Won't just go by foreign data, will do study on air pollution: Centre

Vishwa Mohan

New Delhi:





In the wake of international studies that point to rising deaths due to air pollution in India, the Centre announced on Tuesday that it will come out with its own study of the effects of such pollution on human health.Though environment minister Anil Dave maintained that such reports -for example, a recent one that attributed nearly 1.1 million premature deaths in 2015 to air pollution -are based on extrapolation without scientific validation, he said, “The environment ministry is working with the health ministry to assess trends and impact (of air pollution) in this regard.“ He emphasising that the government must trust the data coming from Indian scientists.
“We are also not saying that we do not take note of those (foreign) studies. Neither are we saying those (global) studies are correct or incorrect... A proud country always trusts its own data and takes action on that. We believe in our institutions,“ Dave said.
Though India has not denied air pollution-linked health hazards, it has preferred not to refer to number of deaths in absence of scientific study .The only available report on the issue relates to an epidemiological study on ambient air quality and its impact on children in Delhi by the Chittaranjan National Cancer Institute, Kolkata in 2010.
The report highlighted impact of air pollution on human health but didn't speak about specific number of deaths in India. The environment ministry had in August 2015 told Parliament that more than 35,000 had died due to acute respiratory infections (ARI) across India in over nine years from January 2006 to mid-2015.
Without attributing these deaths directly to air pollution, it had said air pollution causes respiratory ailments and may affect lung function.It also noted how it acts as an “aggravating“ factor for many respiratory ailments and cardiovascular diseases. Though global studies halinked far more deaths to ve linked far more deaths to air pollution in India, referring to the 2010 report was a rare official admission that pollution could be causing deaths. The figures, shared in Rajya Sabha in August 2015, show that Bengal reported maximum number of ARI deaths, followed by Andhra (united), UP , MP , Karnataka and Delhi. Asked about action being taken by the Centre to deal with the menace, Dave referred to the 42-point action plan issued to states for implementation and said state governments and local bodies also played a crucial role.
Dave said tackling air pollution was no “rocket science“ and the states and local bodies have to play a “decisive“ role as the Centre can only work like a “philosopher and guide“ in a federal structure.
Referring to air pollution in Delhi, Dave noted that 20% of the air pollution is due to dust on roads and is a major reason for PM 2.5 levels. He said vehicular emissions contributed to 20% of air pollution while another 20% is due to industries, generator sets and stubble burning.
Dave, however, pointed out that the problem was not restricted to Delhi alone. “Since Delhi's air condition becomes worse, we see it more. But the same experience is there in Patna, Bhubaneswar, Mumbai -their health is affected in a similar way ,“ said Dave.

Source: Times of India, 22-02-2017

Why Isro has a legacy of success

It has managed to deliver on a level few other comparable government agencies have

The 39th flight of the Indian Space Research Organisation’s (Isro) Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle last week was justifiably lauded. The playing up of the record-breaking nature of the flight—104 satellites is by some distance the most a single launch has ever managed— echoes the bouts of self-congratulation that follow every major Isro success, and there have been a fair few of those. Well and good; bragging rights and the resultant positive public perception are valuable assets for any space programme. But there is another issue worth examining: why Isro has managed to deliver on a level that few other comparable government agencies have.

Perhaps the most apt point of comparison is the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO). They share a number of similarities. Both work in areas where technological and research capital is paramount. Both deal with targets that require advanced application of that capital. Both, importantly, work on projects that can take decades to come to fruition, with all the uncertainty that it engenders—and indeed, given the nature of the beast, may turn out to ultimately be unsuccessful. The DRDO’s reputation has perhaps obscured some of its achievements, but the gulf in outcomes between it and Isro—similarities notwithstanding—is nevertheless clear. There are a few reasons for this.

The first is organizational structure. In 1962, the department of atomic energy—which had been entrusted with space research— set up the Indian National Committee for Space Research (Incospar) with scientist Vikram Sarabhai as chairman. In 1969, the committee was replaced by the newly founded Isro, again under Sarabhai, which took on the responsibility of developing space technology and overseeing its application. The final step in the evolution of India’s space programme was the constitution of the department of space (DOS) and the Space Commission. Isro was brought under DOS in 1972, with the commission formulating policy and seeing to its implementation. The entire structure functioned directly under the prime minister.

The absence of the otherwise mandatory layers of bureaucracy present in any government body is the obvious takeaway. The fact that specialists in the field and technocrats—starting with Sarabhai himself—rather than mandarins have populated the upper echelons of the hierarchy compounds this. For instance, Isro’s current chairman, A.S. Kiran Kumar, is also chairman of the Space Commission and secretary of DOS. This set-up has promoted vertical integration between policymakers—who are in a position to understand the nature of the long-term projects Isro undertakes—and those delivering the end results.

Contrast this with the DRDO, which functions under the ministry of defence and is entrenched in the bureaucratic culture. The fetishization of civilian supremacy over the military has resulted in the heads of the Armed Forces not having a place at the table when it comes to policy decisions—and the political and bureaucratic setups have failed to articulate a long-term vision to understand the needs of the Armed Forces. This means that the DRDO functions at a remove from the end users of its technology, and with inadequate leadership at the ministry level.

The second reason is international cooperation. Although there have been some impediments—Isro, along with a number of other government agencies, was removed from the US’ entity list only in 2011, and a decade-old US policy that hampers the use of Indian launch vehicles by American companies is still in effect—Isro has been able to work with the international scientific community since inception. This has been a throughline from the first component of the space programme, the Thumba Equatorial Rocket Launching Station, established by Incospar, to the agreement between Isro and the US’ National Aeronautics and Space Administration to work on future joint missions to Mars.

The DRDO, on the other hand, has faced far greater barriers here. This has partly to do with geopolitics and international restrictions on sharing defence-related technology. Partly, it is the Indian political leadership’s stress on entirely indigenous development in past years. This has been counterproductive. As the then director general of DRDO, V.K. Saraswat, said in 2011, “if anyone wants complete homegrown products in critical areas, it is because of the lack of (understanding) of the dynamics of the market and a lack of understanding of what is global competitiveness.”

A third difference is accountability in the form of outcome budgets. This is too recent to judge its impact on both agencies; outcome budgets were mandated in 2005-06. And given the nature and risks of technological projects with long gestation periods, strict financial accountability is not feasible. But some level of periodic oversight is necessary—and while DOS submits an outcome budget that contains a detailed breakdown of Isro projects, the ministry of defence, and thus DRDO, are exempt. More likely than not, this will eventually result in further divergence in the outcomes of both agencies.

Given the nature of Isro’s work and its unique organizational structure, it’s not possible to employ all the lessons learnt elsewhere. And there are unquantifiables such as institutional culture in the mix as well. But there is no harm and potentially much good in examining its success and the methods that can be successfully translated, such as streamlining decision-making mechanisms and lateral entry at the policymaking level for area experts. The political and bureaucratic will to actually employ those methods elsewhere is, of course, another matter entirely.

Source: Mintepaper, 21-02-2017

Being positive helps change attitudes

Information campaigns can reduce public opposition to immigration and motivate citizens to take action

Fears around immigration are not new and have been exacerbated by populist waves and the migrant crisis. India too is feeling the heat. In this context, a discussion paper titled ‘Countering Public Opposition to Immigration: The Impact of Information Campaigns’ from Europe’s Centre for Economic Policy Research is illuminating.

Giovanni Facchini, Yotam Margalit and Hiroyuki Nakata conducted a social experiment in Japan on the effect of exposure to positive information about immigration on attitudes towards immigrants. Japan was chosen for its rapidly ageing population, low birth rate, severe labour shortages in some sectors, and low levels of immigration due to public opposition. Subjects in the study were told that they were assessing texts as potential school curricular options (knowing the objective of the exercise could distort their responses).

All 9,000 participants were given a text on a Japanese painter, a subject unrelated to migration. The control group, comprising some of the 9,000 people, was given a second text, with information on Pluto, a topic again unrelated to migration. The remaining individuals, or the treatment group, were provided with one of several texts that contained a discussion of a demographic problem in Japan and how immigration could help alleviate it.

After exposure to the questions, respondents were asked three questions: whether they’d accept more immigrants, about temporary migration (a visa question), and on whether they would sign a petition for increasing the number of immigrants. In order to test the longevity of the informational effects, some respondents were asked these questions immediately and others after a gap of 10-12 days.

Respondents who were from groups exposed to positive information showed a 43-72% greater likelihood of supporting immigration and an 18-24% higher likelihood of supporting some form of temporary migration compared to their control group peers. Individuals were also more willing to sign a petition after being exposed to positive immigration information than in the absence of it.

The researchers also found that the positive impacts last over the delayed 10-12 day study period, but are diminished compared to the immediate studies.

Source: The Hindu, 21-02-2017

UPSC civil services exam: How to get high scores in personality test/interview

Murphy’s Law - “Whatever can go wrong, will go wrong.”

UPSC Interview, being the most unpredictable level, is the final hurdle on your journey to IAS. Candidates often make the mistake of overburdening themselves with the mains exam result and do not start preparing for the interview until it is announced.

It’s advised to start preparing for your interview as soon as you the mains exam phase is over. First things first—the interview carries 275 marks out of the total 2,025 marks, and if we believe the statistics of 2009’s mains results, not too many candidates managed to score above 100. Contrary to the myth that it’s easy to score in the interview without much preparation, there are an astounding number of double-digit scores in the Interview.

Unlike prelims and mains, the interview not only checks your knowledge, but as the name suggests, it is your personality test in which it is tested whether the candidate has the traits suitable for the top jobs of UPSC, according to Suharsha Bhagat, IAS officer.

Keeping in mind that the preparation revolves around uplifting the confidence level, fixing the body language, besides improving knowledge about current events, the candidates should begin the preparation with the DAF form, followed by working upon the personality and current affairs knowledge. The candidates must have good knowledge about the activities they have stated as their hobbies in the DAF form and should have a proper reasoning behind every word they have mentioned in it.

To discuss hobbies, you should focus on logic around everything you do and everything you have done till date. Your life should not look like a seashore that has no control over the sea. Following are some things you should consider:

*Your past career choices and your current job

*Your educational degrees

*Languages that you can speak

*The places you have lived in and their intricate societal issues

*Recent Headlines that are topping the charts

This is by far generalized preparation tips, covering ‘where’ and ‘what’ might pop up in your interview session. It is highly recommend to go for a mock interview, to get a first-hand experience of what it is like to go for an UPSC interview. From the last 10-minute pressure to a churning night before the interview, everything plays a significant role.

Now, here is the ‘how’ part. Few tips on how to go for an interview.

1. Get used to ‘I am sorry, I have no idea about this topic.’

As a fact, nobody knows everything. You might as well accept it. Most of the candidates create a blunder when asked about topics they do not know. They start by attempting it and working their way around. But, acknowledging that interview panel members are way smarter than you is the key. I personally know a corporate manager who was grilled for corporate policies when she knew nothing about the topic. While she fumbled guesses and attempted with her knowledge of other topics, panel members could see a lady who couldn’t accept what she didn’t know. A firm ‘I have no idea about this topic’ is a far better answer.

2. Only put in stuff that you know well

You might have read few books by Chetan Bhagat but that surely doesn’t make you a reader, neither does it give you a hint about the vast literature. The idea is in your interview and in your DAF. Put the stuff in front of you that you’re well aware of. It will help you look more conscious about your life and surroundings and also devoid of the vagueness from your entire test.

3. Do not have extreme views

Controversial issues, negative philosophies, movements with no agenda—all of these are inevitable. Living in a developing country with such a huge population will get you a lot of contentious issues to talk, believe and follow, but coming up-front with extreme views is not advisable. Well, there are rhetorical ways to do that, but until you are well versed in rhetorical techniques, going for such a step is not recommended.

Side note: Avoid sounding racist, sexist or extremist.

4. Always suggest a way out

Foremost, Interview is not the place to show off your idealistic self. On the contrary, Interview demands reasonableness and workable solutions. Through the personality test, UPSC wants to check your decision-making skills, your ability to handle different situations while managing your stress. Panel members might shoot you with hypothetical situations and the key is imagining yourself in the real world with a similar situation, and most importantly, suggest a way out. Consider approaching it with tact and nuance with a way that’s feasible in your work.

Finally, good luck for the interview and don’t forget to practice before appearing for the actual interview!

(AK Mishra is Managing Director, Chanakya IAS Academy. Views expressed here are personal)

Source: Hindustan Times, 20-02-2017

Don’t enforce patriotism, let education be the anthem in our schools

Enforced patriotism has many pitfalls as we have seen with the national anthem being made mandatory in movie halls. There have been several instances of people being attacked for not standing up, even to the extent of a disabled person being belaboured by people who thought he did not show enough respect on account of not being able to arise from his wheelchair. So, the issue of making the anthem compulsory in any venue should be thought through very thoroughly. The Supreme Court is now examining whether it should be made mandatory in schools with reference to a statement by the attorney general that singing the national anthem instils a sense of patriotism in children and, therefore, it should be made mandatory in schools. So far, the bench has said that the issue needs to be debated and then decided.

The Indian school system has many problems, among which one of the most pressing is the lack of teachers. Once such a thing is made mandatory, it becomes actionable. If there is, for example, a school which has too few teachers, how are they to ensure that the anthem is sung in the proper manner by children? If they fail to do this, this leaves them open to harassment from vested interests. What if the children don’t know the words to the anthem?Patriotism is not instilled through the singing of the anthem alone. If children want to sing the anthem and understand what it stands for, it can be done by schools in their own time and space. The significance of the anthem and flag and the history associated with them can be taught to the child in a manner which she finds enjoyable and educative.

There are many lessons to be learnt from the way in which the mandatory anthem in movie halls has been hijacked by self-styled custodians of patriotism. Invariably, when left to such people, an element of coercion and harassment enters the picture. In the case of schools, if such a move is enforced, who is to ensure that it is carried out properly? Chances are that local interests will appropriate this task and the whole thing will be given a political colour.The apex court had earlier turned down a plea of making the national anthem mandatory in all public offices, including Parliament, assemblies and the courts. Schools should not be made the exemption. Of course, on certain occasions the anthem may be sung, but voluntarily. There are far more important things to deal with in the education system than this, and these should get priority.

Source: Hindustan Times, 20-02-2017

The Centre must make social benefits portable to help migrants

The story is old but worth retelling. Every year several thousand tribal families from south Chhattisgarh are forced to migrate to cities in Andhra Pradesh (AP), thanks to the ongoing battle between the Maoists and the security forces in the state. When they land in AP, they are picked up by contractors and made to work at salaries way low the legal minimum pay because they are not from that state. This, however, is not the only challenge. These poor people also have no access to food via the public distribution system (PDS), schools and health system because these rights are not portable yet in India. The same is the fate of the thousands of others who move from one end of the country to another in search of employment. These migrants depend either on their employer or labour contractor for food provisions or purchase food in the open market. This significantly increases their cost of living and reduces the additional earnings they might hope to remit to their families, say experts. The latest Economic Survey (ES) points to a dramatic spike in internal migration with Delhi and the NCR being the top destinations. Between 2011 and 2016, close to nine million migrated between states annually, up from about 3.3 million suggested by successive censuses, says the survey.But the long sufferings of migrant workers in India could be a thing of the past if the government accepts the recommendations of a panel that looked into the working conditions of migrants. In its report, submitted last month to the ministry, the panel headed by Partho Mukhopadhyay, senior fellow at the Centre for Policy Research, has pushed for portability of the PDS benefits across the fair price shop system, affordable housing options and setting up of a migrant helpline to provide information about protections and benefits available to them. Under the PDS, ration cards are invalid in their work state. The panel has recommended “expanding” and “accelerating” portability of the PDS as well as healthcare benefits within states with appropriate technology and universal coverage. The panel was set up by the housing and urban poverty alleviation ministry.This report should be the first step towards making rights portable. People should be allowed to access their social entitlements — the PDS grain, etc — from anywhere in India. This shouldn’t not be difficult to put in place with the help of technology.

Source: Hindustan Times, 20-02-2017

Amend Constitution, Set Naga Women Free





Nagaland chief minister T R Zeliang quit on Sunday. His party, the Naga People's Front, has 46 lawmakers in a house of 60.Its allies, the Democratic Alliance of Nagaland, have the rest: Nagaland has no elected opposition. Yet, Zeliang's ouster shows the real opposition comes from conservative outfits like the Naga Hoho, an all-male body of tribal elders. Trouble started last year, when the Supreme Court upheld an appeal by the Naga Mothers' Association to allow 33% reservation for women in urban local body elections.Zeliang wanted to conduct municipal polls on February 1, with such reservations. Tribal organisations protested, saying the Constitution upholds tribal customary law, which al lows little space for women in public life.
After protests paralysed administration, Zeliang called off municipal polls. But that was not enough: zealots prevailed upon cowed legislators, who got Zeliang to quit. This has revealed the deep patriarchal bias in Naga society . Since Naga land's first election in 1964, there has been no woman representative in its assembly. Male chauvinism prospers on the back of a constitutional ambiguity. Article 371 (A) says, “No Act of Parliament shall apply to Nagaland in relation to religious or social practices of the Nagas, Naga customary law and procedure, administration of civil and criminal justice involving decisions according to the Naga Customary law, ownership and transfer of land and its resources.“
This contradicts not just Article 243(D) that guarantees reservations for women, but the basic right to equality and the overall principle that when custom conflicts with fundamental rights, rights must prevail. The Constitution should be amended to make this explicit. Nagaland's women have the right to be part of the democratic mainstream.
Source: Economic Times, 21-02-2017