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Friday, September 04, 2020

Sociological Bulletin: Volume 69 Issue 2, August 2020: Table of Contents

 

Articles

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First Published May 22, 2020; pp. 141–157
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First Published June 3, 2020; pp. 158–173
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First Published June 12, 2020; pp. 174–190
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First Published June 12, 2020; pp. 191–214
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First Published July 1, 2020; pp. 215–233
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First Published June 1, 2020; pp. 234–251
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First Published May 19, 2020; pp. 252–269
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First Published June 3, 2020; pp. 270–286

Book Reviews

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First Published May 7, 2020; pp. 287–289
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First Published May 19, 2020; pp. 289–291
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First Published May 7, 2020; pp. 291–293
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First Published May 7, 2020; pp. 293–295
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First Published June 6, 2020; pp. 295–297
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First Published May 19, 2020; pp. 297–299
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First Published May 19, 2020; pp. 299–301
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First Published May 19, 2020; pp. 301–303
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First Published May 19, 2020; pp. 303–305

The farce of Naga framework agreement

 

Trust deficit between the NSCN(I-M) and the Centre may cause breakdown of agreement and revival of insurgency in the region.


Five years back, the Framework Agreement was signed between the Government of India and the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isaac-Muivah) amidst great fanfare. This was done in the presence of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and General Secretary of the NSCN (I-M) Thuingaleng Muivah with R N Ravi, the interlocutor signing the agreement on behalf of the Union government. It was hailed as a “historic” agreement for ushering in an era of peace and tranquility in a region that had been rocked by violence for nearly five decades.

The reason for the haste in chalking out a Framework Agreement and rushing through it was the deteriorating health of Isak Chishi Swu, who was under treatment in a hospital in New Delhi. Unfortunately, Swu could not attend the event of signing of the agreement due to ill health. He died on June 28, 2016.

The peace talks were to be given a final touch for implementation this year, but things took a different turn when the interlocutor Ravi, who also happens to be the governor of Nagaland, took a jibe at the NSCN(I-M) ranks in June this year calling them “armed gangs” that are challenging the legitimacy of the state government. To add salt to the wound, he ordered that all government employees disclose the names of their relatives who are members of underground outfits, triggering anger among the Nagas. The die was finally cast when the governor in his Independence day address attacked the state government, in which the BJP is a partner, stating that “it has the dubious distinction of the worst performing state in the country, including the North-east region, on almost all significant indicators of human development”. He added that there was mayhem and miscarriage of dreams and expectations of the people of Nagaland, which was “unendurable and unacceptable”.

What has complicated the situation is the subtle manipulation of the Framework Agreement by the interlocutor, which had been kept under wraps since it was signed on August 3, 2015. In one particular paragraph of the agreement where it is stated, “that dialogue between the Government of India and the NSCN has successfully concluded and we are confident it will provide for an enduring inclusive new relationship of peaceful co-existence of two entities”, the word new has been removed thereby altering the meaning of the agreement itself. This has irked the leaders of NSCN(I-M). They no longer trust Ravi, and have demanded that he be replaced as interlocutor.

Meanwhile, since Muivah was already in New Delhi for his health-related treatment, it was expected that a final agreement would be arrived at before Independence day. But with the relationship souring between NSCN(I-M) and the interlocutor, any further talks became impossible. The Prime Minister’s office intervened and directed the Director of Intelligence Bureau, Arvind Kumar and the Special Director, Akshay Kumar Mishra to carry the talks further.

For reasons best known to the government and the NSCN(I-M), the Framework Agreement was veiled in secrecy for the last five years. It was only when the tampering in the agreement was noticed, did the NSCN (I-M) decide to bring it out of the closet and disclose to the world.

The three factors that are stalling the agreement are the Constitution, the flag and the amalgamation of certain areas of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam and Manipur adjoining Nagaland to form a greater Nagalim. In their initial demands, parts of Myanmar were also insisted upon to be merged with Nagalim — an impossibility. In his Independence day address to the people of Nagaland on August 14 last, Muivah briefly traced the history of Naga movement and stated that “the Framework Agreement recognises the sovereignty of Nagas”. He further stated in unambiguous terms that “the Nagas will co-exist with India sharing sovereign powers as agreed… But they will not merge with India.”

The flag and the constitution are important for the final agreement. The Nagas have their own flag and constitution and it is up to the government to recognise these as they are “the symbols of Naga nationhood,” according to Muivah. With the abrogation of Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir divesting the state of its constitution and flag, the task for the Centre has turned difficult. Nagaland too enjoys the special privileges like Kashmir under Article 371(A).

The fact that representatives of Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur were invited to attend the talks serves as an indicator to the fact that the Nagalim factor too is to be discussed as these states would be affected if territories within their boundaries are to merge with Nagaland. Fortunately, with the NDA government at the Centre and its appendage, the North East Democratic Alliance (NEDA), in the affected Northeastern states, the Centre may exert some pressure on these governments. However, it may cause an upheaval among the denizens of the affected states. How this issue will be sorted out needs to be seen.

With these three crucial demands of the NSCN(I-M) being so complex and affecting other states, one is bound to question as to how the Framework Agreement was drafted without taking the affected states on board. Article 370 could not have been ignored while arriving at an agreement with NSCN(I-M). Was it for this reason that the agreement was kept under wraps for the last five years in a bid to bide time so that the NSCN(I-M) stalwarts could mellow down and subsequently agree to the Centre? Tampering with the Framework Agreement has further complicated the issue leading to a trust deficit.

Breakdown of the final agreement may lead to return of insurgency not just in Nagaland but in the adjoining states too, as NSCN(I-M) has been playing a lead role in keeping the insurgency pot boiling in that part of the country. All other insurgent groups look up to NSCN(I-M) as a big brother for carrying on with their nefarious activities. The Chinese too are looking out for opportunities to jump into the fray. We need to be on the guard.

The writer retired as Inspector General of Police, CRPF

Source: Indian Express, 3/09/20

Thursday, September 03, 2020

Quote of the Day September 3, 2020

 “To have great poets, there must be great audiences.”

‐ Walt Whitman, poet (1819-1892)

“महान कवि हों, इसके लिए ज़रूरी है कि अच्छी श्रोता भी हों।”

‐ वाल्ट व्हिट्मेन, कवि (1819-1892)

What is Mission Karmayogi?

 Dubbed as the biggest bureaucratic reform initiative, the Union Cabinet Wednesday approved ‘Mission Karmayogi’, a new capacity-building scheme for civil servants aimed at upgrading the post-recruitment training mechanism of the officers and employees at all levels.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi said this exercise will “radically” improve the government’s human resource management practices and asserted it will use state-of-the-art infrastructure to augment the capacity of civil servants.

Announcing the scheme, Union Minister Prakash Javadekar said officers and employees in the government will get an opportunity to improve their performance under the Mission Karmayogi. “Mission Karmayogi aims to prepare Indian civil servants for the future by making them more creative, constructive, imaginative, innovative, proactive, professional, progressive, energetic, enabling, transparent and technology-enabled,” he said.

How will Mission Karmayogi unfold?

Mission Karmayogi programme will be delivered by setting up a digital platform called iGOTKarmayogi. Empowered with specific role-competencies, a civil servant will be able to ensure efficient service delivery of the highest quality standards, the government said.

The platform will act as a launchpad for the National Programme for Civil Services Capacity Building (NPCSCB), which will enable a comprehensive reform of the capacity building apparatus at the individual, institutional and process levels.

NPCSCB will be governed by the Prime Minister’s Human Resource Council, which will also include state Chief Ministers, Union Cabinet ministers and experts. This council will approve and review civil service capacity building programmes.

Besides this, there will be a Cabinet Secretary Coordination Unit comprising of select secretaries and cadre controlling authorities.

Also, there will be a Capacity Building Commission, which will include experts in related fields and global professionals. This commission will prepare and monitor annual capacity building plans and audit human resources available in the government.

Finally, there will be a wholly-owned Special Purpose Vehicle (SPV), which will govern the iGOT-Karmayogi platform. It will be set up under Section 8 of the Companies Act, 2013.

The SPV will be a “not-for-profit” company and will own and manage iGOT-Karmayogi platform. The SPV will create and operationalise the content, market place and manage key business services of iGOT-Karmayogi platform, relating to content validation, independent proctored assessments and telemetry data availability. The SPV will own all Intellectual Property Rights on behalf of the Government of India.

How will it be funded?

To cover around 46 lakh central employees, a sum of Rs 510.86 crore will be spent over a period of 5 years from 2020-21 to 2024-25. The expenditure is partly funded by multilateral assistance to the tune of $50 million.

Besides the setting up of the SPV, an appropriate monitoring and evaluation framework will also be put in place for performance evaluation of all users of the iGOT-Karmayogi platform so as to generate a dashboard view of Key Performance Indicators.

Source: Indian Express, 3/09/20

Digital India’ is not prepared for digital education

 

Transition from teacher-class based teaching to digital-education will need multi-pronged efforts over time. For parents, students, teachers and institutions, investment and infrastructure are needed.


Education is empowering and redefining. For hundreds of millions of the young in India, education is also about discipline, development, curiosity, creativity and a path to breaking the cycle of ignorance and poverty leading to employment and prosperity. I know this because as a poor kid from a tribal village in Odisha, I was lucky enough to get a Masters in Physics in 1964 in India for just over $10 in fees. Where else in the world can you do that? Having studied Physics in India and Electrical Engineering in the US, I acquired a new caste — an engineer — and helped lift my entire family of five sisters and three brothers to college education, enlightenment and lifelong prosperity. This is the dream of many young students in India.

As the government announced the New Education Policy 2020, I was heartened to see education at the forefront of the national agenda. Today, the growing aspirations of children and parents in India are reflected in an increasing demand for education, which has far exceeded the supply. We at the National Knowledge Commission (NKC) (2004-2009) brought the idea of educational transformation for 21st-century needs into the mainstream thinking of the government, with an emphasis on expansion, excellence, and equity. The recommendations of the Commission impacted the education sector through far-reaching initiatives of the UPA government on multiple fronts leading to almost 900 universities, many new IITs and IIMs, increased funding for education in the 11th Five-Year Plan and the Right to Education Bill. NEP 2020 as a statement of intent has much in it that is positive. The challenge, as always, is in the details and in delivering on promises.

For instance, allocating 6 per cent of GDP on education spending is needed and welcome. But how and when? In 2020-2021, the government spent only 3.2 per cent of GDP on education, down from 4.14 per cent in 2014-2015. The government that reduced education spending by 25 per cent in good times is going to double it in bad times? Please show how this is possible before promising a pie in the sky.

The COVID crisis has shown that hoping for the best does not help. We must plan for the worst and hope for the best. The migrant labour crisis was a recent example of our inability to execute.

Education is in crisis at the moment. Most probably, schools and colleges campuses will be closed through 2020 due to an increasing number of COVID cases. This could even extend to 2021.

Can we ensure the safety and security of our students, teachers and staff? How do we discipline students? How can we protect older teachers? Will testing be available at every school and college? How do we redesign classrooms? Do we have supplies for the schools? Can we afford to pay teachers without students? Can parents afford to pay fees without work? There are many unanswered questions.

Our answer to the education crisis during the pandemic has been to offer online education. However, there are serious issues related to access, devices, content, curation, teachers, training, testing, exams, grades, funding, facilities, salaries, parents and fees. It is estimated that only about 25 per cent of Indian households have an internet facility. For rural households, that number drops to 15 per cent. The worst affected, as always, will be the marginalised, rural and poor populations.

Digital education is not about videos of lectures on blackboards by teachers on the internet. It is about appropriate platforms, technology, tools, interactivity, curation, content and a lot more. We are completely underprepared. Government schools and colleges do not have the resources to provide digital education. Private schools and colleges are no different. However, they all want parents to pay full fees to be able to pay their staff and maintain facilities. The financial model for education is falling apart everywhere during this pandemic. In India, the situation is even more complex because of the lack of a proper policy on digital education, infrastructure and multiple languages.

There are many other challenges for the parents beside fees for services which schools and colleges are not equipped to provide. Who will assure uninterrupted broadband connectivity for several hours a day? Who will pay for the data? Is there adequate space and peace at home for students to concentrate? What happens when the power goes out? How to train kids at home to follow digital discipline? These are huge problems for working parents and poor people in slums and rural areas.

At the end of the day, education is about motivation, time and content. If you are motivated and willing to spend the required time to learn, there is enough content by global experts on the internet. The challenge is curation and mentoring. Unfortunately, teachers are trained to teach and not mentor. Digital education requires flipped classrooms where you do exactly the opposite of what you do today. As opposed to listening to lectures by teachers in classes, you listen to lectures at home. Similarly, as opposed to doing homework at home you do homework with others in the classrooms. All of this requires a new mindset and framework.

In the past, we took two bold initiatives to help digital education in the future: NOFN — National Optical Fibre Network (Now called Bharat Network) to connect all 2,50,000 panchayats at the cost of over Rs 40,000 crore and the National Knowledge Network (NKN). The NOFN is still not completely operational, after almost eight years. However, it has reached many rural areas telecom operators did not want to serve due to lack of profitability. The Universal Service Obligation (USO) fund was used to build NOFN.

NOFN was planned as a part of the National Information Infrastructure (NII) to enable the free flow of information to all. Education and health were the first services that were planned to be rolled out. It was conceptualised as a bulk broadband common infrastructure for the country. Overlaying education and health services up to panchayats and villages was an important component of the strategy.

The NKN was established as a high bandwidth, low latency network to connect all knowledge-creating organisations comprising IITs, IIMs, universities, research labs and other e-governance institutions up to the district level. It was aimed at encouraging collaborative development and building a repository of knowledge in all fields. This network exists and is fully functional. But only a few institutions take full advantage of it because of a lack of understanding, local facilities, funding and technical expertise. The new policy makes no mention of leveraging this network effectively. In fact, the government’s entire e-Gov programme works on the backbone of NKN.

The driving force behind NOFN and NKN was to build an IT-based teaching system, which could address the shortage of teachers — more so of quality teachers — and school infrastructure at the bottom of the economic pyramid. For this, free 100 Mbps to 1Gbps bandwidth was planned at each panchayat.

The NKC also experimented on the use of IT in panchayat schools. It was realised that the present teacher-centric education and IT-based teaching were not in sync because of the old mindset and vested interests. The transition from teacher-class based teaching to digital-education will need multipronged efforts over time.

I understand that NKN is being expanded soon, which is a positive step. There is, however, an urgent need to relook at the NOFN (BBNL) and make it a core component of the Digital India initiative and leverage it to provide e-services at the bottom of the economic pyramid. It is time to use NOFN and NKN to connect all our schools and improve the digital education ecosystem.

All of this will take a long time and substantial resources. The key question at this time is: Why should parents pay fees when the education system is not prepared to deliver the required services? People will and should pay only when services are delivered to their satisfaction. In the process, children are at home, waiting to get the real education they need to succeed. This is a drain on national resources. The long-term implications of this crisis will be felt in the workforce in the future.

“Digital India” is not prepared for digital education.

This article first appeared in the print edition on September 3, 2020 under the title ‘The digital over-promise’. The writer is former chairman of the National Knowledge Commission and the National Innovation Council


Source: Indian Express, 3/09/20

Tuesday, September 01, 2020

Quote of the Day September 1, 2020

 “Confidence comes not from always being right but not fearing to be wrong.”

‐ Anonymous

“आत्मविश्वास हमेशा सही होने से नहीं आता, बल्कि गलत होने का डर न होने से आता है।”

‐ अज्ञात

Economic & Political Weekly: Table of Contents

 

Vol. 55, Issue No. 35, 29 Aug, 2020

Editorials

From the Editor's Desk

Strategic Affairs

Commentary

Book Reviews

Perspectives

Special Articles

Document

Current Statistics

Postscript

Appointments/Programmes/Announcements

From 50 Years Ago

Letters