Sociological Bulletin: Volume 69 Issue 2, August 2020: Table of Contents

 

Articles

Contested Borders and Borderlands in Northeast India: (IL)Legitimate Claims of Naga Identity Assertion Kedilezo Kikhi, Daveirou Lanamai First Published May 22, 2020; pp. 141–157 Abstract Preview

Jeevika, Women and Rural Bihar: Cultural Impact of a Development Intervention Ashok Pankaj First Published June 3, 2020; pp. 158–173 Abstract Preview

Recast(e)ing Scientific Temper in a Democracy: The Eccentricities of Ambedkarian Science Subhasis Sahoo First Published June 12, 2020; pp. 174–190 Abstract Preview

Bounded Solidarity and Mobile Technology: The Decline of Core Networks in Kerala Jiabin Fan, Oliver Garretson, Antony Palackal, Paige Miller, Wesley Shrum First Published June 12, 2020; pp. 191–214 Abstract Preview

Creating the Urban Corridors: The Role of Colonial Railways in India Dipsikha Sahoo First Published July 1, 2020; pp. 215–233 Abstract Preview

From Medical Pluralism to Medical Marginality: Changing Dynamics Within Unani System of Medicine Priyam Sharma First Published June 1, 2020; pp. 234–251 Abstract Preview

Problems of Sanitation in India: Does Culture Matter? B. K. Nagla First Published May 19, 2020; pp. 252–269 Abstract Preview

Farmers’ Suicides and the Agrarian Crisis in Punjab: Some Sociological Observations Birinder Pal Singh First Published June 3, 2020; pp. 270–286 Abstract Preview

Book Reviews

Book review: Ankur Bisen, Wasted: The Messy Story of Sanitation in India, a Manifesto for Change Rafia Kazim First Published May 7, 2020; pp. 287–289 Abstract Preview

Book review: Jennifer N. Fish, Domestic Workers of the World Unite!: A Global Movement for Dignity and Human Rights Biswambhar Panda First Published May 19, 2020; pp. 289–291 Abstract Preview

Book review: Shaj Mohan and Divya Dwivedi, Gandhi and Philosophy: On Theoretical Anti-politics B. K. Nagla First Published May 7, 2020; pp. 291–293 Abstract Preview

Book review: Irfan Habib (ed.), Inquilab: Bhagat Singh on Religion and Revolution Jagrup S. Sekhon First Published May 7, 2020; pp. 293–295 Abstract Preview

Book review: Supriya Singh, Commercialisation of Hinterland and Dynamics of Class, Caste and Gender in Rural India Vandana Sharma First Published June 6, 2020; pp. 295–297 Abstract Preview

Book review: Asoke Basu and Saibal Datta, Indigenous Roots of Modern Science in Colonial Bengal: From Canon to Criticism (c. 1750–1950) Sambit Mallick First Published May 19, 2020; pp. 297–299 Abstract Preview

Book review: Rakhshanda Jalil, Tarun K. Saint and Debjani Sengupta (eds.), Looking Back the 1947 Partition of India 70 Years On Antara Ray First Published May 19, 2020; pp. 299–301 Abstract Preview

Book review: Suketu Mehta, This Land is Our Land: An Immigrant’s Manifesto Kalyani Vartak First Published May 19, 2020; pp. 301–303 Abstract Preview

Book review: Fernandes Walter, et al., Displacement and Marginalisation in Andhra Pradesh and Telangana 1951–2010 Anurekha Chari Wagh First Published May 19, 2020; pp. 303–305 Abstract Preview

The farce of Naga framework agreement

 

Trust deficit between the NSCN(I-M) and the Centre may cause breakdown of agreement and revival of insurgency in the region.

Five years back, the Framework Agreement was signed between the Government of India and the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isaac-Muivah) amidst great fanfare. This was done in the presence of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and General Secretary of the NSCN (I-M) Thuingaleng Muivah with R N Ravi, the interlocutor signing the agreement on behalf of the Union government. It was hailed as a “historic” agreement for ushering in an era of peace and tranquility in a region that had been rocked by violence for nearly five decades.

The reason for the haste in chalking out a Framework Agreement and rushing through it was the deteriorating health of Isak Chishi Swu, who was under treatment in a hospital in New Delhi. Unfortunately, Swu could not attend the event of signing of the agreement due to ill health. He died on June 28, 2016.

The peace talks were to be given a final touch for implementation this year, but things took a different turn when the interlocutor Ravi, who also happens to be the governor of Nagaland, took a jibe at the NSCN(I-M) ranks in June this year calling them “armed gangs” that are challenging the legitimacy of the state government. To add salt to the wound, he ordered that all government employees disclose the names of their relatives who are members of underground outfits, triggering anger among the Nagas. The die was finally cast when the governor in his Independence day address attacked the state government, in which the BJP is a partner, stating that “it has the dubious distinction of the worst performing state in the country, including the North-east region, on almost all significant indicators of human development”. He added that there was mayhem and miscarriage of dreams and expectations of the people of Nagaland, which was “unendurable and unacceptable”.

What has complicated the situation is the subtle manipulation of the Framework Agreement by the interlocutor, which had been kept under wraps since it was signed on August 3, 2015. In one particular paragraph of the agreement where it is stated, “that dialogue between the Government of India and the NSCN has successfully concluded and we are confident it will provide for an enduring inclusive new relationship of peaceful co-existence of two entities”, the word new has been removed thereby altering the meaning of the agreement itself. This has irked the leaders of NSCN(I-M). They no longer trust Ravi, and have demanded that he be replaced as interlocutor.

Meanwhile, since Muivah was already in New Delhi for his health-related treatment, it was expected that a final agreement would be arrived at before Independence day. But with the relationship souring between NSCN(I-M) and the interlocutor, any further talks became impossible. The Prime Minister’s office intervened and directed the Director of Intelligence Bureau, Arvind Kumar and the Special Director, Akshay Kumar Mishra to carry the talks further.

For reasons best known to the government and the NSCN(I-M), the Framework Agreement was veiled in secrecy for the last five years. It was only when the tampering in the agreement was noticed, did the NSCN (I-M) decide to bring it out of the closet and disclose to the world.

The three factors that are stalling the agreement are the Constitution, the flag and the amalgamation of certain areas of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam and Manipur adjoining Nagaland to form a greater Nagalim. In their initial demands, parts of Myanmar were also insisted upon to be merged with Nagalim — an impossibility. In his Independence day address to the people of Nagaland on August 14 last, Muivah briefly traced the history of Naga movement and stated that “the Framework Agreement recognises the sovereignty of Nagas”. He further stated in unambiguous terms that “the Nagas will co-exist with India sharing sovereign powers as agreed… But they will not merge with India.”

The flag and the constitution are important for the final agreement. The Nagas have their own flag and constitution and it is up to the government to recognise these as they are “the symbols of Naga nationhood,” according to Muivah. With the abrogation of Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir divesting the state of its constitution and flag, the task for the Centre has turned difficult. Nagaland too enjoys the special privileges like Kashmir under Article 371(A).

The fact that representatives of Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur were invited to attend the talks serves as an indicator to the fact that the Nagalim factor too is to be discussed as these states would be affected if territories within their boundaries are to merge with Nagaland. Fortunately, with the NDA government at the Centre and its appendage, the North East Democratic Alliance (NEDA), in the affected Northeastern states, the Centre may exert some pressure on these governments. However, it may cause an upheaval among the denizens of the affected states. How this issue will be sorted out needs to be seen.

With these three crucial demands of the NSCN(I-M) being so complex and affecting other states, one is bound to question as to how the Framework Agreement was drafted without taking the affected states on board. Article 370 could not have been ignored while arriving at an agreement with NSCN(I-M). Was it for this reason that the agreement was kept under wraps for the last five years in a bid to bide time so that the NSCN(I-M) stalwarts could mellow down and subsequently agree to the Centre? Tampering with the Framework Agreement has further complicated the issue leading to a trust deficit.

Breakdown of the final agreement may lead to return of insurgency not just in Nagaland but in the adjoining states too, as NSCN(I-M) has been playing a lead role in keeping the insurgency pot boiling in that part of the country. All other insurgent groups look up to NSCN(I-M) as a big brother for carrying on with their nefarious activities. The Chinese too are looking out for opportunities to jump into the fray. We need to be on the guard.

The writer retired as Inspector General of Police, CRPF

Source: Indian Express, 3/09/20

Quote of the Day September 3, 2020

 “To have great poets, there must be great audiences.”

‐ Walt Whitman, poet (1819-1892)

“महान कवि हों, इसके लिए ज़रूरी है कि अच्छी श्रोता भी हों।”

‐ वाल्ट व्हिट्मेन, कवि (1819-1892)

What is Mission Karmayogi?

 Dubbed as the biggest bureaucratic reform initiative, the Union Cabinet Wednesday approved ‘Mission Karmayogi’, a new capacity-building scheme for civil servants aimed at upgrading the post-recruitment training mechanism of the officers and employees at all levels.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi said this exercise will “radically” improve the government’s human resource management practices and asserted it will use state-of-the-art infrastructure to augment the capacity of civil servants.

Announcing the scheme, Union Minister Prakash Javadekar said officers and employees in the government will get an opportunity to improve their performance under the Mission Karmayogi. “Mission Karmayogi aims to prepare Indian civil servants for the future by making them more creative, constructive, imaginative, innovative, proactive, professional, progressive, energetic, enabling, transparent and technology-enabled,” he said.

How will Mission Karmayogi unfold?

Mission Karmayogi programme will be delivered by setting up a digital platform called iGOTKarmayogi. Empowered with specific role-competencies, a civil servant will be able to ensure efficient service delivery of the highest quality standards, the government said.

The platform will act as a launchpad for the National Programme for Civil Services Capacity Building (NPCSCB), which will enable a comprehensive reform of the capacity building apparatus at the individual, institutional and process levels.

NPCSCB will be governed by the Prime Minister’s Human Resource Council, which will also include state Chief Ministers, Union Cabinet ministers and experts. This council will approve and review civil service capacity building programmes.

Besides this, there will be a Cabinet Secretary Coordination Unit comprising of select secretaries and cadre controlling authorities.

Also, there will be a Capacity Building Commission, which will include experts in related fields and global professionals. This commission will prepare and monitor annual capacity building plans and audit human resources available in the government.

Finally, there will be a wholly-owned Special Purpose Vehicle (SPV), which will govern the iGOT-Karmayogi platform. It will be set up under Section 8 of the Companies Act, 2013.

The SPV will be a “not-for-profit” company and will own and manage iGOT-Karmayogi platform. The SPV will create and operationalise the content, market place and manage key business services of iGOT-Karmayogi platform, relating to content validation, independent proctored assessments and telemetry data availability. The SPV will own all Intellectual Property Rights on behalf of the Government of India.

How will it be funded?

To cover around 46 lakh central employees, a sum of Rs 510.86 crore will be spent over a period of 5 years from 2020-21 to 2024-25. The expenditure is partly funded by multilateral assistance to the tune of $50 million.

Besides the setting up of the SPV, an appropriate monitoring and evaluation framework will also be put in place for performance evaluation of all users of the iGOT-Karmayogi platform so as to generate a dashboard view of Key Performance Indicators.

Source: Indian Express, 3/09/20