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Wednesday, October 20, 2021

Economics Nobel laureates and the credibility revolution

 

Pranav Patil writes: The work of this year’s Nobel Prize-winning economists helped in formulating more rigorous, objective and rational interventions to solve problems like poverty


This year’s Sveriges Riksbank Prize in Economic Sciences (the Nobel prize) has been awarded to David Card for his empirical contribution to labour economics and to Joshua Angrist and Guido Imbens for pioneering new methods to analyse causal relationships. The trio invented methods that have led to the so-called “credibility revolution” in empirical economics.

The scope of issues that economists examine has widened over the last three decades as the discipline began exploring answers beyond mathematical models and ideological discourse. Although neoclassical theories are elegant, questions were raised about their real-life evidence. Do economists have credible evidence such that policymakers and the public can take them seriously? Nobel laureates Abhijit Banerjee and Esther Duflo point out that the lack of evidence is one of the reasons economists were considered less credible.

For an evidence-based approach, understanding the causal relationship between different factors, therefore, becomes imperative. A classic example of a causal relationship is the impact of education on lifetime earnings — would one extra year of education increase earnings and by what magnitude? Economists embraced the experimental approach to tackle the credibility crisis and to assess the precise causal effect of policies. Like in medical science, development economists launched smaller randomised controlled trials in the hope of establishing causality between different variables and to investigate which policy interventions were effective. In a randomised control trial, Duflo, along with others tested how monitoring and financial incentives reduced teacher absenteeism and improved learning in India. Based on experimentally derived causal inferences, economists can recommend more rigorous, objective and rational interventions to solve larger problems like poverty.

However, it is dreadfully challenging to conduct field experiments in many cases. They are expensive, time-consuming and ethically tricky. That is where the idea of “natural experiments” becomes illuminating which rely on random variation without any manipulation by researchers. Card and Alan Krueger designed their famous natural experiment based on the changes in the minimum wage in New Jersey and compared it with Pennsylvania, which has not experienced similar changes. They studied employment in the fast-food industry in the two states before and after the wage changes in New Jersey. Contrary to the predictions of standard economic theory, they found a slight increase in employment in New Jersey compared to Pennsylvania. This finding was a massive blow to conventional supply and demand models. Angrist and Imbens have also designed many natural (quasi) experiments and have been developing a statistical toolkit to precisely estimate the causal effects of policies.

The study of causality is not novel to the research community. However, causal relations were not extensively studied with empirical methods in social sciences. Newton’s second law proposes that an object in uniform motion will continue its motion unless some external force is applied. Credibility revolutionists use this very principle to explain economic dynamics. Nonetheless, “causality is no correlation” is the most common catchphrase for these revolutionaries. To distinguish causal links from correlation, economists rely on counterfactuals. For example, in the Card and Krueger study, they show that employment in two states had been evolving in parallel fashion before changes in the minimum wage. Based on that, they assume that employment would evolve similarly in both states without any intervention. Even if they did not observe what would have happened in New Jersey if there was not any intervention, they could observe the counterfactual situation in Pennsylvania.

Since economics closely deals with politics and the market, it is critical to identify which policy interventions are best (and cost-effective). It is worth considering two studies based on two flagship programmes of the Government of India — the Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana and the Rajiv Gandhi Grameen Vidyutikaran Yojana. The general assumption that policymakers make is that rural infrastructure programmes would increase farm and off-farm economic activities and reduce poverty. However, recent studies by Sam Asher, Paul Novosad, Fiona Burlig and Louis Preonas point out that while such programmes increase road and electricity connectivity, they do not cause significant economic development even four to five years after completion. It is thus meaningful to examine whether such interventions cause development, to what extent they increase welfare and where they fail.

Source: Indian Express, 20/10/21

Violence and communalism: South Asia’s disturbing commonality

 

Pratap Bhanu Mehta writes: Fundamentalists, even as they create walls between communities, recognise that South Asia has a connected destiny: They bank on it to achieve their ends


The violence against the Hindu minority in Bangladesh is an ominous development. But it is also a reminder of one cardinal truth: All of South Asia is “tied together in a single garment of destiny,” to borrow Martin Luther King’s phrase from a different context. Violence in one place will spill over to another; freedom endangered in one place will inevitably corrode the freedom of others. We have tried to act as if this was not true. But that modus vivendi has been unravelling for a while.

Anti-Hindu violence in Bangladesh is not new. The current violence is strategically timed. It is surely not a coincidence that the violence coincides with targeted attacks on Hindus in Kashmir. The intent is not just local ethnic terror, but a deepening of the communal divide in India. It is tempting to say that this violence is a strategic act by particular organised groups, perhaps with transnational links. It is not organically embedded in society. This is a comforting thought, and can empower us to the extent that it is still important to recognise forces that do not condone such violence. But in South Asia the link between strategic communal violence and organic embeddedness is always a tricky one. Such violence inevitably transforms the fabric of social relationships itself. It is fanciful to think that Kashmiriyat survived terrorism, or that remnants of Bangladeshi pluralism will survive this violence, or that blasphemy laws in Punjab will not play into hands of violent reactionaries, any more than Indian secularism survived the violence of so-called fringe groups. Over time, everywhere in South Asia, violence has fundamentally transformed politics. It is a tiger you ride at your own peril.

The Partition of India could work as a modus vivendi, if three conditions were in place. The first is that the internal conflicts in each of the states would not radically spill over into the other states. This assumption was never literally true. But it was shaken to its core by 1971. Pakistan’s horrendous internal conflicts spilled over, and Indian intervention helped the breaking up of Pakistan, creating a syndrome of deep Pakistani insecurity that still haunts the subcontinent. The second assumption was that the successor states behaved, as much as possible, like normal states in relation to each other: Pacifying violence, trading with each other, leveraging the advantages of their geographical proximity. They would, like all states, worry about the power of their neighbours. But the fact that they were states would give them enough confidence to deal with each other. Most states in South Asia, however, want to run away from each other. In Pakistan we got a state whose elites were ready to cut off its nose to spite its face, becoming an epicentre of transnational violence from Afghanistan to Bangladesh, and changing its own social character in the process.

But even the absence of these two conditions could, with some difficulty, be managed, if India remained a bulwark against spillover effects. Spillover effects don’t just work through retaliatory violence. They work by transforming the ideological climate in other states. The persecution of Hindus in Pakistan and Bangladesh is a pivotal strand in the mentality that India must be, if not a Hindu state, at least a “Hindus First” state. India could also remain a bulwark against these effects if in response to communalism elsewhere, it reaffirmed its own secularism more deeply. The assumption was that India is large enough to absorb a few pin pricks. Throwing cold water domestically over what our neighbours were doing, even as we tried to contain them internationally, was not a sign of weakness, it was smart strategy. The fact that Hindus are being targeted is not a creation of Hindu nationalism. The targeting of Hindus also has elements of sui generis logic. But the ascendancy of Hindu nationalism has profoundly changed how the dynamics of attacks play out. Hindu nationalism looks for pretexts to target Muslims, deepen internal divisions, and construct a seamless spectre of Muslim threat. The official response of the government of India to the violence in Bangladesh may be conventional. But this incident will have deep communal effects. Even if there is no immediate retaliatory violence, the cumulative communal undertones in India will erupt. Which is exactly what those groups who foment violence in Afghanistan, Pakistan or Bangladesh would like.

The spillover effects cannot be contained because, despite differences in political cultures, the ethnic fundamentalisms of these countries now feed off each other. They will give each other victories. All of these countries, including India, now have hegemonic ideologies at the level of civil society that revel in a vicious coarsening of discourse, are deeply committed to violence, and frankly don’t mind disorder if it increases support for society’s authoritarian instincts.

This is also of great strategic consequence. Some of Delhi’s macho strategic mandarins used to loudly thump their chests and say India can do without South Asia: It was too big and had too much legitimacy capital to have to worry about its neighbours. India’s legitimacy capital is slowly eroding as its democracy and secularism corrode. But, strategically, not placing South Asia front and centre was always a myopic view. It was also a mistake in a much deeper sense. The geopolitics of South Asia is not a conventional international relations problem; it is a deep, and increasingly traumatic, psychodrama in a long civilisational history. The international de-hyphenation of India and Pakistan may be considered a big diplomatic victory. But the de-hyphenation we are proud of is practically meaningless when even the ideological currents in most South Asian countries are now so deeply hyphenated.

In a twisted dialectic, fundamentalists, even as they create walls between communities, seem to recognise that South Asia has a connected ideological destiny: They are banking on it to achieve their ends. There are three ways of thinking about that destiny. The first is the current modus vivendi. But the historical conditions for its success are increasingly doubtful. What is replacing it is an intensification of the logic of 1947: Attempts at a deepening communal divide, ethnic cleansing and subordination in different keys, and a cult of violence. Is there a third option — a South Asia with states that reimagine the region not as joined by a murderous competition over community identity but as a new zone of freedom? This is a pie in the sky. But the thought that the only political language that unites South Asia is the deepening of the violence of 1947 is too dreadful to contemplate.

Source: Indian Express, 20/10/21

Monday, October 18, 2021

Quote of the Day

 

“Anything that makes the world more humane and more rational is progress; that's the only measuring stick we can apply to it.”
W. Lippmann
“जो कुछ भी इस विश्व को अघिक मानवीय और विवेकशील बनाता है उसे प्रगति कहते हैं; और केवल यही मापदंड हम इसके लिये अपना सकते हैं।”
डब्ल्यू. लिपमैन

Current Affairs-October 18, 2021

 

INDIA

– Punjab CM Charanjit Channi launches ‘Mera Ghar Mere Naam’ scheme to confer proprietary rights on the people living in the houses within the ‘Lal Lakir’ of villages and the cities
– Centre renames Andaman’s ‘Mount Harriet’ as ‘Mount Manipur’
– Kerala: 27 die from floods, landslides; Kottayam and Idukki districts worst hit

ECONOMY & CORPORATE

– Over 4 crore unorganized workers registered on e-Shram Portal: Union Minister for Labour and Employment Bhupender Yadav

WORLD

– Russian crew returns to Earth after filming first movie in space titled “The Challenge”
– International Day for the Eradication of Poverty observed on Oct 17
– World Trauma Day observed on October 17
– No fear of inflation ‘runaway train’: IMF MD Kristalina Georgieva

SPORTS

– China win Uber Cup (women’s team) badminton tournament in Aarhus, Denmark; Indonesia win Thomas Cup (men’s team)
– Kenya’s Elisha Rotich (men’s) and Tigist Memuye (women’s) of Ethiopia win Paris Marathon
– India beats Nepal 3-0 in final to win SAFF football Championship in Male

Month: 

Indian Project wins Eco Oscars

 

An Indian Project, Takachar’s Innovation, that recycles agricultural waste into fuel has won the “Prince William’s inaugural Earthshot Prize”, which is also called as “Eco Oscars.


Highlights

  • Eco Oscars honour people who are trying to save the planet Earth.
  • This award is presented with the aim of providing assistance to and inspire innovative local solutions as the climate crisis is growing globally.

Takachar’s Innovation

Takachar’s Innovation is led by Vidyut Mohan. This technology was recognised for its affordable technology in order to convert crop residues into sellable bio-products. It reduced smoke emissions by 98 per cent. Thus, it calls for improving air quality. Vidyut Mohan was awarded for this technology in “clean our air category”. This award was among fiver other winners of the prize worldwide.

Significance of the technology

World generate around USD 120 billion of agricultural waste per year. When farmers fail to sell, they often burn the waste. Burning of waste have catastrophic consequences for human health as well as environment. Burning causes air pollution, which has reduced life expectancy in some areas by a decade. Thus, this technology is significant in mitigating this challenge.

Background

For the next 10 years, the Earthshot will be awarding £1m each year to each of five projects that are working for findings solutions to the environmental problems on the planet.

About Earthshot Prize

This prize is awarded to five winners each year, whose projects help the environment. It will be awarded annually from 2021 to 2030. It is given by the Royal Foundation, which is headquartered in London, England. The prize is distributed in five separate categories that are supported by UN Sustainable Development Goals. This prize was launched in the year 2020 by Prince William, Duke of Cambridge and David Attenborough.

World Food Day celebrated on October 16

 World Food Day is observed every year on October 16. Year 2021 marked the 76th World Food Day.


Key facts

  • This day makes human realise how privileged are they to gorge on the delicacies from across the world as well as raises awareness regarding deprived & not-so-privileged people.
  • It acknowledges the founding of Food and Agriculture organisation as well as highlights the section in the world that starves from extreme hunger.
  • United Nations had found the ‘Food and Agriculture Association (FAO)’ on October 16, 1945.

Significance of the day

Starvation is a big problem in several countries, especially in underdeveloped parts of the globe. Thus, awareness is required to address this issue. World Food Day helps in addressing the issue.

World Food Day: History

World Food Day was set up by Member Countries of Food & Agriculture Organisation (FAO). It was established at the 20th General Conference of FAO in November 1979. Hungarian Delegation, led by former Hungarian Minister of Agriculture & Food Dr. Pal Romany, played a significant role at the 20th Session and recommended the idea of celebrating this day across the world. It has since been observed in more than 150 countries, every year. It raises awareness of the issues behind poverty and hunger.

Theme of the day

This day in 2021 was celebrated under the theme- “Safe food now for a healthy tomorrow”.

Purpose of the day

The main purpose to celebrate this day is to promote the message that “food is a basic and fundamental human right. It also spread awareness on malnutrition and obesity.

Udham Singh: The witness to Jallianwala Bagh who swore to bring an end to British rule

 On June 5, 1940 as the jury at the Central Criminal Court in Old Bailey found Udham Singh guilty of murdering General Michael O’Dwyer, the clerk turned around to Singh and asked if he had anything to say as to why the court should not give him the penalty of death according to the law. Singh responded saying that he had a statement to make. Adjusting his glasses, he produced a set of papers and began reading. “I say down with British imperialism,” he said. “You say India does not have peace. We have only slavery. Generations of so-called civilisation has brought for us everything filthy and degeneration known to the human race. All you have to do is read your own history.”

Udham Singh was 40 at that time. Having grown up in the early decades of the 20th century, he was heavily influenced by political events in Punjab such as the Komagata Maru incident of 1914 and the Ghadar Party’s uprising of 1914-16. He was a young boy of 20 when he witnessed General Dyer’s madness at Jallianwala Bagh as he fired upon a group of innocent, unarmed people. He was serving water to the people who had turned up for the procession that day on the event of Baisakhi and was himself injured. Undeterred, he had continued serving people till late in the night.

The Jallianwala Bagh massacre was a turning point in his life, and he resolved to take revenge. Two decades later, he fulfilled his promise as he shot Michael O’ Dwyer at a meeting in Caxton Hall, London. O’Dwyer was the lieutenant governor of Punjab when the Jallianwala Bagh incident had happened. On being shot, he dropped dead instantly.

The assassination of Dwyer shook up both the British authorities and the nationalists in India. The news spread like wildfire throughout the world. “Perhaps no other incident in the world gained so much publicity as this one on 14th March 1940. From morning to midnight news had been broadcast in French, Spanish, Italian, English, Turkish, Rumanian and Russian,” writes historian Sikander Singh in his book ‘A great patriot and martyr Udham Singh (2007). Yet for all the noise he made, Singh was quick to disappear from public consciousness and lay largely forgotten in the pantheon of freedom fighters.

After the conclusion of his trial, the judge, Justice Atkinson, turned to the press and ordered, “I give a direction to the press not to report any of the statements made by the accused in the dock. You understand, members of the press?”

Two weeks later Udham Singh was hanged at Pentonville prison and for the next several decades his final statement in the court and several other facts about his life lay buried amidst secret documents accessible only to government authorities. Interestingly, even nationalist leaders in India, including Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, were largely critical of his action. And as recent works by scholars on Singh’s life shows, the government of independent India too had for a long time made it rather difficult to access documents related to him.

Now, director Shoojit Sircar’s new film, ‘Sardar Udham’, starring Vicky Kaushal, brings to life this forgotten hero of India’s nationalist struggle.Udham Singh was originally named Sher Singh after his birth in 1899 at Sunam in Sangrur district of Punjab. He lost both his parents at a fairly young age and he along with his brother spent most of their childhood at an orphanage. It is at the orphanage that he and his elder brother were baptised into Sikhism and given the name Udham Singh. Throughout his childhood and adolescence years, he was deeply influenced by the teachings of Sikhism.

Tales of Udham Singh’s courage continue to be narrated in his village. A famous incident is one about him fighting a leopard that had barged into his house to attack the goats.

There is a lack of clarity about Singh’s education though. Historian Navtej Singh in his biography of Udham Singh suggests that one British record states that he was educated in Amritsar’s Khalsa College. However, Udham Singh himself is known to have said that he received no education. While some records suggest him to be an electrician, there are others that have documented him as being an engineer. “But it is certain that he could write in Urdu and English  fluently; also could write fairly well in Gurmukhi. He could speak English fluently when at ease,” writes Navtej Singh.

On April 13, 1919, on the festive occasion of Baisakhi, a large group of people assembled in Jallianwala Bagh at Amritsar to protest against the arrest of a few Congress leaders under the Rowlatt Act. Udham Singh along with his mates from the orphanage were there to distribute water among the attendees. As Dwyer fired upon the group, all his other friends from the orphanage died. The sight of his friends dying and the allround carnage had a lasting impact on the 20-year-old.

After the incident at Jallianwala Bagh, Udham Singh was filled with hatred for the British government in India. As Sikander Singh notes in his book, “when he talked of General Dyer and his actions, his eyes became bloodshot with rage.” He was a dedicated revolutionary now, determined to bring an end to the British Raj.

Deeply influenced by the activities of Bhagat Singh, he got involved in the Ghadar Party in 1924. For the next few years he travelled abroad and organised Indian revolutionaries overseas to overthrow colonial rule. After he returned to India in 1927 with a supply of ammunition on the orders of Bhagat Singh, he was arrested and sentenced to five years in prison. Upon his release in 1931, although he was under constant surveillance of the Punjab Police, he managed to escape to Germany and from there to London in 1934 where he worked as an engineer. All this while, Udham Singh was making plans to assassinate O’Dwyer. Reports suggest that in his personal diary he frequently referred to O’Dwyer as Dyer, possibly because he confused the two.

The assassination of General Dwyer

In 1939, as the Second World War started out, he saw in the crisis an opportunity to overthrow the Raj. He was filled with a desire to emulate the heroes of the 1914-16 Punjab rebellion and mark himself out as a national hero.

Sikander Singh in his book records that on March 12, 1940, a day before the assassination, Udham Singh had invited his friends over for a traditional Punjabi meal. He seemed jubilant and high-spirited that day, and when his friends were about to leave, he announced valiantly that the next day “London would witness a marvel” and that the British Empire would be shaken to its foundations.

Reportedly, a few days before this party Udham Singh had been to the India Office where he saw a poster announcing a joint meeting of the East India Association and the Royal Central Asian Society. The Royal Central Asian Society was an independent body formed in 1901 to promote a greater understanding of Central Asia and the surrounding regions. Over the years, it had come to cover the entire region of Asia and by 1940 was regularly meeting for fortnightly meetings in the Tudor Room at Caxton Hall. O’Dwyer was listed as one of the speakers for the meeting on March 13. When Udham Singh saw the poster, he made up his mind to attend it and stage a protest with revolver shots.

The meeting started at 3 PM and was attended by about 450 people. As the meeting ended, Udham Singh emerged from among the crowd, pulled out a revolver from his jacket pocket and fired six shots in rapid succession within five seconds. One of the shots hit O’Dwyer, who fell back soaked in blood and died soon after.

At this point no one knew who Udham Singh was. Most assumed the incident to be an IRA bomb attack. When the police arrived they searched for the Indian with the revolver who gave his name as Mohammed Singh Azad. He was then removed to another room where he was kept in the custody of Detective Sergeant Sidney Jones.

On being interrogated, Udham Singh, who was then known as Azad, said, “I did it because I had a grudge against him. He deserved it.” On being informed that he might be sentenced to death for the crime he shouted out, “I don’t care about the sentence of death. It is not worrying me. I am dying for a purpose.”

Reaction to the assassination

The BBC’s 9 pm news was the first to break the information about O’Dwyer’s assassination. Even as British bureaucrats were gripped with fear after the incident, there was much rejoicing in India. In Punjab, the incident was seen as heroic, an avenge for the insult at Jallianwala Bagh.

The following day, a German radio station reported the incident, along with stating “the Indian freedom movement has now gone over to direct action against the English oppressors of India.” “The shooting and killing of Sir Michael O’Dwyer recalls the past misdeeds of the British administrators in India.”

Newspapers of the day too carried extensive coverage of the incident and each one of them recounted the story of Jallianwala Bagh. The Daily Mirror, as cited in Sikander Singh’s book, reported, “Revenge after 20 years….Amritsar had never forgotten.”

Interestingly, the press in India was deeply mournful about the event. In the collection of documents related to Udham Singh edited by Navtej Singh and Avtar Singh Jouhl in 2002, the National Herald is cited as suggesting that the “assassination is widely regretted but earnestly hopes that it will not have far-reaching repercussions on the political future of India.” The paper that was established by Nehru further stated, “We have not been unaware of (two corrupt groups) of the feeling, particularly among younger section of Indians, regarding non-violence as an instrument of national policy and our support of early civil disobedience is because of our conviction that delay will strengthen the forces of violence.”

The Statesman, reporting on March 16, 1940, noted, “The senseless character of the crime is illustrated by the fact that the chief victim was a man of 76 years of age who retired from India nearly twenty years ago, while the occasion was a harmless gathering.”

The Tribune on the same day noted, “Anything more shocking than the outrage that took place at a meeting of the India Association in London on Wednesday night cannot be easily imagined.” It added: “Profoundly as all sections of public opinion in India will deplore the incident, no section of opinion will condemn it more strongly, more energetically or more unreservedly than the party of self-government between whom and the chief victim of the outrage there was little love lost during the period of his administration in the country.

Flags flew at half-mast both at London and Lahore on the day following the incident and all public offices and courts were closed. In the House of Commons, the leader of the Labour Party, Clement Atlee, asked Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain: “Is it not the fact that this abominable outrage will be as keenly resented by all the people of India as by the people of this country?” The latter responded, “I am sure that that is so.”

Gandhi, on hearing of the incident, told reporters, “The news of the death of Michael O’Dwyer and the injuries to Lord Zetland, Lord Lamington and Sir Louis Dane, has caused me deep pain. I regard this act as one of insanity.” He went on to express the hope that it would not affect Indian politics and expressed his condolences with O’Dwyer’s family.

Gandhi, whose pacifist soul was shaken to its core by the assassination of this imperialist butcher, was not to express such sympathy for the family and friends of Udham Singh after the latter’s execution in Pentoville prison,” writes the politician and editor of Lalkar newspaper Harpal Brar in his foreword to Navtej Singh’s biography of Udham Singh.

The trial of Udham Singh

In the days following the assassination, the police investigated thoroughly to find out who Udham Singh, alias Azad, was. New Scotland Yard reported, as cited in Navtej Singh’s book, “that Singh’s action was not sponsored by any organisation or association and that no other person was party to the scheme. He has given evidence of terrorist aspirations from his early days, and there is no doubt that he has for some time in the past nursed a plan to assassinate some prominent Englishman connected with Indian political affairs.”

The police were fearful that Udham Singh might use the trial in court for political purposes, posing as a martyr and encouraging Indians both in India and abroad to commit similar crimes. Consequently, it was decided to limit media publicity of the investigation and trial as much as possible.

The trial started out on June 4, 1940 in the Number 1 court of Old Bailey, the Central Criminal Court. “Special precautions were taken in London to ensure that the press did not give ‘undue prominence’ to Udham Singh’s ‘heroics’,” notes Navtej Singh in his book.

The presiding judge was Mr. Atkinson. The prosecution was represented by G B McLure and C.Humphreys and Udham Singh was defended by John Hutchinson, R E Seaton and V K Krishna Menon. Navtej Singh writes that Udham Singh declined to be sworn on the Bible but made a solemn affirmation.

McLure opened the case on behalf of the prosecution. Udham Singh’s lawyers presented their defence by producing a piece of paper written by O’Dwyer to establish that they both were on friendly terms. Udham Singh was then invited to the witness box. He stated that he was against British rule in India and the way India had been forced into the war. He further explained that his original intention was to shoot into the air and shout, ‘leave India alone, mind your own business.’ However, since someone pushed him and struck his arm down, the bullet happened to hit O’Dwyer.

The following day of the trial Udham Singh repeated that he had no desire to kill anybody. But in the course of the proceeding he slowly admitted everything he had previously told to the police.

After the prosecution presented the case, Atkinson summed up by arguing that it was not necessary to prove intent of murder but that the damage was an intentional act. It was not accidental and that Udham Singh had gone to the meeting fully armed.

The jury found Udham Singh guilty of murder and then the court clerk asked him if he had anything to say with regard to why he must not be given a death penalty. It is then that Udham Singh started out his famous speech against British imperialism. He was swiftly interrupted by Atkinson who said he was not going to listen to a political speech.

After much argument between the two, Atkinson stated once again, “You are only entitled to say why the sentence of death should not be passed upon you. You are not entitled to make a political speech.”

To this Udham Singh shouted, “I do not care about the sentence of death. It means nothing at all. I do not care about dying or anything. We are suffering from the British Empire… I am standing before an English jury in an English court. You people go to India and when you come back you are given prizes and put into the House of Commons, but when we come to England we are put to death.”

Udham Singh went on that when the British come to India they call themselves “intellectuals” and “rulers” and “they order machine guns to fire on Indian students without hesitation.” “I have nothing against the public at all. I have more English friends in England than I have in India. I have nothing against the public. I have great sympathy with the workers of England, but I am against the dirty British government,” he said, as quoted in Navtej Singh’s book.

Atkinson interrupted the speech saying, “I am not to hear any more…I am going to pass sentence upon you.” Once the sentence of death was proclaimed, Udham Singh clenched his fist in the air and shouted, “Inqlab, Inqlab, Inqlab…down with British imperialism”.

Soon after, he was handcuffed and taken to Pentoville prison in North London where he was hanged to death on July 31, 1940.

Further reading:

Navtej Singh, Challenge to imperial hegemony: The life story of a great Indian patriot Udham Singh, Punjabi University, 1998

Source: Indian Express, 16/10/21