

Keywords: NSG Membership, Indo-US Nuclear Deal, Nuclear Suppliers Group, NPT, Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, India-China, United Nations Security Council, UNSC

Source: The Hindu, 3-08-2016