18 TISS students fined 1,000 each for trespassing

 Committee says they disrupted administrative work in March; students say protest was legitimate.



 The Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS), Mumbai, has imposed a fine of Rs 1,000 each on 18 students for forcibly entering the registrar’s office and disrupting administrative work during a protest on March 23- 24 against the institute’s decision to withdraw financial aid to SC/ST students eligible for the Government of India Post-Matric Scholarship Scheme. According to a memorandum issued on Thursday, the institute has found 22 students guilty of trespassing and breach of peace. The memorandum – of which Mirror has a copy – is based on the findings of an independent committee set up in August to look into the students’ roles in ‘violating rules’ of the institute. Of the 22 found guilty, charges against 18 have been found to be ‘serious and even criminal in nature’. The fines collected from the students will go towards Students’ Aid Fund. The rest of the students have been let off with a warning. A massive student protest had rocked all the four TISS campuses – Mumbai, Tuljapur (in Maharashtra), Guwahati and Hyderabad – in February after the institute decided to withdraw financial aid to existing and future SC and ST students eligible for government scholarship. The institute continued to waive the tuition fee but eligible students had to pay the hostel and dining hall charges upfront. Earlier these costs were borne by the institute. However, the institute claimed that there was no reimbursement from the Centre and it was turning out to be a financial burden. With the new policy kicking in, students had to bear the hostel and dining hall costs and later apply to the central government for refund under the Post-Matric Scholarship scheme. The students’ union had demanded that the 2016-18 and 2017-19 batch be exempt from this decision. They had demanded a dialogue with the institute but when the negotiations with the TISS management had failed, they had called for a massive bandh in March. The protesting students had blocked the administrative building, stalled work and boycotted classes. On May 12, the institute had issued show cause notices to 27 students for ‘forcefully trespassing and occupying the office of the registrar’. They were asked to tender an explanation against the show cause notice. In August, an independent committee was set up to look into their role in disrupting the academic decorum of the institute. The committee had found 22 of these students guilty, said sources in the institute. While the institute officials were unavailable for comment, students told this newspaper that the fine was unfair and that the institute was targeting protesting students. “This is hypocrisy on part of the institute. We have been fighting to mobilise aid for students from marginalised communities and now the institute has pitted students against each other,” said Fahad Ahmad, former general secretary of the student union. He, too, has been fined by the institute.

Source: Mumbai Mirror, 30/11/2018

Hinduism and Advaita

Hinduism, for most within its fold, is a way of life. It has no one Pope, no one text, no inflexibly prescriptive ritual, no mandatory congregation, and no one presiding temple. It is for this reason that it has continued to flourish from time immemorial, sanatan and anant, because what is ubiquitous but not constrained by the brittleness of form, is by definition imperishable. But it is precisely for this reason, too, that most Hindus, while practising their faith in their own way, are often largely uninformed about the remarkable philosophical foundation of their religion. If Hindus are adrift from the deep philosophical moorings of the religion they practise, they are deliberately choosing the shell for the great treasure that lies within. When religions are largely reduced to rituals, there is always the danger that the form will become more important then the substance. That, I believe, will be a great disservice to Hinduism itself, and to the great seers and sages and thinkers — to whom the book I have authored, titled ‘Adi Shankaracharya: Hinduism’s Greatest Thinker’ is humbly dedicated — who gave to this sanatan dharma some of the most profound philosophical insights the world has seen. Jagat Guru Adi Shankaracharya was, undoubtedly, one of the greatest minds in Hinduism’s unrelenting quest for the ultimate truth. His short life of but 32 years is as fascinating as the Advaita philosophy that he so meticulously crafted.…

Source: Economic Times, 30/11/2018

1/3 of world’s stunted kids are from India, says report

Also Home To Huge Number Of Wasted & Overweight Kids

India is among the countries accounting for the highest burden of stunted, wasted and overweight children, the new Global Nutrition Report, 2018 reflecting the growing concern around child nutrition in the country. With 46.6 million stunted children, India accounted for nearly one-third of the world’s 150.8 million children who are stunted, the report shows. India is followed by Nigeria (13.9 million) and Pakistan (10.7 million). The three countries together are home to almost half of all stunted children in the world. This is despite the improvement made by India in reducing stunting since 2005-06. According to the latest National Family Health Survey-4 data, India recorded a 10 percentage point decline in stunting from 48% during 2005-06 to 38.4% in 2015-16. Stunting, or low height for age, is caused by long-term insufficient nutrient-intake and frequent infections. Underlining the variation in stunting within the country, the report said India is so diverse from state to state, it is important to understand how and why stunting prevalence differs. “The mapping showed that stunting varies greatly from district to district (12.4% to 65.1%), with 239 of 604 districts having stunting levels above 40%,” it said. India also accounts for the largest number of wasted children with low weight for height. India recorded 25.5 million children who are wasted. This is more significant because percentage of wasted children has increased in India. According to NFHS-4, percentage of wasted children under five years increased from 19.8% in 2005-06 t0 21% in 2015-16. Wasting, usually caused by food shortage or disease, is a strong predictor of mortality among children under five years of age. India figures among the set of countries that have more than a million overweight children. “The figures call for immediate action. Malnutrition is responsible for more illhealth than any other cause,” Corinna Hawkes, co-chair of the report and director of the Centre for Food Policy said.

Source: Times of India, 30/11/2018 

What is savanna principle in Psychology?

This refers to the hypothesis that the human brain is adapted primarily to the conditions in which human ancestors survived once upon a time rather than to the modern age. The term was coined by American evolutionary psychologist Satoshi Kanazawa in an academic article published in 2004 to state that the human brain may be adapted to the time when human ancestors lived in the African savannas. The Savanna principle has been used to explain why a lot of human behaviour in the modern age seems irrational. Since the modern age is relatively recent in evolutionary terms, the human brain may not have evolved sufficiently to deal with the modern environment.

Source: The Hindu, 29/11/2018

Protect indigenous people

Implementation of the various provisions to protect the tribals of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands has been poor

The debates following the recent alleged killing of an American national, John Allen Chau, by the Sentinelese have put the spotlight on the vulnerability of an indigenous community that has lived for thousands of years with little contact with outsiders. The Sentinelese have been more fortunate than the Jarawas, though. The Andaman Trunk Road, among other projects, has cut into the heart of the Jarawa reserve, which has not only disturbed their ecological environment but also changed their lifestyle and dietary habits and endangered them.

There are four ancient Negrito tribal communities in the Andaman Islands (the Great Andamanese, Onge, Jarawa and Sentinelese) and two Mongoloid tribal communities in the Nicobar Islands (the Shompen and Nicobarese). Except the Nicobarese, the populations of the other tribes have reduced drastically over the decades.

From Nehru to now

What has been India’s policy towards these tribals? Jawaharlal Nehru’s Tribal Panchsheel were the guiding principles after Independence to formulate policies for the indigenous communities of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands. Based on them, the Andaman and Nicobar Islands (Protection of Aboriginal Tribes) Regulation (ANPATR), 1956 was promulgated by the President. This Regulation protected the tribals from outside interference, specified the limits of reserved areas and said no land in a reserved area shall be allotted for agricultural purposes or sold or mortgaged to outsiders. Those violating the land rights of the tribals were to be imprisoned for one year, fined Rs. 1,000, or both. Despite this, there continued to be constant interactions between the tribals and settlers/ outsiders.

A policy of non-intervention was also proposed by an expert committee on the directions of the Supreme Court. The committee submitted its report in July 2003. The trigger for this was a 1999 petition that sought to bring the Jarawas into the mainstream. The committee recommended protecting the Jarawas from harmful contact with outsiders, preserving their cultural and social identity, conserving their land and advocated sensitising settlers about the Jarawas.

In 2005, nearly 50 years after it was promulgated, the ANPATR was amended. The term of imprisonment as well as the fine were increased. However, in the years in between, the Andaman Trunk Road had already ensured increased interaction with the tribals. In the case of the Jarawas, this had led to the spread of diseases, sexual exploitation, and begging. Similarly, a policy for protecting the Shompen tribes was released only in 2015. However, in spite of the 2005 amendment, videos of commercial exploitation of the Jarawas in the name of “human safaris” were widely reported in the media. Following this, the government amended the ANPATR yet again in 2012, creating a buffer zone contiguous to the Jarawa tribal reserve where commercial establishments were prohibited, and regulating tourist operators. Despite all these amendments and provisions, there continue to be numerous reports of civilian intrusion into the Jarawa tribal reserve.

International conventions

International policy has changed over the decades. While the Indigenous and Tribal Populations Convention, 1957, of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) insisted on an integrationist approach towards tribal communities, the 1989 convention insisted on a policy of non-intervention, “recognising the aspirations of these peoples to exercise control over their own institutions, ways of life and economic development.” India ratified the 1957 convention but has not ratified the 1989 convention. However, despite not signing it, India tried to tread the path of non-interference.

Therefore it it puzzling that in August the government relaxed the restricted area permit (RAP) for 29 islands in the Andaman and Nicobar, including North Sentinel Island. If the government has decided to ease the restrictions in a phased manner, this could adversely affect the indigenous population in the long run. Such commercialisation of tribal spaces could lead to encroachment of land, as we see in other parts of the country. Considering the significance of the indigenous tribes of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, the government needs to reorient its priorities towards protecting them from outside influence. India needs to sign the 1989 convention of the ILO, and implement its various policies to protect the rights of the indigenous population. It should also make efforts to sensitise settlers and outsiders about them. That Chau was helped in his journey shows a lack of understanding about the Sentinelese. Only concrete efforts can prevent such an incident from happening again.

Venkatanarayanan S. is Assistant Professor, Andaman Law College, Port Blair

Source: The HIndu, 29/11/2018

UPSC Civil Services 2019: Here’s top ranker Nishant Jain’s advice on how to pass the exam

Nishant Jain who had secured rank 13 in UPSC exams, 2014 has some important tips for IAS aspirants.

Union Public Service Commission (UPSC) civil services is considered one of the toughest examinations in India. Lakhs of aspirants appear, out of which, only a few hundred qualify every year. The exam will be conducted in June next year for approximately 780 vacancies.

Here are the excerpts and videos of the interview of IAS officer Nishant Jain , who secured 13th rank in the examination in 2014. In the videos, Meerut’s Jain provides tips to civil services aspirants while talking to Hindustan.

Pankaj/Anuradha: What to study for clearing the civil services exam?

Nishant Jain: You don’t have to read everything. You don’t have to buy hundreds of books because research is not your objective. Your objective is to study smartly to cover the syllabus and crack the exam. Buy one book each for your subjects that are from reputed publishers and authentic writers. You can get a list of good books for each subject on some reputed websites. Also, develop a habit of reading one good newspaper daily and one monthly magazine that are aimed for civil service aspirants.

Pankaj/Anuradha: How much to study for the exam?

Nishant Jain : A maximum of 7 to 8 hours of thorough study is enough. You don’t have to be inside closed doors and read all day. You should go out and chill. Go for a good movie with your friends, listen to music, spend some time with your friends. You need to be stress-free to study effectively.

Pankaj/Anuradha: How to study for the exam?

Nishant Jain : Even though you have good books with you, it is important to make a proper plan to study. Try to interlink the subjects. Every subject is corelated. What you study in geography is somewhere linked to politics, politics is linked to history, history is linked to geography etc. Everything you study has a link with other subjects as well. Linking and studying can make your preparation even better.

Pankaj/Anuradha: How to chose the right optional paper for the exam?

Nishant Jain : Now that you have to chose only one subject as your optional paper, you should chose it wisely. You should chose the subject on which you have good command. However, it is not always necessary to chose the same subject you had in your graduation. If the subject is vast enough, try to look for the subjects that score well. Go through the syllabus, previous five years’ question paper. Also, see if there are good books and content on the subject available before opting for the paper.

Pankaj/Anuradha: Is it wise to prepare for some other exam alongwith civil services exam?

Nishant Jain : There are students who prepare for state services exam along with UPSC. It is always good to have a backup option. State services exam syllabus is somewhat similar to that of UPSC but the state exam syllabus has more questions related to a particular state. It is good to appear for your state exam which can give you a rough idea about your preparation. However, don’t appear for too many examination or it will drain your energy.

Pankaj/Anuradha: Give some tips for writing a good essay

Nishant Jain : Essay writing is a tricky section in which majority of candidates get stuck. Chose the topics you are more familiar with. Make sure your language is good. While giving your opinion about an issue, make sure you frame it properly. Take some time and make bullet points of the important aspects you are going to talk about in your essay. Using some authentic data and quotes of some great scholar can enhance your essay. Use small paragraphs.

Source: Hindustan Times, 28/11/2018

India needs a renewed debate on federalism

In these last four years, the BJP has actively sought to use its dominance in Delhi to re-centralise political discourse and re-assert New Delhi’s power.

The controversy surrounding Governor Satyapal Malik’s decision to dissolve the Jammu and Kashmir assembly — the dubious reasoning offered and the many questions this raised about New Delhi’s role (including Tuesday’s revelations that the decision was made to avoid interference from New Delhi) — raises important questions about the evolving nature of Centre-state relations and the dangers of the Modi government’s deep centrist bias. It also highlights the urgent need for a renewed political debate on federalism and the institutional framework through which Centre-state relations are negotiated.

The BJPs emergence as the dominant single party in 2014 and its subsequent consolidation of political power across India, after decades of coalition governments and regionalisation of politics, marked a turning point in India’s federal trajectory. Since the 1990s, regional political parties began to play a significant role in reshaping India’s federal character. As Yogendra Yadav argued, voters in the 1970s and 1980s voted in the assembly elections as if they were choosing their prime minister; in the 1990s, voters began to vote for the Lok Sabha as if they were choosing their chief minister. With state dynamics dominating national politics, power, too, shifted away from Delhi.

2014 marked the first reversal of this trend. In these past four years, the BJP has actively sought to use its dominance in Delhi to recentralise political discourse and reassert New Delhi’s power. Constitutional authorities, in particular the governor, charged with mediating the federal bargain, have become an important instrument through which this goal of recentralisation is being fulfilled. From Delhi to Arunachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand and now J&K, the office of the governor is being routinely used to impose New Delhi’s political will and encroach on state autonomy.

It isn’t just the BJP. The precedent was set by the Congress, which missed no opportunity to use the office of the governor for political gains. This raises a critical question about India’s federal architecture and its ability to keep New Delhi’s centralising impulses in check. Adopted in the aftermath of Partition, our federal system is designed to have a strong centre or “quasi federal” character where the Centre has wide-ranging powers including the imposition of President’s Rule (PR). While necessary in 1947, this quasi federal character has proved limited in its ability to curtail Central overreach, especially with single party dominant national governments, highlighting the urgency of reform.

The role of the governor, and the relevance of Central powers like Presidents Rule (PR), as they have evolved in contemporary politics, need interrogation and existing mechanisms for representing state interests whether through the Rajya Sabha or the strengthening of the now moribund National Development Council so that they can serve as adequate checks against New Delhi.

Under the Modi government, however, federalism has been challenged not just through the misuse of constitutional offices but also by a subtle brand of administrative governance by the Centre, which risks undermining state autonomy. As this column has repeatedly sought to highlight, aided by political alignment between the Centre and states, administration under Modi has been about bypassing state governments to establish direct lines of communication and control with state administrators. This direct engagement has enabled New Delhi, rather than state governments, to claim credit for welfare schemes and directly promote brand Modi with voters. In fact I would argue that far more than Modi’s social media and PR strategies, it is this centralised governance style that holds the key to sustaining his national appeal in a way that continues to influence (even if the effects are waning) state elections.

Add to this, institutional innovations such as the NITI Aayog and the GST council that now dominate Centre-state deliberations, and India today has a new framework for negotiating Centre-state relations. By design, these institutions are technocratic spaces charged with developing common policy frameworks, best illustrated in the “one nation, one tax slogan”. Missing are platforms for political deliberation. With these innovations, India is moving toward what political scientist Ajay Kumar Singh characterises as “national federalism” where choices are negotiated by Delhi bureaucrats rather than through political accommodation.

The idea of a federal polity that is respectful of India’s myriad differences is intrinsic to the idea of India. With increased political decentralisation, India was ripe to evolve, as Siddaramaiah, the former chief minister of Karnataka, argued,from a “union of states” to a “federation of states”. Instead, these past four years have seen a worrying trend toward centralisation that strikes at the very heart of federal principles. It is now up to India’s motley crew of pragmatic Opposition parties, whose very existence is a tribute to India’s robust federalism, to challenge this centralisation and reassert the federal idea. This ought to be the glue that binds the mahagathbandhan together. Otherwise, India’s democracy is in danger.

Yamini Aiyar is president and chief executive, Centre for Policy Research

Source: Hindustan Times, 28/11/2018