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Saturday, October 22, 2016

Going over to the dark side

The arrest of a group of men in Kannur in early October raises questions about the influence wielded by the Islamic State on misguided Muslim youth in south India.

“My son hasn’t done anything wrong. He’s not that kind of a boy. He’s been working and supporting the family for the past 15 years, and now they have taken him away,” says Hasina, mother of Manseed Mahmood, one of the six men arrested from Kerala recently for alleged terrorist links. Standing in the sit-out of their single-storey house in Aniyaram, some 25 km south of Kannur, Hasina opens up about her 30-year-old son with tears in her eyes and folded hands. Manseed, who was working in Qatar as an office assistant, came home with his wife on September 30, two days before he and his friends were arrested from Kanakamala, a hilltop location some 3 km away from his home. “He told us some friends would come home and that we should prepare food for them as well. We never knew who was coming. He went out in the morning and then what we heard was that he got arrested from Kanakamala,” says Nafiza, Manseed’s grandmother.
Arrests on a hilltop

Kanakamala is a small village on the border of Kannur and Kozhikode districts. The eponymous hill, part of the Western Ghats, is revered by the locals because they believe it possesses spiritual powers. It takes at least 10 minutes by foot to reach the hilltop where an ashram of Nataraja Guru, the successor disciple of social reformer Narayana Guru, is located. The hilltop is usually deserted unless there are some events being held at the ashram, the only building existing there. Local police say Manseed may have chosen this place for a meeting because it might escape the attention of the public. But intelligence people say Manseed and others were under surveillance for almost a year and the Kanakamala meeting was the third of its kind.
A local police officer involved in the operation says he got a call on October 2 from his superiors to get ready for an important raid. He and other police officers joined officials from the Intelligence Bureau and the National Investigation Agency (NIA), who flew in from other parts of the country. When they reached Kanakamala, Manseed and others were standing in a circle next to a telephone tower on the hilltop discussing something. “They didn’t run when we approached them. Nor did they resist when we detained them,” says the police officer.
According to the NIA, Manseed and four others were arrested from Kanakamala, while an accomplice of theirs, Ramshad Nageelan Kandiyil, was picked up from Kuttiady in Kozhikode district. The NIA terms them an Islamic State (IS)-inspired module that has “entered into a criminal conspiracy to commit terrorist acts by collecting explosives and other material for targeting important persons and places of public importance in various parts of south India”. All in the team are youngsters from different parts of Kerala and Tamil Nadu, Manseed being the only local. Abu Basheer came from Coimbatore, while Swalih Mohammed, a native of Chelakkara in Thrissur district, was living in Chennai. The two others in the team are Safwan P., who is from Tirur in Malappuram district, and V. Jasim Nageelan Kandiyil, Ramshad’s cousin, who’s also from Kuttiady. From Kanakamala, they were taken to the Armed Reserve Police Camp in Kozhikode for preliminary questioning and after registering the case, to the NIA office in Kochi, says the aforementioned police officer. An NIA court later sent them to police custody.
Shock and disbelief

“We visited him in Kochi,” says Hasina, Manseed’s mother. “He asked us not to believe what appears in the media and stay strong.” Other parents also share the same views. Abdullah N.K., father of Jasim, said he never noticed anything amiss about his son. Jasim is a B.Tech student in Bengaluru who usually comes home during the weekends. On September 30, Friday, he was home, and on Sunday, he told the family that he’s going to Vadakara, a municipality town in Kozhikode district, for a friend’s party. “He didn’t tell us anything about the Kanakamala meeting. We don’t even know who this Manseed is. He just said it’s a party and that he’ll be back by the evening, but in the evening we got to know that he was arrested,” says Abdullah, standing in front of his two-storey house in Kuttiady. Dressed in white mundu and shirt, Abdullah, a short man with a neatly trimmed white beard, speaks in a soft voice that’s barely audible, his hands trembling as he speaks. “We believe Jasim and Ramshad are innocent. We have approached an advocate. But if they are proven guilty, they deserve to be punished. Because Islam is a religion of peace. We are peace-loving people. IS has nothing to do with Islam,” he says.
Fassil, a childhood friend of both Jasim and Ramshad, says he was shocked when he heard that they were arrested. “I have known them for many years and I have never noticed anything unusual about them. It was difficult to believe that they were arrested on charges of terror,” says Fassil, who works in a shop in Kuttiady.
The cousins don’t have any criminal background either. T. Sajeevan, Circle Inspector of Kuttiady, says there was no case registered against them and that the local police had not noticed any terror-linked activities in the area earlier. But intelligence officials claim otherwise. “We have a dedicated cyber team to monitor suspicious online activities. This group fell under the radar a year ago and since then we began closely watching their discussions. It’s only after we got credible information that they are meeting in Kannur that we got the NIA involved to arrest them,” says an intelligence official.
Four days after the Kanakamala incident, the NIA arrested Subahani Haja Moideen from Tirunelveli in Tamil Nadu. Originally from Thodupuzha, Idukki district in Kerala, Moideen had got military training at IS camps in Syria and Iraq, claims the NIA. The intelligence official says Moideen was also part of the online groups of the IS and in touch with the youth held from Kanakamala.
Some family members and co-workers of the arrested agree that they were involved in IS-related online groups and discussions. Haris Ali, younger brother of Abu Basheer who hails from Coimbatore, says his brother was a member of a Facebook group and a Telegram channel that discussed IS-related issues. “But he was only a passive member. We don’t believe he was in any way involved in extremist activities,” Ali says. Like others in the Kanakamala team, Basheer told the family on October 1 that he’s going to Kerala for a programme; they came to know about the arrest only when NIA sleuths landed in their house at 8 p.m. the next day for searches.
Social media propaganda

K.H. Nazer, State secretary of the Popular Front of India (PFI), a hard-line Muslim organisation, says there are dangerous propaganda groups and pages on social media. One of the arrested youth from Kanakamala, the 30-year-old Safwan, was a member of the PFI and working as a graphic designer atThejas, the Malayalam newspaper run by the organisation.
PFI members have been involved in a number of cases related to violence, of which the most sensational was a professor’s hand being chopped off in July 2010 in Muvattupuzha near Ernakulam for “insulting the prophet Muhammad” in an examination paper. Thirteen PFI activists were found guilty in the case. But Nazer says the PFI is in the forefront of the campaign against the IS, and had warned its members to stay away from IS-related online groups. “We expelled Safwan from the PFI after the arrest. There are concerns in the organisation that he was involved in some social media discussions on the IS. We find it a breach of organisational discipline,” Nazer says. Thejas has also suspended Safwan from his job after the arrest.
There are a number of Facebook pages and accounts that propagate the IS’s messages in Malayalam. There was a Malayalam blog, Muhajir, that had at least 40 articles on issues such as the life in ‘Caliphate’ (in Syria and Iraq) and the “responsibility” of Muslims to fight for ‘Caliph’ Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, the leader of the IS. Wordpress took the blog down after complaints from Indian security agencies. It reappeared last month as muhajiraun2016, but vanished again after the Kanakamala arrest. Ashabul Haqq is a Facebook page which also has pro-IS posts. One article on the page says it’s obligatory for Muslims to go to the ‘Caliphate’. Another one slams Muslim organisations in Kerala for not taking up arms and fighting the “opponents of true religion”. Yet another post, titled “Shed a Kafir’s blood”, says “unless there’s no peace agreement with Muslims, a Kafir’s (non-Muslim) life and property won’t be protected”. Yunus Saleem, Amir Ali, Abdullah Ibn Abdullah are some other Facebook accounts that have declared loyalty to Baghdadi and spread IS propaganda in Malayalam.
Even when Muslim youth went missing from Kasaragod and Palakkad districts of Kerala a few months ago, investigation agencies and Muslim organisations had claimed that they were drawn to extreme ideas through online groups. The IS has over the years built an online ecosystem to draw people into its fold and inspire others to carry out terror attacks, from around the world. The number of Indians believed to have joined the IS ranks is low compared with other nationalities. According to a December 2015 report by The Soufan Group, a U.S.-based private intelligence company, some 40-50 Indians are expected to have joined the IS in Iraq and Syria, compared to 330 from Pakistan and 250 from the United States. “The number of people getting inspired by these extremist ideas may be very few. But still, it’s happening among a few Muslim youth. We can’t live in denial,” says N. Ali Abdullah, secretary, Kerala Muslim Jamaath, the mass organisation of the “A.P. Sunni” faction led by Kanthapuram A.P. Aboobacker Musliyar.
Innocent or guilty?

The NIA has so far arrested at least 25 Indians only in south India for alleged IS connections. In June this year, the agency arrested 11 people from Hyderabad and later let off four of them as there was no evidence. The Kanakamala incident is the latest crackdown on “IS-linked modules”. Asked if the NIA version would sustain in court, Kaleeswaram Raj, an advocate practising in the Supreme Court, says, “In general, when the UAPA [Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act] is invoked, the judiciary takes it very seriously since national security is involved. The accused will be put under stringent judicial scrutiny,” adding, “but we should also keep in mind that it’s a draconian law. And draconian laws such as TADA [Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act], POTA (Prevention of Terrorism Act) or UAPA have a history of being misused and several individuals in the past have been victimised.”
“We can’t just accept the police version as it is,” says P. Koya, editor-in-chief of Thejas, “We have seen police cases related to terror crumble in the court several times in the past. We should wait till the court finds them guilty before arriving at a judgment on the accused.”
Reasons for radicalisation

But for the Muslim organisations in Kerala, the real problem lies beyond this specific case. “Why is that the youth are being attracted to these extreme ideas? Because they don’t learn what real Islam is. They don’t understand the message of mercy and forgiveness which the Prophet showed,” says Ali Abdullah, who’s also the managing editor of Siraj, the Malayalam newspaper of the AP Sunni faction. Sitting in the dimly lit air-conditioned conference room in the ground floor of the Samastha Islamic Centre, the Kozhikode office of the AP Sunni faction, Ali Abdullah speaks of the virtues of Islam and the dangers of radicalisation that Muslim youth face. “Those who got arrested, or those who get inspired by IS-like ideologies, may not have any direct link with any of the organisations here. But clearly there are ideological links between these youngsters and Salafi groups and political Islamists such as Jamaat-e-Islami [Hind],” he says.
Salafism is a conservative reform movement within Sunni Islam which urges its followers to emulate Prophet Muhammad and his earliest followers. The Mujahid movement in Kerala, spearheaded by Kerala Nadvathul Mujahideen, is a Salafi movement. Jamaat-e-Islami, on the other side, is a political Islamist organisation founded by Pakistani religious scholar and Imam Maulana Ala Maududi.
There’s little consensus among Kerala’s Muslim organisations on the cause for radicalisation. The conventional sociological theory that poverty and lack of education breed extremism has been called into question by the recent cases. The people who went missing from Kasaragod and Palakkad are highly educated and hail from well-off families. Those arrested from Kanakamala are also from middle-class families. In an earlier interview, O. Abdurahman, editor of Madhyamam, the newspaper run by the Jamaat-e-Islami, said the problem is the textual interpretation of Islam which Salafis do. But there’s a large spectrum of people, from Ali Abdullah of the AP Sunni faction to K.M. Shaji, an MLA of the Indian Union Muslim League, the largest Muslim political party in Kerala which has the backing of the E.K. Sunni faction, who believe Jamaat-e-Islami’s “extremist” ideals are also influencing the youth negatively.
Asked if there’s an alarming trend of radicalisation among the Muslim youth, Shaji says that’s not the case. “But at the same time, the community has to remain vigilant. There is extremism. It can’t be called spiritual extremism as there’s no extremism in spirituality. The problem is imbibing religion madly,” he says. “This problem can’t be solved by the government and investigating agencies alone. Only responsible Muslim organisations can address the real issue of radicalisation,” he adds.
With Ananth M.K. in Coimbatore and Marri Ramu in Hyderabad.
TISS students chafe at increased surveillance


Students of the Tata Institute of Social Sciences have raised concerns over the increasing number of restrictions and security on the campus after the institute decided to bring in a biometric system for marking attendance from the next semester.In a letter sent to the institute management, students expressed concerns over the `increasing surveillance' in the form of the biometric attendance system that will be introduced from the next semester, more security guards and needing to obtain permissions from various government organisations to bring guests on campus.
The students' letter, a copy of which is with Mirror, stated that the increased surveillance served two purposes: to clear the path for privatisation of the institute and to control the movements and activities of the students.
The letter also stated, “When the University Grants Commission issued security guidelines which included installation of CCTV cameras, biometric identification for marking attendance of students in classes and hostels, setting up police stations inside the university campus, and having a `Student Counselling System' through which parents, teachers, and hostel wardens can exchange information about the `personal details of students, academic record, and behaviour patterns' TISS's response was that we have already been following these guidelines! Then, this semester we received a notification for procedures to be followed for inviting guest speakers wherein students need to not just inform the administration but also the local police, Crime Branch and other government intelligence organizations.“
Students said that such restrictions would not go down well. An internal survey revealed that 66 per cent of students did not want such security measures on campus. “We have asked the administration to consult us or at least take us in confidence before imposing such restrictions,“ one stu dent said.
Some TISS students also posted this message on Facebook: “We, as students of TISS, must come together and fight these attempts of the administration to sabotage and control activities and movements of students. This should be seen as part of larger scheme to promote privatisation and Brahminisation of higher education institutions. We must claim our democratic right to educate, agitate and organize and be part of the larger struggles for creating a more egalitarian and just society.“
In September, Mirror reported about how students, in the middle of a gender-sensitisation week, found themselves confronted with the very misogyny they were trying to fight after a blank poster put up on the campus for students to write about their experiences of sexual harassment had the following scribbled in bold, red script: “Sexism is an accusation sluts level against dissenting voices for recognising that a slut is a slut.“
Students said that since then, instead of looking at the larger issue of sexism and discrimination, the authorities have only hired more security guards. “There is surveillance at every step,“ a female student said, on the condition of anonymity. “Why doesn't the institute focus on real problems like scholarships and sensitivity training?“ While asked about the students' concerns, professor Shalini Bharat, deputy director, (Academics), TISS said that the biometric system was only to mark attendance and would not be linked to any database. “The acting director has constituted a committee to look into all the concerns and issues regarding the proposed biometric system. A decision on the process of implementation will be reached by a five-member committee comprising the deputy director (Academics), the registrar, a senior professor and two student representatives.No decision will be taken without the approval of this committee. The institute shall not give the data to any third party. At the end of the final semester, the fingerprint data will be deleted and that process will be overseen by the committee,“ Bharat said.

Source: Mumbai Mirror, 22-10-2016
Look For The Causes Of Suffering


Dostoevsky's statement, “In suffering look for happiness“, will appeal to many people be cause many are suffering. And one can tolerate suffering only if one goes on looking for happiness; if not today then tomorrow, or the day after tomorrow.Suffering can be tolerated only through hope. Then one can suffer his whole life, just looking for happiness.Being impressed by Dostoevsky's statement is dangerous. One should not look for happiness but look for the causes of suffering, because that is the way to come out of suffering. And the moment you are out of suffering there is happiness. You can wait for infinity and happiness will not come to you, unless you destroy the causes of suffering.
I would say, “In suffering look for the causes of suffering.“ Jealousy, anger, inferiority complex ­ what is causing these? And the miracle is: if you can go into your suffering as a meditation, watching, to the deepest roots of it, just through watching, it disappears. You don't have to do anything more than watching. If you have found the authentic cause by your watching, suffering will disappear; and if it is not disappearing, that means you are not watching deep enough.
So it is a very simple process and with a criterion: if your watching is deep enough ... just the way you pull out a plant to look at its roots, it dies, because the roots outside the earth cannot t survive. Suffering can exist only if its roots remain in the unconscious of your being. Happiness has not to be found somewhere else; it was always with you, but the cloud of suffering was covering it. Happiness is our nature. For suffering you have to make much effort, for happiness you don't have to make any effort. Just stop making the effort to create suffering.
In fact, everything of authentic value is achieved by relaxation, by silence, by joy . The idea of sacrifice and hard work will create more suffering for you. But once the idea gets settled in your mind, your mind will go on telling you that you are suffering because you are not working hard enough, that your sacrifice is not total.
Hard work is needed to create things. Sacrifice is needed when you have something of value, truth, love, enlightenment.
Sacrifice is not in finding the truth; sacrifice is when you have found it ­ then you will be in trouble. Sacrifice is not in finding when you have found it you will love, but when you have found it you will be in trouble. Then either compromise or sacrifice. Cowards compromise. People who have guts sacrifice ­ but sacrifice is not a means to attain anything.
Dostoevsky lived miserably and has always written that existence has no meaning, no significance, that it is accidental, that there is nothing to find ­ no truth, no love, no joy. All his conclusions are wrong. But the man was tremendously capable, a great genius. Even if he writes things which are wrong, he writes with such art and such beauty that millions of people have been influenced by him.
The danger is: words can be beautiful and the message can be poison. His insights are deep ­ to find more suffering and misery in life. He is determined in all his works to prove that life is an exercise of utter futility.He influenced the contemporary philosophical movement of existentialism ­ he became a pioneer.

Thursday, October 20, 2016

CBSE UGC-NET exam 2017: Application process on, to close on Nov 16

The application process for University Grants Commission’s National Eligibility Test (NET) to determine the eligibility of candidates for the posts assistant professor and Junior Research Fellowship began on Monday.
The exam that is conducted by the Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) will be held on January 22, 2017, in 84 subjects in 90 cities across the country. Candidates can apply online till November 16 on the UGC-NET website of the CBSE.
Steps to apply:
1) Visit the UGC-NET website
2) Click on the link for ‘Fill Application Form’ in the middle of the page
3) New candidates can register by following these steps
a) Fill application form
b) Upload scanned photo and signature
c) Pay examination fee
d) Print confirmation page
4) Registered candidates can access their account by logging in with their application number (generated by the system while filling the application form) and password (chosen by the candidate)
The candidates should read the notification carefully to check application filling details, fee payment method, eligibility criteria like age limit and educational qualification before applying.
Candidates who qualify for the JRF are eligible to pursue research in the subject of their post-graduation or in a related subject and are also eligible to apply for the post of an assistant professor in Indian universities and colleges.
The award of JRF and eligibility for assistant professor’s post depends on the performance of the candidate in all the three papers of NET. However, candidates qualifying exclusively for an assistant professor are not considered for JRF.
Candidates who have scored at least 55% in their master’s degree are eligible for NET.
The exam is conducted twice every year.
Source: Hindustan Times, 18-10-2016

Half the employers in India face a talent shortage

For the first time, India is suffering a severe shortage of skilled manpower, especially in the information technology (IT) sector, with 48% of all employers finding it tough to fill job positions, said a report by HR specialist Manpower Group.
The “2016/2017 Talent Shortage Survey” released on Tuesday is reportedly based on a global survey covering 42,000 employers across the world.
Apart from IT and accounting & finance, the most challenging job roles to fill are of project manager, sales manager, customer support, technician, quality controller and procurement staff.
AG Rao, group managing director of Manpower Group India, said: “The demand index for IT and accounting professionals has been on a continuous rise. Focus on technology upgrade and better financial access will drive growth in these sectors in the coming months.
“Further, with government and the RBI aiming to provide financial services in rural areas, the demand is set to grow across core and support functions.”
Rao also said that increased automation will lead to a rise in demand for high-skilled jobs. The areas, which will see high demand and lucrative pay packages include big data, analytics, mobility, design, Internet of Things (IoT) and artificial intelligence.
The report also said employers couldn’t fill vacancies due to lack of soft skills (36%) among prospective employees, and aspirants looking for higher pay (34%).
Around 36% of the employers surveyed in India train their staff, and 33% offer higher pay to new recruits to tackle shortage of skilled workforce.
According to the report, as skills change rapidly, employers are looking inside for solutions, with 36% of Indian employers choosing to develop and train their own people.
Globally, 40% of employers surveyed are facing difficulty in filling job vacancies. Region-wise, 46% of Asian employers reported hiring difficulties, with Japan (86%), Taiwan (73%) and Hong Kong (69%) reporting most of the challenges, while just 10% of Chinese employers faced such an issue, the lowest of all countries surveyed.
Source: Hindustan Times, 20-10-2016

Society must sensitise itself to the differently-abled

Travelling is generally a tedious process for all, because it involves reporting at the airport at least two hours before the departure of the flight, going through the security checks, having to discard objects the security personnel do not allow on the flight, etc. However, for the differently-abled, the hassles become manifold, as was seen in the case of the Paralympian Aditya Mehta, who had to take off his prosthetic and strip down during security checks at the airport in Bengaluru. On an earlier occasion too he had been asked to take off his prosthetic at Delhi airport. He had then written to the PMO and the relevant civil aviation authorities but he is still to hear from them.
This has once again brought up questions on security protocol for the differently-abled.
Before this incident, as early as 2014, several disability rights activists had given guidelines to the airports to be followed. Some of these were not forcing wheelchair users to stand for checks, not lifting wheelchair users, etc. The alternatives suggested were screening the passengers, and in seclusion. The problem can be lessened to a considerable extent by making it obligatory for the differently-abled to give an advance notice of, say, two days to the airport authorities, and arriving a little earlier than the rest.
As a matter of fact, we do have rules for the convenience of differently-abled passengers. However, nothing exempts them from security checks, which results in objectionable things happening. But there are ways of avoiding inconvenience to the differently-abled. For example, a differently-abled person can be made to go through electronic checks and not be compelled to take off his or her prosthetic. In the United States, there is legislation in this regard and both in the UK and the US there are systems and procedures governing the dignity of the differently-abled.
Apart from facing problems at airports, the differently-abled are inconvenienced in other ways also. The 2011 census says there are 21 million differently-abled persons in India and the target is to make 50% of government buildings convenient for them to use in various ways such as having wheelchair lifts, ramps, Braille signposts, etc. Constructing accessible buildings and creating mobile apps for information on inaccessible places can be made part of corporate social responsibility. But all these will remain just dreams if we do not have the right attitude towards the differently-abled and recognise that there must be enough space for them to overcome the hurdles they face.
Source: Hindustan Times, 19-102016

The many shades of caste inequality in India

We don’t know enough about the socio-economic status of different caste groups, and our political class doesn’t want us to know
Over the past couple of years, one Indian state after another has been on the boil because of caste-based agitations. The latest state to be engulfed in caste conflict is Maharashtra, where a stir by the dominant caste of Marathas seems to have led other backward classes (OBCs) and Dalits (Scheduled Castes or SCs) to oppose Maratha demands in unison.
A quarter century after the recommendations of the Mandal Commission (which led to reservations for OBCs) and more than half a century after the Indian Constitution mandated reservations for SCs and Scheduled Tribes (STs or Adivasis), caste inequality and caste-based reservations continue to remain contentious issues in the Indian polity.
Mint analysis of a number of socio-economic indicators suggest that while caste continues to remain an important fault line in India’s economy and polity, there are huge variations in the socio-economic status and clout of different ‘backward’ classes and caste groups.
While the STs and SCs still lag behind other castes on most socio-economic criteria, the OBCs are almost at par with other social groups (read upper castes) on several parameters.
For instance, the OBCs are almost at par with upper castes in terms of composition of rural incomes and are investing much more than the latter in agriculture. SCs on the other hand are mired in deep distress and lag behind in ownership of productive resources in farming, as an earlier Plain Facts column .
On another key metric: the ownership of firms and enterprises, the OBCs score far higher than the SCs and STs, the latest economic census shows.
The economic census, which was conducted in 2013 and covered 58.5 million economic enterprises, provides data on social-group wise ownership of proprietary establishments. The relative ownership figures for each social group can be calculated by dividing these figures with the share of each social group in the workforce (as per 2011-12 NSSO data). A relative share of one indicates proportionate ownership while a relative share less than 1 indicates less than proportionate ownership. The NSSO data on caste break-up is based on self-reported data but is among the most credible and updated data on caste-wise break-up of the population.
As the above chart shows, OBCs have an almost proportionate ownership, while SCs have the lowest relative share among all social groups. The ownership of SCs/STs and OBCs in non-agricultural establishments is lower than overall figures, suggesting that India’s socially deprived groups typically face greater barriers in the non-farm sector of the economy. The scale of deprivation is however far higher for SCs and STs than for OBCs, the data suggests.
While a big reason for such economic inequality could be lack of access to capital, research suggests that social discrimination might also be hindering the entry of Dalits in certain businesses. In a 2013 research paper, Ashwini Deshpande and Smriti Sharma at the Delhi School of Economics, used data from the third and fourth rounds of the Indian Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises Survey to show that the share of SC-owned firms in the food and beverages category was much lower than the national average and the average for other social groups. The authors also found that SCs had a disproportionate ownership of leather-related industries. While the paper shows that these numbers have fallen between the third and fourth census (conducted in 2001-02 and 2006-07), it also shows that urban areas seem to display a higher degree of segregation than rural areas, which the paper terms as an enigma.
The employment-category wise break up of social groups provided by the 2011-12 NSSO also point to the stark inequality in socio-economic status between SCs (and STs) and other castes. The data show that Dalits are the least likely to start their own enterprises and most likely to work as labourers for others, with SCs having the lowest relative share in self-employed category and the highest share in casual labourer category. The OBCs have a roughly proportionate share in each employment category.
While the SCs are worse off in comparison to OBCs in ownership of economic establishments, a look at the share of regular workers might suggest that they are at par with OBCs in terms of access to quality employment. However, headline figures on regular workers provided by the NSSO might be a bit misleading on this count, because they do not tell us about the earnings associated with a regular job.
Data from the India Human Development Survey (IHDS) provides greater clarity on the nature of employment of different caste groups. The analysis of the IHDS employment data is based on a job classification methodology used by Mehtabul Azam of Oklahoma State University in a 2013 paper. The classification splits regular jobs into four categories: white-collar skilled; skilled or semi-skilled; unskilled and farmers. To give an example, the classification would treat an engineer as a white collar worker; a typist as a semi-skilled worker; and a sweeper as an unskilled worker. The data shows that non-Muslim upper castes have a much higher share among white collar employees, while Dalits and Adivasis (SCs/STs) have a much greater share among unskilled workers in comparison to OBCs. Thus, even though SCs and OBCs might have a similar share among regular workers, the nature of jobs SCs (and STs) are engaged in is qualitatively different.
Not surprisingly, poverty levels are highest among SCs and STs. More than half of the SC population belongs to the poorest two quintiles (based on consumption expenditure data). The figure for STs is similar, as the chart below shows. Roughly 40% of OBCs and 20% of upper caste Hindus are in the poorest two quintiles, NSSO consumption expenditure data shows.
An important finding from the two charts given above is the poor condition of Muslims on most of these indicators, which has also been highlighted in official reports such as that of the Sachar Committee. The existing framework of caste-based affirmative action has been of little help to Muslims, especially lower caste Muslims. Another caveat vis-à-vis these statistics is that the headline figures on STs might be very different from the condition of tribal population outside the north-eastern states. Unlike the relatively better off ST population in the north-east, the tribal population in places such as central India is extremely poor and backward.
To surmise, these statistics underline the need to take a nuanced view of caste based discrimination and inequality in India.
While aggregate data for different social groups tell us about the differences in well-being of different social groups such as OBC and SC/ST from each other, there are significant intra-group differences as well. Several social scientists have also highlighted this problem. In a 2009 article published in the Seminar psephologist-turned-political activist Yogendra Yadavunderlined the fact that while a section of OBCs matches upper castes in terms of socio-economic indicators, the socio-economic status of several sections within the OBCs were even worse than SCs.
In an article published in the Indian Express this year, the political scientist Pratap Bhanu Mehta also raised questions about the way we classify caste groups and design affirmative action based on that.
“Should the same instruments that we rightly use to redress the oppression of Dalits be used to address the social challenges of other dominant castes?” Mehta questioned. “To what extent are OBCs a descriptive or a constructed category? Is there a selection bias in the hypothesis when we assume that caste is for all groups the predominant axis that explains their condition?”
India’s political class has largely shied away from engaging with such debates. Perhaps, given the lack of diversity in our political leadership itself, this is not so surprising. As an earlier Plainfacts column had pointed out, Dalits have a miniscule representation from seats which are not reversed for SC candidates.
According to the political scientists, Christophe Jaffrelot and Gilles Verniers, OBCs have a share of around 20% among elected MPs in the Lok Sabha . While this figure is much more than the share of SCs, it still falls short of a proportionate share given the fact that OBCs have a population share of around 40% in India’s population. The dominance of upper castes and OBCs in Indian Union cabinets has been stark since the early days of the Indian republic, as an earlier Plain Facts column showed. The already skewed balance gets even worse when the BJP comes to power, as can be seen in the figures for 1999 and 2014.
It can be argued that political representation is neither a necessary nor a sufficient condition for social justice. This is after all not a new argument. The Congress party frequently used this argument to reject the demand by B.R. Ambedkar for caste-based quotas. Ambedkar consistently argued that the Indian government, despite the best of motives will not be able to do much to address the grievances of Dalits unless it had Dalit representation.
“We feel that nobody can remove our grievances as well as we can, and we cannot remove them unless we get political power in our own hands,” said Ambedkar in one of the sittings of the round table conferences held in 1930 in London to decide the agenda for political reform in India.
It can also be argued that the lack of a nuanced understanding of India’s caste realities spring from a lack of credible and granular data rather than political designs. However, the experience of the Socio-economic Caste Census (SECC), which was conducted in 2011, shows that even the lack of disaggregated caste data might be a result of flawed political decision making at the highest levels. While some political parties have been demanding that caste-wise data from the SECC should be released, experts have expressed scepticism over the availability of the data in the first place.
In an article written in The Hindu last year, former census commissioner and registrar general of India M, Vijayanunni argued that the UPA government played a saboteur’s role while designing the SECC. By delegating the responsibility of carrying the census to state governments, which had little expertise of undertaking such a task and asking enumerators to just record responses for caste names, without any predetermined categories or guidelines—which would make systematic collation of the final results impossible—the UPA government ensured that SECC would not result any comprehensible information about caste, argued Vijayanunni.
The writing on the wall is clear. Unless we have credible and granular data on relative backwardness among India’s different social groups, India’s political discourse would be vulnerable to being exploited by both kinds of extreme voices—those who dismiss the reality of caste-based discrimination in the country, and those who have realised that demanding reservations for their community is a lucrative strategy of political blackmail.
Tadit Kundu contributed to this story.
Source: Mintepaper, 20-10-2016