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Tuesday, August 14, 2018

Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society

Table of Contents:

Volume 44, Number 1 | Autumn 2018

EDITOR’S NOTE

A Note from the Editor
Suzanna Danuta Walters
pp. 1–2
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ARTICLES

The Vampire, the Queer, and the Girl: Reflections on the Politics and Ethics of Immortality’s Gendering
Kimberly J. Lau
pp. 3–24
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Front Porch Revolution: Resilience Space, Demonic Grounds, and the Horizons of a Black Feminist Otherwise
Laura McTigheDeon Haywood
pp. 25–52
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Victorian Medicine Was Not Responsible for Repressing the Clitoris: Rethinking Homology in the Long History of Women’s Genital Anatomy
Alison M. Moore
pp. 53–81
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Empowerment, Declined: Paradoxes of Microfinance and Gendered Subjectivity in Urban India
Smitha Radhakrishnan
pp. 83–105
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Graner’s Laugh: The Conceptual Architecture of a Guantanamo Rape Joke
Alex Adams
pp. 107–130
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No Selves to Consent: Women’s Prisons, Sterilization, and the Biopolitics of Informed Consent
Jess Whatcott
pp. 131–153
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“Free Hair”: Narratives of Unveiling and the Reconstruction of Self
Alicia Izharuddin
pp. 155–176
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“Whose House Is This?” Gendered (Dis)belongings, Homemaking, and Displacement in Israel’s Rabbinic Courts
Tanya Zion-WaldoksPnina Motzafi-Haller
pp. 177–203
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Toward a Genealogy of a Discourse on Women’s Erotic Autonomy: Feminist and Queer-Feminist Critiques of Monogamy
Christian Klesse
pp. 205–231
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ASK A FEMINIST

Ask a Feminist: Michael Kimmel and Lisa Wade Discuss Toxic Masculinity
Michael KimmelLisa Wade
pp. 233–254
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BOOK REVIEWS

About Abortion: Terminating Pregnancy in Twenty-First-Century America by Carol Sanger; Abortion after Roe by Johanna Schoen
Barbara Katz Rothman
pp. 255–269
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Extreme Domesticity: A View from the Margins by Susan Fraiman
Stephen Vider
pp. 258–261
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Ecological Borderlands: Body, Nature, and Spirit in Chicana Feminism by Christina Holmes
Gwyn Kirk
pp. 261–263
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The Economization of Life by Michelle Murphy; Transnational Reproduction: Race, Kinship, and Commercial Surrogacy in India by Daisy Deomampo; Brown Bodies, White Babies: The Politics of Cross-Racial Surrogacy by Laura Harrison
Jennifer M. Denbow
pp. 264–269
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Free AccessAbout the Contributors
pp. 271–275
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Free AccessThanks to Reviewers
pp. 277–278
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Growth may pick up, but concerns remain


India may well clock the highest growth rate globally, but more is needed to create jobs and reduce poverty.

With more than one quarter of the year and two months of the monsoon over, it is time to take a look at what the whole year is going to be like. Are there signs of recovery? If there are, are they robust? What are the short- and medium-term concerns of the country?

Sectoral trends

The monsoon has been somewhat below expectations — the overall rainfall deficiency was 3% (as of July 25). Though it may seem negligible, it has to be noted that there were 11 meteorological divisions (of a total of 36) which were deficient. The area sown has come down. Rice-producing Bihar, for instance, has been severely affected. However, the monsoon can pick up. There is no consensus on the future behaviour of the monsoon. Agricultural growth may at best be equal to what it was last year — 3.4%.
The services sector may perform better because public expenditure will be maintained at a high level. This is to be expected, as this happens to be the year before the elections. As for the industrial sector, we have data for the Index of Industrial Production (IIP) for the first quarter. They show substantial improvement over the corresponding period of the previous year. It is important to remember that the correlation between the IIP and national income data on manufacturing is poor. Some sectors (automobiles and railway freight traffic) in the first quarter have done well. The combined revenues and profit of 370 large companies have shown better performance in the first quarter, even though they are on a weak base. The problems of the goods and services tax (GST) may have been largely overcome, but it is still a work in progress. A pick-up in the growth rate in the manufacturing sector is likely.
Looking at the overall GDP, after several quarters of low growth, there was a strong pick-up in the last quarter of 2017-18. If this momentum is maintained, the growth rate (2018-19) will certainly be above 7%. How much higher above 7% will depend on a number of factors. International financial institutions have forecast a growth rate of 7.3%. The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) expects it to be 7.4%. However, we need to take note of certain concerns that can come in the way of faster growth.

External environment

The external environment is far from reassuring. Trade wars have already started and can get worse. The U.S. has raised duties on several products such as steel and aluminium, and on certain products imported from China. In turn, China has retaliated. India has also been caught in this exchange. It is difficult to forecast how much worse this will become. Besides these, there are country-specific sanctions such as those against Iran, which have a direct impact on crude oil output and prices. India benefited from the fall in crude prices earlier but this position has reversed. There has been some lull in crude prices. As a net importer, India’s balance of payments can take a beating if crude prices rise again. India’s current account deficit was as low as 0.6% of GDP in 2016-17. It rose to 1.9% of GDP in 2017-18, mainly because of crude price rise. India’s trade deficit has always remained high. In 2016-17, the merchandise trade deficit was 4.8% and rose to 6% of GDP the next year. The answer lies in raising our export growth which has shown severe swings in recent years. It is partly a reflection of world trade. The fall in crude oil prices had also affected our export growth earlier. In 2017-18, India’s export growth rate was 9.78%. There is an inescapable need to raise our export growth rate.
In this context, we need to ensure that the rupee does not appreciate in real terms. Despite a current account deficit, India’s rupee had remained strong because of capital flows. With a rising trade deficit and some outflow of capital, the rupee has depreciated. This is not unnatural. The RBI should act only to ensure that the adjustment is smooth and there are no violent fluctuations. But what is really important is to make our exports competitive. The exchange rate is only one element. Improved efficiency in production and better infrastructure are equally important. Maintenance of domestic stability also plays a key role. Over the medium term, we need to search for an alternative fuel.

Reviving the banking system

The banking system continues to be a source of concern. The RBI’s latest report on financial stability shows that the gross non-performing asset (NPA) ratio of scheduled commercial banks rose to 11.6% (March 2018). The ratio for public sector banks was 15.6%. This is indeed a very high level of NPAs. Some part of the increase is also due to the adoption of a more rigorous definition of NPAs. The high NPA level has a dampening effect on the provision of new credit. In fact, credit to the industrial sector has slowed down considerably. Recapitalisation of banks has become an urgent necessity. Of course, this will impose a serious burden on the fiscal position. Many suggestions, which include asset reconstruction companies, have been made to resolve the NPA issue. A quick decision has to be made. Unless the banking system recovers fast, it is difficult to sustain a high growth of the industrial sector. Medium-term banking reforms will have to wait until the immediate problem is resolved.

Impact on the fisc

The third concern relates to the fiscal position. So far in the current year, the Central government’s fisc has been within limits. At the end of the first quarter, the fiscal deficit as a percentage of total deficit for the year as a whole was 68.7% — a strong improvement over the deficit in the corresponding period last year.
There are two aspects of the fisc which need to be kept under watch. One relates to GST. It is estimated that GST revenues are currently running behind budgetary projections. Perhaps revenues may pick up in the second half. But one doesn’t know. It is also not clear how much of the refunds are outstanding. Any significant shortfall can put the fisc under stress.
The second concern relates to the impact of the proposed minimum support prices (MSPs) for various agricultural commodities. The MSPs have been raised sharply in the case of some commodities. Except in the case of rice and wheat (where there is unlimited procurement at MSPs), there is no indication of how the MSPs will be implemented in relation to other commodities. If market prices fall below MSPs, there are only two ways in which farmers can be assured of the minimum price. One is the M.P. model where the State pays the difference between market price and MSP. But this can turn out to be a serious burden if market prices fall steeply. This is apart from the administrative problems involved in implementing the scheme. The other alternative is for the government to procure excess production over normal production so that market prices rise. This alternative may be less burdensome. However, this alternative will not work if the MSP is fixed at a level to which the market price will never rise. Thus the burden on the government as a result of the new MSPs is uncertain and needs to be watched. The possibility of cutting expenditures if revenues fall below projections is remote in a year before elections.
The expected growth rate of 7.3-7.4% may be reassuring. It may even be the highest in the world economy. Nevertheless, it falls short of our potential. It is below of what is needed to raise job opportunities and reduce poverty. It is true that the external environment is not helpful. All the same, a stronger push towards a much higher growth is very much the need of the hour.
C. Rangarajan is former Chairman, Economic Advisory Council to the Prime Minister and former Governor, Reserve Bank of India. He is also Chairman, Madras School of Economics, Chennai
Source: The Hindu, 14/08/2018

A complicated man: On Sir Vidia


V.S. Naipaul was among the greatest and most provocative writers of our times

Vidiadhar Surajprasad Naipaul, who passed away at his London home on August 11 just six days short of his 86th birthday, will continue to challenge his readers and critics after death as he did in a writing career spanning more than five decades. It’s the way with great writers, and Naipaul’s claim to being among the greatest of them was settled long before he won the Nobel prize in 2001 — but he defied simple appraisals more than anybody else. To read Naipaul, to listen to him, to follow his life story, was to be perpetually nudged to reassess not just him, but also his subject matter and one’s own view of the world. He once said, “All my work is really one. I am writing one big book.” In that big book, he kept pushing back the chronological beginnings to understand how colonialism and migration shaped the modern world, and travelling ever wider to examine how post-colonial societies shape-shifted. It was an endeavour that started, and never veered too far, from his own biography. Born in Trinidad to parents of Indian origin, whose forebears had come to the West Indies as indentured labour, Naipaul was consumed by one ambition: to be a writer. It was, in large measure, acquired from his father, a journalist in Port of Spain struggling with the needs and bickering of a sprawling family and the lack of intellectual wherewithal to realise his dream. His father’s story would inspire Naipaul’s A House for Mr Biswas (1961), part of an early-life burst of brilliant fiction that began with Miguel Street, written when he was just out of Oxford University, and concluded in 1979 with A Bend in the River.
 
It was Naipaul’s travels, however, that spanned the greater part of his writing life as he crafted his own way of seeing the world. He said in his Nobel lecture that as a child in Trinidad he felt himself “surrounded by areas of darkness”, and these became his subjects. He travelled across continents, always with a theme in mind. He opened up lines of inquiry on identity and progress. His unsparing eye and spare, clear prose ensured that readers could not un-see what he saw, whether they were in agreement or not. He was criticised for depicting the developing world through an imperial filter; he was accused of Islamophobia in his travels in Muslim countries; he raised hackles with his India trilogy — An Area of Darkness (1964), A Wounded Civilisation (1977), A Million Mutinies Now (1990). But he presciently bookmarked the debates that coming events would spark. There was definitely low-grade bigotry at play, and misogyny, too. Naipaul’s writings are too important to be 
Source: The Hindu, 13/08/2018

How India can use better data and regulations to stop industries from choking its cities

Why does India have 14 of the world’s 20 cities with highest air pollution when it has set limits and stipulated strict criminal punishments to enforce them? And what's a possible solution?

Fourteen of the world’s 20 cities with highest air pollution are in India, according to the World Health Organization’s (WHO) last ranking. Why is this the case, when India has set pollution limits and stipulated strict criminal punishments to enforce them?
One reason is that rules are only effective when people follow them. Several studies have shown that there are wide gaps between what regulation says on paper and how industry and the public act on the ground. Indeed, our research suggests that if India met its own air pollution standards, life expectancy in India could increase by almost 1.5 years on average, and if the country met the WHO’s standards, that number goes up to roughly 4 years.
How can we improve matters?
The shortcomings of regulation
First of all, let’s look at why regulations have failed to bring pollution levels down to the standard. Typically, environmental regulation in India relies on an inflexible set of rules, which does not seem to work well in practice. Despite the threat of harsh punishments, factories we tested in Gujarat, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, and Orissa over the course of several years exceeded emission limits over half of the time. Similarly, a study by the Central Pollution Control Board found that vehicle testing centres in Delhi were often inaccurate, suggesting that certification for cars may not mean much.
Different approaches may work better – ones that take a more nuanced view of human behaviour based on the incentives people face, and that employ new technologies that are growing cheaper and more accessible.
Polluters generally won’t take costly measures to reduce pollution if punishments for violations are rare. Why pay when you won’t get caught? This attitude, in turn, may be an unintended effect of policy: because environmental law relies on criminal penalties, regulators’ primary method for enforcement is to shut down plants and hold up investment, both of which are costly and can undermine economic growth. Our research finds that, as a result, regulators punish only a small fraction of major violators, and often let plants off with no penal action.
The goal of regulation should be twofold: Make it hard to hide polluting behaviour, and ensure that reducing pollution is never more expensive than it needs to be.
Enable new monitoring techniques
With industrial pollution, much of the problem is the difficulty of obtaining reliable measurements of factory emissions and acting on the results. Typically, regulators or third-party auditors conduct factory inspections only occasionally, at which point they take readings that the court can use to mete out punishments. Not only does this leave emissions unmeasured most of the time, it relies on the honesty of a small group of individuals who are reporting pollution levels. Research has shown that auditors hired and paid by factories tend to under-report violations.
Because of these problems, state and central governments have begun to require the use of technology to automatically, and continuously, monitor the pollution being released by factories. While this is an important step, there is a high risk of the information generated by these instruments being unused or unusable. There are two major reasons.
First, large volumes of new data need to be routinely used by pollution control board officials in enforcing pollution norms. However, since the technology is still unfamiliar, pollution control boards need to build capacity and evolve new processes to consume this information effectively.
Second, these instruments need to be calibrated at regular intervals so that the reported measurements correspond accurately to true pollution levels. If not done properly and with sufficient regulatory oversight, the reported data is likely to be biased. We have been working with the Gujarat and Odisha State Pollution Control Boards in taking steps to fix these issues, and our findings may guide improvements to monitoring systems nationwide.
Make pollution data transparent to the public
Ultimately, the costs of pollution fall on citizens. Around the world, countries have made pollution data completely transparent and accessible. The idea is to enlist the public to put pressure on industries to report accurately, and become cleaner. Examples include the PROPER scheme in Indonesia and the Green Watch programme in China, both of which were found to be effective in reducing pollution.
Certain states in India have begun to take innovative steps in this direction. We are collaborating with the Maharashtra Pollution Control Board on a new Star Rating programme launched in 2017. Under this rating, industries are ranked on a 1 to 5 star scale based on their past pollution tests and this information is made freely available. This pilot is growing rapidly to cover the state and we are conducting a rigorous evaluation of its effects on industry pollution. The state of Odisha has also announced that it will soon launch a similar initiative.
These schemes cost little to implement, and if more states adopt them, India could experience a revolution in environmental transparency. Industry already competes for profits – pollution ratings could make them compete to be greener as well.
Move toward a market where firms pay to emit pollutants
In an emissions market, the government sets a cap on amount of a pollutant allowed across an industry, then lets firms bid and trade for the right to emit part of that total. Similar markets are already in use in environmental policy around the world and have a number of benefits, such as giving already-clean plants incentives to further reduce their emissions.
We believe that a market for particulate emissions in India could dramatically lower air pollution, while reducing the costs of compliance. Not only is the good for growth, it is in line with the “polluter pays” principle, which has been repeatedly invoked by the Supreme Court of India.
We worked with the Central Pollution Control Board and the Gujarat Pollution Control Board to collect detailed information from industries in Surat. Based on this data, we predicted that the overall costs to industry of reducing pollution under a market would be up to 40 per cent lower with emissions trading than under current regulation. NITI Aayog recently advocated markets and emissions charges, and an important judgement by the National Green Tribunal held that emissions charges are legal and desirable. The way is clear for India to put these ideas into practice.
Source: Indian Express, 13/08/2018

Monday, August 13, 2018

Economic & Political Weekly: Table of Contents

Vol. 53, Issue No. 32, 11 Aug, 2018

Editorials

From 50 Years Ago

H T Parekh Finance Column

Commentary

Book Reviews

Perspectives

Special Articles

Current Statistics

Letters