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Tuesday, November 20, 2018

Why farms of every type and size have to be climate smart

This climate impact on agriculture is a cause for worry: the sector accounts for a large share in gross domestic product (16%) and employment (49%). Poor agricultural performance can lead to high inflation, rural distress, and political restiveness, as recent rural agitations and farmer suicides have shown.

An annual review by the Indian Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR), a wing of the agriculture ministry, has said that crops, plantations and livestock in 151 districts, or slightly more than one-fifth of the total districts in India, are susceptible to the impact of climate change. Using data sets created by the University of Delaware and India Meteorological Department, the review projected that climate change could reduce annual agricultural incomes in the range of 15-18% on average and up to 20-25% in unirrigated areas. About 54% of India’s sown area has no access to irrigation. The report is shocking, but is in line with earlier climate warnings --- the 2018 National Economic Survey found a long-term trend of “rising temperatures” and “declining average precipitation” ---- and anecdotal evidence from farmers across the country. This climate impact on agriculture is a cause for worry: the sector accounts for a large share in gross domestic product (16%) and employment (49%). Poor agricultural performance can lead to high inflation, rural distress, and political restiveness, as recent rural agitations and farmer suicides have shown.
Even as the agriculture sector deals with this, it has to work on ways to maximise productivity, returns to farmers, and optimise the use of soil and water. To face this challenge, farms of every type and size have to be “climate smart”. A paper on ‘Climate change and Indian agriculture’ by Arvind Subramanian (Peterson Institute of International Economics), Parth Khare (University of Chicago), and Siddharth Hari (Virginia Tech Department of Economics), published in Ideas for India (IFI) outlines three policy interventions. The first is to increase irrigation cover. “The central challenge here is that this spread of irrigation needs to take place against the backdrop of diminishing ground water reserves, particularly in parts of north India,” says the authors. Second, increase research in agriculture technology to develop crop varieties and cropping techniques which are more climate-resilient. Third, rationalise subsidies (power and fertiliser) that favour the indiscriminate use of water.
While the authors don’t expand on the second, genomic profiling of Indian millet varieties such as finger millet, pearl millet and sorghum suggest that they are climate-smart crops ideal for environments prone to drought and extreme heat. The growing of climate-resilient crops needs to be encouraged, instead of providing state support for water-guzzling crops. There should also be better linkages between scientists and farmers. The latter need improved techniques to conserve soil moisture, appropriate seeds and farm inputs, and also access to short-term climate information such as weather advisories. Farmers must also have better access and control over water resources. Finally, long-term climate information must be incorporated into decision making.
Source: Hindustan Times, 19/11/2018

Research scholars rally for better grants


#HikeResearchFellowship gains momentum; TIFR scientists start signature campaign; to hold protest

A restrained social media campaign is calling out some eminent educational institutes for inadequate grants to research fellows. Under #HikeResearchFellowship, hundreds of students from the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research (TIFR), the Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS) and the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) have been tweeting to the Ministry of Human Resource Development, Department of Science and Technology and University Grants Commission (UGC). Taking a leaf from this nationwide campaign, some TIFR researchers started a signature campaign last week and charted out their demands that include hike and uniformity in grants and an end to ‘fund cuts’ in research. “The last time the grants were hiked was in 2014. We were told that the grants would be revised once in four years but that hasn’t happened. So we have started a signature campaign within the institute to bring the matter to the attention of the administration,” said Dibyasankar Das, a second-year PhD scholar at TIFR and one of the campaigners. The demands will be presented to the TIFR director following a demonstration early next week outside the campus in Colaba. As per UGC norms, a Junior Research Fellow earns a stipend of Rs 25,000 a month and a Senior Research Fellow gets Rs 28,000 – both released from any of the national funding agencies. However, the salary for ‘scientific assistant’ grade employees (with a BSc degree) is Rs 45,000 at these institutes. For S R Laskar, a fifth-year PhD scholar at TIFR, a stipend of Rs 28,000 was not enough to care for his ailing father back in West Bengal. “My father had Parkinson’s disease and was paralysed. Sometimes I had to buy medicines worth thousands of rupees in a month. There was barely anything left for me,” said Laskar, adding that at times he was forced to cut back on his meals and borrow from friends. Since his father’s death in September, he has been supporting his family. When a signature campaign demanding a hike in the fellowship grants began, Laskar was one of the first to sign up. Rohini Karandikar, a PhD scholar from Homi Bhabha Centre for Science Education in Govandi, became part of the campaign after she heard of the protest by research scholars at the Indian Institute of Science Education and Research in Pune last month. She told Mirror, “There is no incentive to engage in research, given the pay is so low. Our peers, who take up jobs, are paid much better and their salaries grow by the year. Meanwhile, we struggle to make ends meet. Many drop out midway because of this pressure.” Mohammed Usman, a second-year MPhil student at TISS, has not been able to pay his fees for the past two semesters; fee for each semester is about Rs 50,000. The first generation learner from Muzaffarnagar in Uttar Pradesh, Usman has therefore decided not to pursue PhD and instead take up a job. “I am eligible for the Maulana Azad National Fellowship for Minority Students but haven’t received the grant in a year now; this totals to Rs 3 lakh. I haven’t told my parents about my financial situation yet,” said the 27-year-old. TIFR director Sandip Trivedi agreed that stipend for researchers needed revision. Speaking to Mirror, he said, “The salaries of government employees and scientific staff have been revised after the seventh pay commission but there hasn’t been a corresponding revision in the stipend of scholars and post-doctoral students. The institute is aware of the situation and is taking necessary steps to address the matte

Source: Mumbai Mirror, 20/11/2018

A Sense of Self


If one lacks motivation, drive or will power, suffers from an inferiority complex or a sense of guilt, is unable to assess one’s strength and weakness or has digestive problem, there is the possibility that one’s Manipura chakra is not functioning properly. Manipura, the ‘jewel-city’ chakra, also called the navel or power chakra, corresponds to the solar plexus, and is the seat of individuality at all levels of being: physical, etheric, astral, mental and causal. It is pervaded by samana vayu, equalising breath, that lies between prana vayu in the chest and apana vayu in the pelvis. Manipura chakra is represented as a downward-pointing red triangle inside a circle, surrounded by 10 petals emblematic of the 10 forms of prana that pervade the body. The simplest way to balance the navel point is to lie down on the stomach, putting a rolled piece of cloth under the navel, and relax for 5-10 minutes. Another method is to sit and press the navel with fingertips of both hands, for a few minutes, and breathe slowly. Both these exercises should be done on an empty stomach. Yogasanas like standing pose, twisting pose, forward-bend pose and back-bend pose are useful in managing loss of appetite, diabetes, obesity or metabolic syndrome, caused by the slow functioning of Manipura chakra. Aerobic exercises, horse-riding, sit-ups, games and physical activities also boost its functioning. An empowered and balanced Manipura chakra promotes physical and mental stamina, lights up the spirit, and helps one to rediscover oneself.

Source: Economic Times, 20/11/2018

‘40% of kids from migrant families don’t go to school’


More Likely To End Up Working, Getting Exploited: Unesco

Eighty per cent of migrant children across seven Indian cities did not have access to education near worksites even as 40% of children from seasonal migrant households are likely to end up working rather than being in school, facing exploitation and abuse, according to the Unesco’s 2019 Global Education Monitoring (GEM) report. In the period between 2001 and 2011, inter-state migration rates doubled in India. Further, an estimated 9 million people migrated between states annually from 2011 to 2016. But many people are also moving for seasonal work. In 2013, 10.7 million children aged between 6 and 14 lived in rural households with a family member who was a seasonal worker. This is particularly common within the construction industry. A survey of 3,000 brick kiln workers in Punjab found that 60% of kiln workers were interstate migrants. The Unesco report also urges policy makers to strengthen public education for rural migrant children living in slums. The report shows that the scale of seasonal migration has a significant impact on education. Among youth aged 15 to 19 who have grown up in a rural household with a seasonal migrant, 28% identified as illiterate or had an incomplete primary education. India, along with China, is home to some of the world’s largest internal population movements and the report highlights the steps India has taken to address it and challenges that remain. The report will be released on Tuesday. While warning of the negative impact on education for children who are left behind as their parents migrate, the report acknowledges the initiatives that India has taken to respond to the migrants’ education needs. The Right to Education Act in 2009 made it mandatory for local authorities to admit migrant children. National-level guidelines were issued, allowing for flexible admission of children, providing transport and volunteers to support with mobile education, create seasonal hostels and aiming to improve coordination between sending and receiving districts and states. The report also notes how Indian states have responded to the issue. Gujarat introduced seasonal boarding schools to provide migrant children with education and collaborated with NGOs to begin online tracking of the children on the move. In Maharashtra, village authorities called upon volunteers to provide after-school psychosocial support to children who had been left behind by migrating parents. Tamil Nadu provides textbooks in other languages to migrant children. Odisha assumed responsibility of seasonal hostels run by NGOs and works with Andhra Pradesh to improve migrant well-being. However, challenges remain. The report notes that most interventions are focused on keeping children in home communities instead of actively addressing the challenges faced by those who are already on the move. Furthermore, not all initiatives are successful. Manos Antoninis, director of the report, said: “As the number of people living in and around cities continues to grow, we need to respond to the education needs of those in slums. Without the data,

Source: Times of India, 20/11/2018

Monday, November 19, 2018

Economic and Political Weekly: Table of Contents


Vol. 53, Issue No. 45, 17 Nov, 2018

Editorials

Alternative Standpoint

H T Parekh Finance Column

Commentary

Perspectives

Book Reviews

Special Articles

Discussion

Postscript

From 50 Years Ago

Letters

Current Statistics



A question of writ



The Sabarimala and Asia Bibi cases put the spotlight on how institutions adhere to constitutional principles 

On the streets of India and Pakistan, a frightening message is being sent out: that courts must not rush in where politicians fear to tread. In matters of faith, courts must simply sit on their hands and pray for divine intervention to resolve the petition before them. The public and political responses to Supreme Court judgments in two instances — Sabarimala in India and the Asia Bibi case in Pakistan — bear striking similarities. What is different, however, is the ability of the two states to enforce their writ.
 
Sabarimala is considered to be one of the holiest temples in Hinduism, with one of the largest annual pilgrimages in the world. The faithful believe that the deity’s powers derive from his asceticism, and in particular from his being celibate. Women between the ages of 10 and 50 are barred from participating in the rituals.
The exclusion was given legal sanction by Rule 3(b) of the Kerala Hindu Places of Public Worship (Authorisation of Entry) Rules, 1965. The validity of the rule and other provisions restricting the entry of women was decided by the Supreme Court last month. The Court, by a majority of 4:1, held that the exclusion of women between these ages was violative of the Constitution.

The Sabarimala judgment

Then Chief Justice of India Dipak Misra and Justice A.M. Khanwilkar held that the practice of excluding women did not constitute an “essential religious practice”. Crucially, the judges also relied on Section 3 of the Act mentioned above which stipulates that places of public worship must be open to all sections and classes of Hindus, notwithstanding any custom or usage to the contrary. It was held that Rule 3(b) prohibiting the entry of women was directly contrary to this. A concurring judge, Justice R.F. Nariman, further held that the right of women (in the age bracket in question) to enter Sabarimala was guaranteed under Article 25(1). This provision states that all persons are “equally entitled” to practise religion. According to him, Rule 3 prohibiting the entry of women, was violative of Article 15(1) of the Constitution.
Justice D.Y. Chandrachud, also concurring, emphasised the transformative nature of the Constitution which was designed to bring about a quantum change in the structure of governance. More crucially, it was a founding document, designed to “transform Indian society by remedying centuries of discrimination against Dalits, women and the marginalised”. ‘Morality’ used in Articles 25 and 26, the judge held, referred to constitutional morality which includes the values of justice, liberty, equality and fraternity.
He also held that barring menstruating women from entering the shrine is violative of Article 17 (the constitutional provision prohibiting untouchability). The judge held that the concept of untouchability is grounded in the ideas of ‘purity and pollution’. These same notions form the basis for excluding the entry of menstruating women into religious shrines.
The sole woman judge, Justice Indu Malhotra, who dissented, reasoned, “Issues of deep religious sentiments should not be ordinarily be interfered by the court. The Sabarimala shrine and the deity is protected by Article 25 of the Constitution of India and the religious practices cannot be solely tested on the basis of Article 14... Notions of rationality cannot be invoked in matters of religion... What constitutes essential religious practice is for the religious community to decide, not for the court. India is a diverse country. Constitutional morality would allow all to practise their beliefs. The court should not interfere unless if there is any aggrieved person from that section or religion.”
While the Bharatiya Janata Party has seen the judgment as an attack on the Hindu religion, the Congress too has not lagged behind. Even an “instinctive liberal” such as Shashi Tharoor has said, “abstract notions of constitutional principle also have to pass the test of societal acceptance — all the more so when they are applied to matters of faith... In religious matters, beliefs must prevail; in a pluralistic democracy, legal principles and cultural autonomy must both be respected…”

Asia Bibi case

In 1929, the funeral of a killer, Ilmuddin, took place in Lahore, executed for the murder of Rampal, a publisher, who had published an allegedly unsavoury reference to the life of Prophet Muhammad. Ilmuddin had been buried without funeral prayers as the authorities anticipated further trouble. But some eminent personalities, who included M.D. Taseer, assured the British authorities that there would be no trouble if there was a proper burial with a procession and Islamic prayers. The British relented and at the public mourning, the funeral prayer had to be read thrice before the surging crowds. The upshot of these events was that Section 295A was introduced into the Indian Penal Code to punish a deliberate insult to religious feelings.

Years later, in Zia-ul-Haq’s Pakistan, Sections 295B and 295C were added to the Pakistan Penal Code which criminalised blasphemy against Islam and even made it punishable with death. In 2009, Asia Bibi, a Christian woman, was accused of blasphemy by her neighbours and jailed pending trial. She was sentenced to death in 2010 by a trial court.
Her case became a cause célèbre and Salman Taseer, the Governor of Pakistan’s Punjab province, visited her in prison to express support. This act by Taseer, who was the son of M.D. Taseer who had negotiated Ilmuddin’s burial, did not go down well. So enraged was his bodyguard Mumtaz Qadri, that he assassinated Taseer in 2011. When Qadri was produced in court for trial, he was showered with rose petals by lawyers. He was tried and hanged in 2016, and his funeral attracted a crowd that rivalled the one at Ilmuddin’s.
Last month, the Supreme Court of Pakistan allowed Asia Bibi’s appeal and declared her innocent of the charges. She has now been released and expected to be granted asylum in Europe. Her lawyer has fled Pakistan and the judges now fear for their lives. Pakistan faced the threat of mob violence led by the radical Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan party. Despite Prime Minister Imran Khan’s initial bluster, an agreement has been signed with mob leaders to end the violence.
The Chief Justice of Pakistan, Saqib Nisar, has reportedly defended himself by saying, “No one should have the doubt that the Supreme Court judges are not lovers of Prophet Muhammad... How can we punish someone in the absence of evidence?”

The thread

It is easy to dismiss the Sabarimala and Asia Bibi cases as being unconnected and belonging to different jurisdictions and contexts. But both belong to the same region and trajectory of history. India was built on a secular foundation while Pakistan was built on a majoritarian Muslim agenda. However, both countries profess at least lip service to the rule of law. Years of majoritarianism have brought Pakistan to the point where its institutions have had to defend themselves before doing justice to minorities. India is at a stage, where its majority is seeking to bring its institutions to acquiesce in majoritarian instincts. A majority whose forebears had committed themselves to a magnificent constitutional compact now has elements who seek to regress from those values.
The question is whether the people and the institutions succumb to pressure or adhere to principle. Each individual, regardless of birth ascribed identity, is a minority of one entitled to an individual guarantee of rights protected by the Constitution. It is in the adherence to individual rights that the greater public good rests. Those who sacrifice a little man or woman’s liberty for the security of the many will find neither liberty, nor security.
Let us keep this in mind, as the Supreme Court agrees to hear in open court a review petition against its Sabarima judgment
Source: The Hindu, 15/11/2018

Gender of justice

Gender sensitisation of the judiciary and appointing more female judges is imperative.

Conservative and progressive elements tend to coincide in judicial discourse. The Supreme Court has recently passed certain key judgments to safeguard the rights of women. It abolished triple talaq, upheld women’s autonomy, while declaring the law on adultery unconstitutional, and ruled that the bar on women’s entry to the Sabarimala temple is illegal. But the judiciary has also been a purveyor of sexist notions — at times, perhaps inadvertently. Victim-blaming by the courts lends credence to certain stereotypes, and such responses go on to influence the entire criminal justice system. Last year, for example, the Punjab and Haryana High Court made a few gender-insensitive comments while hearing a rape case involving students of a private university in Sonipat.
In Mahmood Farooqui, the Delhi High Court’s recourse to stereotypes received a lot of flak. The court asserted that it did not want to cast the victim as an ideal “archaic stereotype”. But then it also talked of the “academic proficiency” of the parties involved in the case and averred that a “feeble no” by a woman could mean a “yes”. In a study conducted by researchers of the National Law University, Delhi, 50 rape case judgments of the Supreme Court were analysed to understand how the court tends to perpetuate gendered opinions. The researchers also tried to understand if the court evaluates victims in a stereotypical manner. These include how a rape survivor would or ought to react, what a perpetrator would do after the rape and whether a sexually active victim would make a false rape accusation.
It was observed that judges often have a stereotypical image of a rape victim. The researchers found that the judges betrayed sexist notions of gender roles, showed a tendency to use insensitive language and made comments that undermined the seriousness of the incident. Certain judgments did have sensitive comments that broke gender stereotypes and rape myths. However, such verdicts were very few.
The study revealed that the insensitivity of the judiciary manifests in different ways. At times, the court expects a typical reaction from a woman who has been raped, even though studies indicate that there are no “typical” reactions. In Raja v. State of Karnataka (2016), the Court overturned the conviction of three persons accused of raping a domestic worker in Bengaluru, since it found merit in the defence’s argument that the victim was a prostitute who was falsely accusing the accused. The court observed: “(the victim’s) post-incident conduct and movements are noticeably unusual. Instead of hurrying back home in a distressed, humiliated and a devastated state, she stayed back in and around the place of occurrence, enquired about the same from persons whom she claims to have met in the late hours of night. Her confident movements alone past midnight, in that state, are also out of the ordinary. The medical opinion that she was accustomed to sexual intercourse when admittedly she was living separately from her husband for a year-and-a-half before the incident also has its own implication.”
In Sudhanshu Sekhar v. State of Orissa (2002), the judges did not believe the victim and acquitted the accused by holding, “though the past conduct of the prosecutrix is an irrelevant matter, in the instant case, (the prosecutrix) asserted that she was a virgin until the alleged incident, but the evidence supported by her physical features revealed that she was habituated to sex. All factors cast a serious doubt on the prosecution case”. At times, judges inadvertently undermine the seriousness of a traumatic incident. For example, in Vinod Kumar v State of Kerala (2014), the court overturned the conviction of a married man who was accused of raping a 20-year-old on the pretext of marriage. It then hoped that “his wife would find in herself the fortitude to forgive so that their family may be united again and may rediscover happiness”.
The study came out with four significant findings. First, was a sharp increase in gender insensitive comments in cases where the woman was sexually active. Sexist comments were made in 52.3 per cent of the cases which involved a sexually-active victim. Second, the presence of a female judge on the bench led to a sharp decline in sexist comments. There was no female judge in 44.4 per cent of the cases where the bench made a sexist comment. But only 14.2 percent of the benches with a female judge made a sexist comment. Third, conviction was overturned in 80 per cent of the cases in which the bench made gender insensitive comments. Fourth, gender insensitive comments have declined with significant amendments in law. While all the cases studied prior to 2003 had gender insensitive comments, only 15.1 per cent of the judgments after the 2013 criminal law amendment carried such comments.
Rape victims are subjected to institutional sexism that begins with their treatment by the police, continues through a male-dominated judiciary influenced by notions of victim blaming and ends in the acquittal of many alleged rapists. The solution lies in initiating conversations amongst those who are entrusted with setting the tone of public discourse.
Gender sensitisation of the judiciary and appointing more female judges is imperative.
Source: Indian Express, 19/11/2018