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Tuesday, October 05, 2021

Why India’s ancient republics need to be recognised for their place in world history

 

Abhishek Banerjee, Sumedha Verma Ojha write: An India that sees its own democracy as a pale imitation of an Anglo-American system is neither good for itself nor the world.

On September 25, while addressing the UN General Assembly in New York, Prime Minister Narendra Modi made an important historical point: India is not just the world’s largest democracy, but also the “mother of democracy”. This assertion would unsettle several long-held Western notions about our world, and it should. The existence of proto forms of democracy and republicanism in ancient India is part of humanity’s common heritage and deserves an important place in our shared view of the past.

There are two pillars of the modern world. The first is science-based rational thinking, and the second is democracy. It is also telling that both are often believed to be Western inventions, reflecting Western ascendancy over our world.

In recent years, there has been a move to recognise advances in science made in the past by non-Western societies. The Pythagorean theorem, for instance, was well known in ancient India. It would be more historically accurate to refer to the Fibonacci numbers perhaps as Pingala’s numbers or Hemachandra’s numbers. But old beliefs and the assumptions that go with them are still strong. As Joe Biden noted last year, they don’t tell you how a black man contributed to the making of the electric bulb. In a similar vein, it is time to fix the historical record on the origins of democracy.

The evidence for republics in ancient India has always been available in plain sight. In the Mahabharata’s Shanti Parva, republics (ganas) are mentioned along with the essential features of administering them. The Vedas describe at least two forms of republican governance. The first would consist of elected kings. This has always been seen as an early form of democracy, later practised in Europe, especially in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the 16th-18th centuries.

The second form described in the Vedas is that of rule without a monarch, with power vested in a council or sabha. The membership of such sabhas was not always determined by birth, but they often comprised people who had distinguished themselves by their actions. There is even a hint of the modern bicameral system of legislatures, with the sabha often sharing power with the samiti, which was made up of common people. The “vidhaata”, or the assembly of people for debating policy, military matters and important issues impacting all, has been mentioned more than a hundred times in the Rig Veda. Both women and men took part in these deliberations, a far cry from the Greeks who did not admit women (or slaves) as full citizens of their “democracies”.

Other sources appear in the Ashtadhyayi of Panini, the Arthashastra of Kautilya, as well as a variety of ancient Buddhist and Jain writings. Buddhist and Jain texts list 16 powerful states or mahajanapadas of the time. After Alexander’s invasion in 327 BCE, Greek historians also record Indian states that did not have kings. The Lichchavi state of Vaishali, in particular, deserves special mention. Buddhist writings describe in detail Vaishali’s rivalry with neighbouring Magadha, which was a monarchy. The long battle of attrition between Magadha and Vaishali, which the former won, was a fight also between two systems of governance, ganatantra and rajatantra. Had the Lichchavis won, the trajectory of governance may well have been non-monarchical in the Subcontinent.

Was the rajatantra an “off with his head” kind of system with concentration of powers in one person? No. Instead, any state is thought of as composed of seven elements. The first three, according to Kautilya, are swami or the king, amatya or the ministers (administration) and janapada or the people. The king must function on the advice of the amatyas for the good of the people. The ministers are appointed from amongst the people (the Arthashastra also mentions entrance tests). As per the Arthashastra, in the happiness and benefit of his people lies the happiness and benefit of the King. Isn’t this the lodestone of democracy?

It would be unreasonable to expect republics in ancient India, as with the Greek city of Athens, to have developed full-fledged democratic institutions as we understand them today. As late as the 1780s, when America was founded, voting rights were restricted to (white) males who owned property or paid taxes, which amounted to a mere six percent of the population. The idiosyncrasies of that old system are still visible today. As with scientific advancement, democracy remains and will always be a work in progress.

Another criticism of the idea of India as the “mother of democracy” would be that there is no surviving direct line between the ancient ganas and the modern republic of India. However, the same applies to ancient Greek city-states. If the line survives, it is as a way of thinking. The stability of India’s democratic institutions is more or less an exception among post-colonial states since 1945. This is best explained by an ancient system of thought that contains expressions of democracy.

Why is it so important in the 21st century for us to recognise the origins of democracy in ancient India? There are at least two reasons. First, as a growing power on the world stage, India has to offer its own narrative on world history, as well as provide the world with a vision. We as a nation are not aspiring upstarts. We are the nation that inspired great journeys, from those of Alexander to the voyage of Columbus.

The other reason relates to the general loss of confidence in the US. The power struggles of the near future are becoming clear. It is also a struggle to define history and take it forward. At this time, an India that sees its own democracy as a pale imitation of an Anglo-American system is neither good for itself nor the world.

This column first appeared in the print edition on October 5, 2021 under the title ‘Roots of democracy’. Banerjee is a scientist, columnist and author. Verma Ojha is a historian, author of historical fiction series, ‘Urnabhih’

Source: Indian Express, 5/10/21

Monday, October 04, 2021

Quote of the Day

 

“In dreams, we enter a world that's entirely our own.”
Albus Dumbledore
“अपने सपनों में हम एक ऐसे संसार में प्रवेश करते हैं जो पूर्णतया हमारा होता है।”
एल्बस डम्बलडो

Current Affairs

 

INDIA

– West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee wins Bhabanipur seat with a margin of 58, 832 votes
ECONOMY & CORPORATE
– Power Ministry promulgates Electricity Rules 2021 to regulate Transmission System Planning, Development & Recovery of Inter-State Transmission Charges

WORLD

– 7th G-20 Parliamentary Speakers Summit to be held in Rome, Italy on October 7-8; Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla, Rajya Sabha Deputy Chairman Harivansh to participate
– Sri Lanka: Indian Foreign Secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla visits oil storage facility in port district of Trincomalee
– Qatar: Results of first legislative council election announced, no female candidates elected

INDIA

– India and Sri Lanka holding ‘Mitra Shakti’ military exercise in Ampara (SL) from Oct 4 to 15
– Uttarakhand: India-Nepal joint military exercise Surya Kiran-15 ends in Pithoragarh
– Ladakh: World’s largest khadi national flag, weighing 1,000 kg, unveiled in Leh
– Marta Lucia Ramirez de Rincn, Colombia’s Vice-President and Minister of Foreign Affairs, visits India
– Centre for Policy Research, Delhi releases paper titled “India’s Path to Power: Strategy in a World Adrift”
– Environment Minister Bhupender Yadav commences tiger rallies across 51 reserves; theme: “India for Tigers- A Rally on Wheels”
– Under Jal Jeevan Mission, 50 mn houses got water connection since launch in 2019: PM Modi
– Pan-India Legal Awareness and Outreach Campaign of National Legal Services Authority (NALSA) inaugurated by President
– Amid tiff between Chirag Paswan, Pashupati Paras factions, EC freezes election symbol of Lok Janshakti Party (LJP)
– India Today group announces winners of its Healthgiri Awards 21
– Kangana Ranaut becomes brand ambassador of UP govt’s ‘one district-one product’ (ODOP) scheme
– Process of renunciation of Indian citizenship simplified

ECONOMY & CORPORATE

– Power and new & renewable energy minister R. K. Singh asks Tehri Hydro Development Corporation Ltd (THDCIL) and North Eastern Electric Power Corporation Ltd (NEEPCO) to bid for solar and wind projects
– UIDAI plans to open 166 standalone Aadhar enrolment and update centres
– Merchandise trade deficit jumps 675% to $22.94 billion in April-September 2021
– 9th Meeting of the India-UAE High Level Joint Task Force on Investments held in Dubai

WORLD

– Renovated Gandhi Museum was inaugurated at Gandhi Ashram Trust at Noakhali, Bangladesh
– Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte to retire from politics after his term ends in 2022
– International Day of Non-Violence observed on Oct 2; birth anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi

Wildlife Week 2021

 Lieutenant Governor of Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir, Manoj Sinha, inaugurated the Wildlife Week 2021 on October 2, 2021 at Sher-e-Kashmir International Convention Centre (SKICC) in Srinagar.


Key facts

  • Wildlife Week 2021 is being observed from October 2nd to October 8th.
  • This week is a sincere effort that raise awareness among people for the protection of wildlife resources.
  • On the occasion, government of J&K has opened Dachigam National Park for public. To provide easy access to the park, permission will be granted using an online portal which is operated by J&K Forest and Wildlife Department.

About Wildlife Week

India observes Wildlife Week from October 2nd to October 8th every year with the aim of protecting India’s fauna. During the week, experts conduct workshops in order to make people understand the importance of wildlife conservation. During the week, several awareness-building activities are organised across different levels in order to make people aware about wildlife.

Why this week is celebrated?

This week is celebrated because, wildlife plays a crucial role in maintaining the ecological balance of nature. Any harm to it can pose threat to entire ecosystem. Thus, it becomes important to preserve flora and fauna.

Biological Hotspot

India is a biological hotspot. It supports a number of animal species. India is home to more than 7 percent of world’s biodiversity. Faunal wealth of India is also incredibly diverse. It accounts for 7.4% of the world’s fauna.

History of Wildlife Week

First ever Wildlife Week was observed in the year 1957. Wildlife Week 2021 is the 67th edition. Wildlife Week was conceptualised by the Indian Board of Wildlife in 1952 in order to raise the awareness regarding long-term goals of protecting the wildlife across India. Initially, Wildlife Day was celebrated in 1955, but in 1957 it was upgraded as the Wildlife Week.

Theme of Wildlife Week 2021

Wildlife Week 2021 is being celebrated under the theme “Forests and Livelihoods: Sustaining People and Planet”.

Assam: Lokapriya Gopinath Bordoloi Award

 On October 3, 2021, the “Lokapriya Gopinath Bordoloi Award for National Integration and National Contribution 2021” was conferred by the Vice President M. Venkaiah Naidu.


Key Facts

  • Awards were conferred to “Shillong Chamber Choir”, Assam branch of Kasturba Gandhi National Memorial Trust as well as writer Nirod Kumar Baruah.
  • This award is one of the biggest civilian awards in Assam. It carries a citation along with a cash prize of Rs 5 lakh.
  • Award is conferred in the name of first chief minister of Assam, Lokapriya Gopinath Bordoloi. He was a multi-dimensional figure with outstanding accomplishments. He was also conferred the Bharat Ratna posthumously in 1999.

Shillong Chamber Choir

Shillong Chamber Choir was founded in 2001 by founder, mentor and conductor of the choir Neil Nongkynrih. Its repertoire includes the works of western classical music such as Bach, Handel, Gershwin and Mozart besides Khasi folk songs & opera. The choir has performed in Poland, Britain, Switzerland, Italy, Sri Lanka, as well as in Indian cities of Delhi, Mombai, Bangalore and Guwahati. In the year 2021, it had won the reality TV show, India’s Got Talent. It had also awarded with three gold awards at the 6th World Choir Games for Gospel, Musica Sacra and Popular Music.

Lokapriya Gopinath Bordoloi Award

It is one of the biggest civilian awards of Assam, which is bestowed upon the institutions and individuals from diverse fields to honour their exemplary contributions towards integration of nation.

Kasturba Gandhi National Memorial Trust

This trust was set up on January 9, 1946, when Mahatma Gandhi visited Assam. It has been working for rural women and children.

Dr Nirod Kumar Baruah

He is based in Germany. He did his masters in History and Political Science from Kashi Hindu University while M Phil from Bonn University, Germany. He has written several books on Lokapriya Gopinath Bordoloi.

Revealing India’s actual farmer population

 

Harish Damodaran, Samridhi Agarwal write: It may be closer to 40 million than the consensus range of 100-150 million. This has great implications for agricultural policy.


The last Agriculture Census for 2015-16 placed the total “operational holdings” in India at 146.45 million. The Pradhan Mantri-Kisan Samman Nidhi (PM-Kisan) scheme has 110.94 million beneficiaries who got their Rs 2,000 income support installment for April-July 2021. And now, we have the National Statistical Office’s Situation Assessment of Agricultural Households (SAAH) report for 2018-19. It pegs the country’s “agricultural households” at 93.09 million. In short, India officially has anywhere from 90 million-plus to almost 150 million farmers.

This wide variation has largely to do with methodology. The Agriculture Census looks at any land used even partly for agricultural production and operated/managed by one person alone or with others. The land does not have to be owned by that person (“cultivator”), who needn’t also belong to an “agricultural household”. The SAAH report, on the other hand, considers only the operational holdings of agricultural households. Members of a household may farm different lands. While the Census treats each of them as separate holdings, the SAAH takes all these lands as a single production unit. It does not count multiple holdings if operated by individuals living together and sharing a common kitchen.

Accounting for only “agricultural households”, while not distinguishing multiple operating holdings within them, brings down India’s official farmer numbers to just over 93 million. But even this figure is an exaggeration, given the SAAH’s own rather expansive definition of “agricultural households”. The latter covers households having at least one member self-employed in agriculture and whose annual value of produce exceeds Rs 4,000. Such self-employment needs to be for only 30 days or more during the survey reference period of six months (in this case, the two halves of the July 2018-June 2019 agricultural year).

What we have done is take the SAAH figure of 93.09 million — which is, at best, an upper limit — and estimate from it the agricultural households that are significantly farm income-dependent. They would, in our view, constitute “serious”, “full-time” or “regular” farmers.

The SAAH report gives data on agricultural household income from farm and non-farm sources, both state-wise and across different land-possessed/operational holding size classes. Non-farm income includes that from wages/salary, business, leasing out of land and pension/remittances. For farm income, we have factored in net receipts from crop production as well as animal husbandry (dairying, poultry, goat/sheep rearing, piggery, beekeeping, aquaculture, sericulture, etc).

We would categorise “full-time/regular” farmers as those households whose net receipts from farming are at least 50 per cent of their total income from all sources. The farm income dependence ratios have, accordingly, been worked out for all states and across holding sizes (from below 0.01 to 10 hectares and above). The SAAH report also has state-wise estimates of agricultural households for each land-possessed size class. By taking only those size classes in which the dependence ratios are higher than (or close to) 50 per cent, and adding up the corresponding estimated number of agricultural households, we are able to arrive at the total “full-time/regular” farmers for each state.

Using the above methodology, the number of “full-time/regular” farmers has been calculated for all states (see table; a more detailed note with charts is available at the CPR website). Andhra Pradesh, for instance, has 31.59 lakh agricultural households. But the 50 per cent farm income threshold is crossed only for households possessing more than two hectares of land. They number just 7.46 lakh, or 23.6 per cent of the state’s total agricultural households. India’s “serious” farmer population, in turn, adds up to 36.1 million, which is hardly 39 per cent of the SAAH estimate. The 36 million-plus number — or, say, 40 million — is also close to a previous 47-50 million estimate of “serious full-time farmers” made by one of us (https://bit.ly/3CLmc7S).

If the actual number of farmers deriving a significant share of their income from agriculture per se is only 40 million — as against the official, also popular, consensus range of 100-150 million — a host of policy implications follow. To start with, one must recognise that farming is a specialised profession like any other. Not everyone can or needs to be a farmer. “Agriculture policy” should, then, target those who can and genuinely depend on farming as a means of livelihood.

Minimum support prices, government procurement, agricultural market reforms, fertiliser and other input subsidies, Kisan Credit Card loans, crop insurance or export-import policy on farm commodities will matter mainly to “full-time/regular” farmers. Even PM-Kisan would be more effective if directed at these farmers, whose quantum of income support can be enhanced to encourage them to remain in or expand their agriculture business.

Secondly, land size matters. The SAAH report reveals that the 50 per cent farm income dependence threshold is crossed at an all-India level only when the holding size exceeds one hectare or 2.5 acres. This is clearly the minimum land required for farming to be viable, which about 70 per cent of agricultural households in the country do not possess.

It links up with the final point: What should be done for this 70 per cent, who are effectively labourers and not farmers? Their problems cannot be addressed through “agriculture policy”. A more sustainable solution lies in reimagining agriculture beyond the farm. Crops may be produced in fields, but not everyone needs to engage in cultivation. The scope for value-addition and employment can be more outside than on the farm — be it in aggregation, grading, packaging, transporting, processing, warehousing and retailing of produce or supply of inputs and services to farmers. All these activities legitimately fall within the realm of agriculture, even if outside the farm. Agriculture policy should aim not only at increasing farm incomes, but also adding value to produce outside and closer to the farms.

This column first appeared in the print edition on October 4, 2021 under the title ‘Counting the kisan’. Damodaran is National Rural Affairs & Agriculture Editor, The Indian Express and is currently on sabbatical as Senior Fellow with the Centre for Policy Research. Agarwal is Research Associate with CPR.

Source: Indian Express, 4/10/21

What the continued distress in informal labour market says

 

Ishan Bakshi writes: It points towards a continuing divergence in the fortunes of the formal and informal parts of the economy.


Economic data released over the past few weeks suggests that the Indian economy has emerged from the second wave of the pandemic better than most expected. Two broad points emerge. First, although the second wave was far more virulent, the impact of the localised restrictions imposed during this period on economic activity was less damaging than observed last year. And second, in the weeks and months thereafter, large parts of the economy are almost back to pre-Covid levels. However, these data points mask the distress lingering in large parts of the informal economy.

The informal/unorganised sector in India accounts for roughly half of the total value added in the economy (52.4 per cent in 2017-18), and employs around 90 per cent of the labour force. The extent of distress that continues to persist in this part of the economy — at least in rural areas — can be gauged from the state of the informal labour force. This can be gleaned from the MGNREGA data.

In the first quarter (April-June) of the ongoing financial year, the number of households demanding work under MGNREGA, while higher than pre-Covid levels, was lower than last year. There could be two possible explanations for this. One, that the extent of distress in the labour market last year was of a much higher magnitude. Or two, that the spread of the pandemic in rural areas this year curtailed the registration of households demanding work under MGNREGA.

In the second quarter (July-September), however, the number of households demanding work this year was not only around the same level as last year, but was also significantly higher than the pre-Covid level (2019-20). This signals two possibilities.

First, that sections of the informal labour force in rural areas and the migrant households who have not returned to urban areas, were unable to find non-farm employment, and had to rely on MGNREGA. This implies that large parts of the informal economy — sectors like manufacturing, construction, trade and transport, where those currently demanding work under MGNREGA would have normally found jobs — were operating well below their pre-Covid levels in the second quarter as well.

Second, it is also plausible that to the extent that employment opportunities were available, a section of the informal labour force simply opted for whatever work was available at depressed wage rates, supplementing its income by seeking work under MGNREGA. After all, in the absence of safety nets, at current per capita income levels, few can afford to stay unemployed for long and look for remunerative employment. (MGNREGA also provides an avenue for these households to rebuild their buffers, which would have been depleted while dealing with the fallout of the second wave.)

The situation is unlikely to be materially different for the urban informal labour force considering that even formal employment in some of these sectors (trade, accommodation and restaurants) has been badly hit, as revealed by the latest Quarterly Employment Survey. This implies that even a downward trending unemployment rate will not be an accurate gauge of labour market distress.

This level of sustained distress in the informal labour market points towards a continuing divergence in the fortunes of the formal and informal parts of the economy. For, if both formal and informal segments were rebounding at an equal pace, then surely, the labour market distress in both these segments should also have been dissipating, even if with a lag, at similar momentum. After all, the value added per worker is unlikely to rise dramatically in the informal economy. It is more likely to rise in the case of the relatively larger firms in the formal sector. This is in line with the first quarter results of the listed companies which show that while the bigger companies flourished, the smaller ones (those in the range of Rs 0-25 crore) continued to be mired in distress.

This also suggests that in sectors with a large informal presence — construction (where three-fourths of the overall value-added was by the informal segment in 2017-18), trade, transport and communication (value added by the informal segment ranges from 47.7 per cent to 86.6 per cent), real estate and professional services (roughly half the value-added is by the unorganised segment) and manufacturing (where between 20-25 per cent of the value-added is by the unorganised segment) — the relatively larger firms in the formal sector would have gained at the expense of the unorganised.

Thus high-frequency indicators, which indicate that the economy is operating at more than 90 per cent of its pre-Covid level — even surpassing it in many sectors — do not reflect the distress in the informal economy or among the smaller firms in the formal economy. Simply extrapolating the performance of the organised sector to that of the unorganised, as may be the case with some estimates, would thus present an inaccurate picture of the Indian economy.

One outcome of this sustained divergence between the formal and the informal labour force is the worsening of the income distribution. To the extent that it endures — even when the economy had recovered to pre-Covid levels during the second half of last year, the number of households demanding work under MGNREGA remained significantly higher than pre-Covid levels — this loss in purchasing power of the lower half of the distribution chain would translate to the aggregate household consumption basket shifting towards that of the relatively affluent households. This would raise demand for the less labour-intensive services and high-end/imported manufactured products and reinforce the current labour market trends.

How quickly, and to what extent, the informal economy can return to its pre-Covid level of value-added and employment is debatable. While during demonetisation, a badly bruised informal sector clawed its way back, the disruption this time is of a much higher magnitude. This labour market scarring has broader implications for aggregate consumption and investment, and indicates subdued medium-term growth prospects.

This column first appeared in the print edition on October 4, 2021 under the title ‘Unmask the distress’. ishan.bakshi@expressindia.com

Source: Indian Express, 4/10/21