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Tuesday, June 16, 2020

Solar Eclipse 2020 Date, Timings: When and where to watch solar eclipses this year

Solar Eclipse or Surya Grahan 2020 Date, Timings in India: A solar eclipse happens during the New Moon and there are three kinds of such eclipses — total, partial, and annular -- with the addition of a rare hybrid of an annular and a total solar eclipse.

Solar Eclipse 2020 Date: When the Sun, the Moon, and the Earth form a straight line or an almost straight configuration, we witness an eclipse. When the Moon comes between the Sun and Earth, blocking the rays of Sun from directly reaching the planet, a solar eclipse occurs.
Notably, a solar eclipse happens during the New Moon and there are three kinds of such eclipses — total, partial, and annular — with the addition of a rare hybrid of an annular and a total solar eclipse. There will be two solar eclipses this year, the first of which will occur this month and the second one in December.

Solar eclipse June 21, 2020

The first solar eclipse of the year 2020 will happen next week on June 21, 2020. It will be an annular solar eclipse where the Moon will cover the Sun from the centre leaving the outer rim visible, thus creating a ring of fire in the sky. It happens because the Moon is far away from Earth and its relative size is not big enough to entirely cover the Sun.
As per timeanddate.com, the event will be visible in India as well as much of Asia, Africa, the Pacific, the Indian Ocean, and parts of Europe and Australia. The June 21 solar eclipse will start at 9:15 am as per Indian Standard Timing (IST). The full eclipse will start at 10:17 pm and the maximum eclipse will occur at 12:10 in the night. The full eclipse will end at 2:02 pm and the solar eclips

Solar eclipse December 14, 2020

The second and last solar eclipse of the year 2020 will happen on December 14, 2020. It will be a total solar eclipse where the Moon completely blocks the Sun and casts a shadow over the Earth.e will end at 3:04 pm on June 22, 2020.
The celestial event will be visible directly from South America, Pacific, Atlantic, and parts of the Indian Ocean, Antarctica, and Africa. As per timeanddate.com, the solar eclipse will start at 7:03 pm IST, reach the full eclipse by 8:02 pm, and enter the maximum eclipse phase at 9:43 pm. The full eclipse will end at 11:24 pm, following which the partial eclipse will start and end by 12:23 am on December 15, 2020
Source: Indian Express, 16/06/2020

2020 Human Development Report to focus on meeting people’s aspirations in balance with the planet

COVID-19 and its unprecedented effects on human development are a wake-up call to the potential consequences for people’s wellbeing from the relentless pressure we are placing on nature and the planet.
The pandemic has also cast light on how our interconnected societies face vulnerabilities anywhere until threats are addressed everywhere. Moreover, these vulnerabilities are carving deeper cleavages in societies and are set to become ever more worrying in the face of climate change and biodiversity loss.
The 2020 Human Development Report will delve into these issues and focus on how to rekindle our relationship with nature and improve people’s lives today and in the future, in balance with the planet.
“It makes no sense to think of people - and development - as somehow separate from the planet. We are embedded in nature. Neglecting this not only threatens future generations with catastrophic risks but is already blighting the lives of many today,” says Pedro Conceição, Director of the Human Development Report Office at UNDP.
Climate change, biodiversity loss, and land use change point to an unprecedented moment in our 200,000 years as a species and in the 4.6 billion years of the Earth, in which humans have now become a geological force. Some argue that we are living in a new geological epoch, the Anthropocene. These human-led impacts risk our common future and are also already eroding opportunities and destroying the livelihoods of many, threatening to deepen existing inequalities.
”We are better prepared than ever to understand the risks and threats that we confront, but also to act upon them.” says Conceição. “Decisive action is needed now, and it is feasible if we confront the social, economic, and technological challenges that stand in the way of “transforming our world,” as called for in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.”
All too often, development reports focus on nature or on people. This is a false dichotomy in the Anthropocene. With the natural and social sciences, along with the humanities, now collaborating more intensely, new insights are emerging that can inform the public debate and decision making. The 2020 report will draw on these findings, bringing together the latest understanding of planetary systems and analysis of our unequal world within a people-centered human development lens that looks at the fate of people and planet side by side.
The Sustainable Development Goals have already mapped out a future the world aspires to achieve. This report will discuss the steps needed to get there, and how to take them. It will consider the power of shifting social norms and values, the role of science and technology, scaling up the use of nature-based solutions, and shifting market incentives for the allocation of capital and resources.
New metrics to guide decision making will also be unveiled, offering insights into the evolution of ecosystems and their interaction with people.
For regular updates on the 2020 HDR please visit: http://hdr.undp.org/en/towards-hdr-2020

Malik Ambar: The African slave who built Aurangabad and ruined the game for Mughals in the Deccan

The story of Malik Ambar, an African slave turned warrior, is an unusual one. Sold and bought several times by slave dealers during his youth, fate brought him miles away from his home in Ethiopia to India.

Malik Ambar was known by the name of ‘Chapu’ until he fell into the hands of slave dealers. (Source: Wikimedia Commons)
Among several allegorical paintings created by Abu’l Hasan, a chief painter at Emperor Jahangir’s court, is one depicting the Mughal sovereign shooting arrows at the severed head of an Abyssinian slave. Created somewhere in 1620, the painting is a perfect depiction of Jahangir’s furore towards a man considered his arch-nemesis, the one he lambasts as “the ill-starred” and “the black fated” and who, throughout his life, remained a thorn in the flesh for the Empire in the Deccan.
The story of Malik Ambar, an African slave turned warrior, is an unusual one. Sold and bought several times by slave dealers during his youth, fate brought him miles away from his home in Ethiopia to India. In India, not only did Ambar get his freedom back, but he also rose up the social ladder, got an army, vast estates, and founded a city that today goes by the name ‘Aurangabad’.

Sold and resold many times

Born in 1548 in southern Ethiopia’s Khambata region, Ambar is believed to have been associated with the Oromo tribe, an ethnic group that now represents over 35 per cent of the country’s population. He was known by the name of ‘Chapu’ until he fell into the hands of slave dealers. Historians believe either he was captured during a war or was sold into the trade by his poor parents due to poverty.
Soon, the young Abyssinian was paraded with other slaves in markets across the Middle East where he was bought by an Arab. Thereafter, he was bought and resold on several occasions.
Citing a contemporary European source and Persian Chronicles, Historian Richard M Eaton, in his book A Social History of the Deccan, 1300–1761 Eight Indian Lives, writes that Chapu was sold in the Red Sea port of Mocha (in Yemen) for the sum of eighty Dutch guilders. From there, he was taken to Baghdad and “sold to a prominent merchant who, recognising Chapu’s superior intellectual qualities, raised and educated the youth, converted him to Islam, and gave him the name ‘Ambar’.”
In the early 1570s, Ambar was taken to the Deccan as southern India was then called. Here he was purchased by a certain Chengiz Khan. Khan himself was a former slave who had risen to hold the office of Peshwa, or chief minister of the Nizam Shahi sultanate of Ahmadnagar in India.

The rise of the African slave

Ambar was amongst one of a thousand other ‘Habshi’ (a term used to refer to members of various ethnic communities from the Abyssinian highlands) purchased by Khan, when fate brought him to the Deccan.
Eaton notes that the Deccan sultanates were systematically recruiting the Habshis as slaves in the 16th century. They were highly valued for their physical strength and loyalty, and were frequently put to mThe 14th-century Medieval Moroccan scholar and traveller Ibn Battuta in his writings mention that the Habshis were “guarantors of safety” for ships travelling in the Indian Ocean. He notes that the slaves had such a reputation that even if one was on board, the ship would be avoided by pirates.
However, in Deccan society, the slaves did not have a permanent status. Upon the death of their masters, they were usually “set free” and served as per their free will in service of powerful commanders in the Empire. Some even reached such highs that they were soon seen as political game-changers, as it happened in the case of Ambar.ilitary service.
Five years after taking him on, Ambar’s master and patron Chenghiz Khan died, and Ambar was set free. For the next 20 years, he served as a mercenary for the Sultan of neighbouring Bijapur. It is here he was given charge of a small troop and bestowed with the title “Malik”.

‘Ambar’s land’

In 1595, Malik Ambar returned to the Ahmadnagar Sultanate and served under another Habshi lord. This was the time when Mughal Emperor Akbar laid eyes on the Deccan and began a significant military expedition towards Ahmednagar. This was also Akbar’s last expedition before he passed away.
“It was really during the Mughal invasion of Ahmednagar in the late 1590s that Malik Ambar truly came into his own,” historian Manu S Pillai writes in his book Rebel Sultans: The Deccan from Khilji to Shivaji.
“At the time of the first siege, he had less than 150 cavalrymen in his command, and he joined himself to a more established Habshi lord. But as war shred to pieces the nobility, and challenged the loyalties of large numbers of men, within a year Ambar held in his control 3,000 warriors; by 1600, this number rose to almost 7,000, now including Marathas and other Dakhnis – a ‘multiracial, multi-ethnic force that broadly shared a regional identity distinct from the northern Mughals’,” writes Pillai.
In the coming years, Ambar married one of his daughters to a 20-year-old scion of Ahmadnagar’s royal family in neighbouring Bijapur, projecting him as a future ruler of the Nizam Shahi state against the Mughals.
“Cleverly, using muscle when it was needed and trickery when that suited his ends, Ambar emerged as the principal force in what used to be the Ahmednagar state. At the height of his power, it was said that the Nizam Shahi of the western Deccan was simply referred to as ‘Ambar’s land’,” Pillai writes.
Along with the Marathas, Ambar’s feud with the Mughals – now led by Emperor Jahangir – lasted for decades. He was widely known for unleashing guerrilla warfare on the Mughal army.
Eaton’s book mentions that ‘general after general’ were dispatched from Delhi towards the south to beat the Ethiopian, but failed. “The more times he defeated superior Mughal armies, the more men rallied to his side; in 1610, he even managed to expel the Mughals from Ahmednagar fort,” Eaton notes.

Builder of Aurangabad

Apart from being an able fighter, Ambar was also a fine administrator. In 1610, after briefly expelling the Mughals from Ahmednagar, Ambar established a new capital, a city named Khirki (present-day Aurangabad in Maharashtra) for the sultanate.
The city eventually became home to over 2,00,000 people including the Marathas after whom several suburbs such as Malpura, Khelpura, Paraspura, and Vithapura came to be named.
“It was around 1610-11 that Ambar made Khirki his base, and this slowly emerged as a major urban centre, where like Ambar, much of his Maratha nobility and military leadership also built houses and developed localities,” Pillai says in an email interview with Indianexpress.com. “Waterworks and an underground canal were among the early developments he brought about, which is how a lot of cities in the dry Deccan area were able to expand. We see it with Bijapur as well, a few decades before, and this required considerable expertise in engineering and planning.”
In the coming wars, the city along with the Ahmadnagar Sultanate fell to the Mughals. It was under the reign of the 17th-century Mughal monarch, Aurangzeb, that the city came to be renamed as ‘Aurangabad’. “They too added to the city’s infrastructure and allowed the city to grow. This included improving and expanding the waterworks. But in the middle, there were also one or two devastating attacks on the city that ruined much of its beauty, even though it managed to recover and rebuildPillai says Ambar in building a new city in the first place seemed to mark his legacy. “This was, after all, a time of great builders and it would not be surprising that the Habshi warlord also wished to follow in that tradition. He is also supposed to have built both the Jama Masjid and Kali Masjid in Aurangabad, as the city was later named by the Mughals.”
The Abyssinian is also credited with establishing a more efficient land revenue model of the time which was used by the Marathas under Shivaji, whose grandfather (Maloji) was a close aide of Ambar. In years to come, Shivaji in his grand epic poem ‘Sivabharata’ also mentioned Ambar, referring him “as brave as the sun”. itself with time,” says Pillai.
Ambar died in 1626 and was laid to rest in a mausoleum, designed by him in Khuldabad.
Surprisingly, upon his death, Emperor Jahangir’s surrogate diarist, Mutamid Khan made an entry noting: “He had no equal in warfare, in command, in sound judgment, and in administration. History records no other instance of an Abyssinian slave arriving at such eminence.”
Further reading– ‘A History of the Deccan.’ In Sultans of Deccan India: Opulence and Fantasy, 1500–1700,’ by Richard M Eaton; ‘Rebel Sultans: The Deccan from Khilji to Shivaji,’ by Manu S Pillai; A Social History of the Deccan, 1300–1761 Eight Indian Lives by Richard M Eaton

Source: Indian Express, 15/05/2020


Black death: The great plague that killed millions, and feudalism

In Europe though, the catastrophic plague eventually played out to be a boon for some -- the serfs who were legally committed to providing labour to landlords in exchange for allowing them to live and work in their lands.

In autumn of 1347 CE, when a fleet of 12 ships reached the docks of a Sicilian port, people gathered there were horrified to meet with a pile of corpses. Most of the sailors in the ships were brought dead, and those alive were a shocking sight, all covered in boils dripping blood. While the ships were immediately moved out of the harbour, the demon of a disease it brought aboard was there to stay, claiming the lives of nearly one-third of the European population in the next three years.
The ‘Black death’ as it came to be called later, spread out from Italy to most parts of Southern Europe. By 1348 CE, it had reached England, France and Spain, and by1349 CE, it made an appearance in the Scandinavian countries while making its way to more remote countries like Iceland and Greenland. It also hit the great Arab cities of Alexandria, Cairo, and Tunis. The plague caused by Yersinia Pestis, the same bacterium that caused the Justinian Plague in the sixth century, played out as the biggest human tragedy of medieval Europe.
The scholar, Ibn Khaldun, who was a contemporary witness to the plague, wrote of its magnitude: “Civilisations both in the East and West were visited by a destructive plague which devastated nations and caused populations to vanish… the entire inhabited world changed.”
In Europe though, the catastrophic plague eventually played out to be a boon for some — the serfs who were legally committed to providing labour to landlords in exchange for allowing them to live and work in their lands. The impact of the plague was such that it put an end to the feudal system of economy that persisted in Europe for centuries, allowing the serfs to move up the social and economic ladder.

The Silk route origins of the plague

Between the second and fifteenth centuries of the Common Era, a network of land and sea routes connecting the East and West, known as the ‘Silk route’ was the prime source of economic, cultural and religious interactions between communities. The route carried everything from spices to languages, and is believed to have been the one carrying the disastrous plague as well.
The rise in trading activities during the medieval era is known to have been one of the foremost reasons for the widespread impact of the plague. Flea infected rodents travelled along with freight to China, India, the Middle East, and Europe.
“To many Europeans, the pestilence seemed to be the punishment of a wrathful creator,” writes historian John Kelly, in his book ‘The Great Mortality: An Intimate History of the Black Death, the Most Devastating Plague of All Time’. “To many others, the only credible explanation for death on so vIn its most common form, the Bubonic plague showed itself on people when egg-shaped swellings appeared on their bodies. Bruise Like purplish splotches often appeared on the chest, back, or neck, and were referred to as ‘God’s tokens’. These tokens became inspiration for the popular children’s rhyme that remains common till today- ‘Ring around the rosie, pocket full of posies, ashes, ashes (hemorrhages), we all fall down’. A stench from the body and delirium were other symptoms associated with the disease.
The 14th century Italian chronicler, Agnolo di Tura, wrote what he saw of the plague. “And the victims died almost immediately. They would swell beneath the armpits and in their groins, and fall over while talking… And in many places in Siena great pits were dug and piled deep with the multitude of dead.”
Extremes of human behaviour resulted. While on one hand there were those who blamed and murdered Jews for the outbreak of the disease, there were also those who put their lives at stake to take care of the plague victims.
Close to 25 million people are believed to have been wiped out by the early 1350s, which was approximately one-third of the European continent. The plague lingered on for centuries, manifesting itself in recurrent outbreaks. One of the measures adopted for checking its spread was to hold arriving sailors on their ships for 30 or 40 days before allowing them to move around- the practise which was the origin of the term ‘quarantine’.

A boon to the serfs

The strongest impact of the plague though was in the way it overturned the economic structure prevalent in Europe. Europe in the 14th century was a feudal society, with the king at the apex, and peasant labourers at the lowest rung of the social ladder. In the middle were the landlords, on whose land the peasants were given the right to live and work. In return the peasants were expected to pay part of their harvest produce to the landlords as rent. It meant that the landlords could survive on the service and produce of the peasants, while for the latter it resulted in never-ending cycles of unpaid work and no hope to rise up the social ladder.ast a scale was human malfeasance,” he adds.
The drastic reduction in the population of the continent after the plague resulted in dire shortage of labourers to work the lands. The economic historian Walter Scheidel notes in his book: “Such a shortage of labourers ensued that the humble turned up their noses at employment, and could scarcely be persuaded to serve the eminent for triple wages.”
The unprecedented sharp rise in wages became a cause of worry to the landlords who requested the monarchy to intervene. In June 1349, the Crown in England passed the Ordinance of Labourers, mandating that all those who do not own lands and are not involved in trade practices be obliged to take up employment offered and accept wages as applicable five or six years ago. The Ordinance also prohibited any landlord from offering higher wages.
Despite the order though, wages continued to show an upward trend, resulting in the Crown passing a second ordinance in 1351.
Each of these measures failed to contain the new found economic freedom of the serfs. The contemporary ecclesiastical historian, Henry Knighton wrote of the situation in his chronicles: “The workers were so above themselves and so bloody-minded that they took no notice of the king’s command. If anyone wished to hire them, he had to submit to their demands, for either his fruit and standing corn would be lost or he had to pander to the arrogance and greed of the worker.”
“For all its severity, the initial wave of the Black Death alone would not have been sufficient to cause urban real wages to double and to sustain this increase for several generations,” writes Scheidel. He goes on to note repeated plague visitations well into the late medieval period, ensuring that wages remained high. There were about 15 in England alone between the 1370s and 1480s, 15 in the Netherlands between 1360 and 1494, and 14 in Spain between 1391 and 1457.
Consequently, feudalism in Europe came to an end by the 15th century. As Scheidel rightly described in his work: “Society experienced a wholesale reversal of the earlier trend that had made the landlord class stronger and richer and most people poorer: now it was the other way around.”
Further reading- ‘The Great Leveler: Violence and the History of Inequality from the Stone Age to the Twenty-First Century’, by Walter Scheidel; The Great Mortality: An Intimate History of the Black Death, the Most Devastating Plague of All Time; by John Kelly; In the wake of the Plague: The Black Death and the world it made, by Norman F. Cantor.
Source: Indian Express, 8/05/2020

Friday, June 12, 2020

Quote of the Day


“Adopt the pace of nature: her secret is patience.”
‐ Ralph Waldo Emerson
“प्रकृति की गति अपनाएं: उसका रहस्य है धीरज।”
‐ राल्फ वाल्डो इमर्सन

Living a virtual life in real time, courtesy corona

How happy they are with their virtual classes but they miss their friends terribly and evenings turn into drama parties for parents to handle

The past month has seen the social media content policy debate flare up to dizzying heights. At the centre of the controversy is United States (US) President Donald Trump, who suggested on Twitter that implementing mail-in ballot voting for the presidential election would rig the US elections this November. The underlying tensions he is facing are clear — many people who would likely use mail-in ballots to vote in the presidential election would likely favour Democrats. So he claimed, rather falsely, that mail-ins are “substantially fraudulent”.
Twitter’s response was forceful. The offence was clear: Trump’s tweet constituted harmful and politically-charged misinformation about voting, which is the most sanctified process in any democracy. For the first time, Twitter flagged a Trump tweet as potentially misleading — a bold act against a sitting president.
Trump hit back at the company. Within days, he issued an executive order that attempts to wrangle content moderation authority away from the industry and into the hands of the government. The presidential order is, according to most legal scholars, lazy and desperate. But it is perhaps one of the most legally challengeable policies in that it attempts to enforce overstepping the longstanding Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, which grants immunity to Internet firms, including social media networks, over user-generated content that appears on the platform.
Refreshingly, Twitter did not back down. The next day, the company flagged yet another one of Trump’s tweets for inciting violence, this time on the George Floyd protests. Since then, Trump has raised the stakes, lashing out at Antifa (the anti-fascist movement who he blames for the protests) and describing the protesters as anarchists. This is significant as the company has essentially now asserted that he has both disseminated disinformation and incited violence.
If we were to judge Twitter’s actions, we have to say that the company has chosen to favour democratic interest over all else. Juxtapose Twitter’s response with the approach Facebook has taken — with chief executive Mark Zuckerberg suggesting that he does not wish to be the arbiter of truth. It now emerges that these two companies represent diametrically opposite forces. The employee walkouts and viral resignations in protest of Facebook’s shoulder-shrugging at Trump’s tweets are illustrative.
As many have argued, Facebook’s notion of protecting free speech is not protective at all. In fact, the policies espoused by Zuckerberg in Georgetown late last year are entirely in his firm’s commercial interest. It is quite possible that they have nothing to do with protecting users’ freedom of speech. In deciding not to flag or take down offensive content, Facebook protects its business. The company can leave offensive material, which is often among the most engaging content. This makes sure that it does not avoid alienating large constituencies that might see the president’s tweets favourably; and doesn’t voluntarily trigger the slippery slope of content regulation by setting policy boundaries itself.
At the heart of these issues is a fundamental tension: What does democracy mean when practised over digital platforms? Both Indian and western democratic systems have always had two fundamentally opposed ideals in institutionalism versus free speech. On the one hand, we have created institutional structures such as the government, the political system, and the radically capitalistic economic regime to build an intellectually free and open society. Over time, though, institutions may grow to enjoy excess power and germinate overbearing economic and social exploitation; we require individual intellectual independence — through freedom of expression — to push back on the undue concentration of power.
ndeed, free speech has always been applied to challenge governments and industries. But the commercial regime underlying the likes of Facebook, YouTube and Twitter has turned this checks-and-balance system internalised within functioning democracies upside down. Before the modern media age, citizens were naturally forced to be accountable for their speech — whether in print media, television, or public protest formats. Without the courage to publicly back your words, you couldn’t say them. Now, though, a new kind of economic logic has emerged that favours the algorithmic maximisation of consumer-media engagement at the expense of everything else. Such effects often favour the virality of extreme content because of its propensity to engage the mind. Thus, while Zuckerberg and his company hold to an even-harder free speech line, we must acknowledge that the norms of free speech themselves have been revolutionised by Facebook itself.
Inevitably, Trump’s clash with Twitter will place more pressure on policymakers, particularly members of Congress, to change the way content regulation works. Trump’s actions clarify that we need to set standards on speech issues so that our democratic norms do not topple. The light at the end of the tunnel is emerging in the effort to reconstruct Section 230. This is a growing sentiment, including with both the President and his Democratic opponent Joe Biden. As this discussion progresses, Facebook will increasingly be seen as a media entity as opposed to agnostic global platforms — just fruits, perhaps, for a company that ranks and orders users’ online news and social feeds to determine what they see.
When seen in this light, Twitter chief executive Jack Dorsey and his company, who have been far more proactive and progressive than Zuckerberg and Facebook, should receive high praise. Dorsey is telegraphing the actions of policymakers, projecting that there are elements of the democratic process that we should do our best to protect. This explains several of his and Twitter’s recent actions — the ban on political advertising, the statements against the marketised micro-targeting of communities with political communications, and this bevy of battles with President Trump included.
We can only hope, in our desire to preserve the structure of democracy as best as possible, that the other dominant digital platforms will follow suit.
Dipayan Ghosh is the co-director of the Digital Platforms & Democracy Project, Harvard. He worked at Facebook, and was also an economic adviser in the Obama White House. He is author of the forthcoming book:Terms of Disservice: How Silicon Valley is Destructive by Design

Source: Hindustan Times, 11/06/2020

Economic & Political Weekly: Table of Contents


Vol. 55, Issue No. 23, 06 Jun, 2020

Editorials

From the Editor's Desk

From 50 Years Ago

Alternative Standpoint

Commentary

Book Reviews

Perspectives

Special Articles

Engage Articles

Current Statistics

Appointments/Programmes/Announcements

Letters