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Monday, November 08, 2021
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INDIA
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Current Affairs-November 8, 2021
INDIA
ECONOMY & CORPORATE
WORLD
SPORTS
Google launches scholarship for women pursuing computer science degree
Recipients of the Generation Google Scholarship for Women in computer science will be awarded $1,000 for the 2022-2023 school year. Candidates can apply before December 10.
The tech-giant Google is inviting scholarships applications from women who aspire to pursue a career in the field of computer science. Generation Google Scholarship for Women in computer science will support students pursuing computer science degrees excel in technology.
Selected students will receive $1,000 for the 2022-2023 school year. The scholarship will be awarded based on the strength of each candidate’s commitment to diversity, equity and inclusion, innovation and academic performance. Applicants must be enrolled as a full-time student in a bachelor’s degree for the 2021-2022 academic year and be in the second year of study at an accredited university in Asia Pacific country wApplicants will have to submit their resume/CV highlighting technical projects and participation in community engagement and academic transcripts from their current or prior institutions. Candidates are also required to submit two 400-word essays, which have to be written in English.hen completing the scholarship programme.
These essays will assess your commitment to diversity, equity, and inclusion, and financial need. Interested candidates can check the requirements at buildyourfuture.withgoogle.com/scholarships/generation-google-scholarship-apac before December 10, 2021.
The scholarship will be awarded based on the strength of each candidate’s commitment to diversity, equity and inclusion, innovation and academic performance.
Source: Indian Express, 6/11/21
How the concept of Mangal Sutra has evolved over the centuries
While the idea of a sacred thread did exist and so did the practise of adorning the bride with jewellery, the ritualistic aspect of a mangal sutra along with the many class, caste and community distinctions in it is a fairly modern concept.
The sacred thread of Hindu marriage, Mangal Sutra, recently made headlines for its alleged appropriation by fashion designer Sabyasachi. Although the advertisement campaign that intended to portray Indian culture through a modern, inclusive lens has been withdrawn, it has left several questions unanswered about the sociological undertones of a mangal sutra.
“There was no concept in ancient India of a marriage being solemnised through a mangal sutra as we know of it today with diamonds, pendants and the like,” explains historian of Indian jewellery, Dr. Usha Balakrishnan. As she explains, while the idea of a sacred thread did exist and so did the practise of adorning the bride with jewellery, the ritualistic aspect of a mangal sutra along with the many class, caste and community distinctions in it is a fairly modern concept.
The purpose of the wedding jewellery
Balakrishnan along with Meera Sushil Kumar in their book, ‘Indian jewelry: The dance of the peacock’ write that historically in India “ornaments functioned as auspicious symbols of marital status”. The only time one gave up on them was on the occasion of widowhood or while giving up on worldly affairs. The authors cite the Atharvaveda which said that the marriage ceremony concludes with the father of the bride stating, “I give away this girl adorned with gold ornaments to you.”
The Manusmriti categorises bridal jewellery as her ‘stridhan’, the only kind of property that is irrevocably hers. In a male-dominated and unsupported social structure, the marital jewellery came as financial security against widowhood and old age.
The mangal sutra, as Balarishnan explains, is not mentioned in any religious text as a ‘marriage ornament’. The Grihya Sutras (Hindu texts prescribing ceremonies for each stage of an individual’s life) make no mention of the practise of tying a mangalsutra for the sake of solemnising a marriage. “Etymologically, the mangal sutra refers to an auspicious thread. Traditionally and even today during auspicious occasions, a thread dipped in turmeric or kumkum is tied around the pulse points of the body like the neck or the wrist. Mangal sutras were basically talismans tied/worn to protect, ward off the evil effects of the planets and to give courage,” she says.
Speaking about the archaeological evidence of wedding ornaments, Dr. Preetha Nair, head of the department of archaeology in the University of Kerala, says that from the early historic period (roughly corresponding to 500 BCE and 500 AD), we get several black beads which were perhaps used for making the mangal sutra later. “However, it is impossible to suggest whether they were worn only by married women or unmarried ones as well,” she says. “However one of the earliest literary references to a string being tied by the groom around the neck of the bride is from the Sangam literature (300 BCE to 300 CE), which can provide some evidence of the presence of something like a mangal sutra.”
The adoption of the mangal sutra by different communities
Balakrishnan and Kumar explain in their book that the practise of tying the mangal sutra during marriage had more to do with convention than religion. Traditionally a sacred thread was worn by both men and women as part of their initiation into the life of a student. As the practise faded away for women, the sacred thread was adapted as tiru-mangalam or mangal sutra to “sanctify a woman’s marital status and accord her social recognition”. “Often on, this string was accompanied with a motif like a leaf from an auspicious tree, a tiger claw or anything that was symbolic within that community,” says Balakrishnan.
Over the years, the motifs and make of the mangal sutra came to differentiate among caste and communities as well. In Tamil Nadu and Kerala, for instance, the mangal sutra is known as the tali, which refers to a species of the palm tree or a grove of palms. “Though literary evidence is neither consistent nor conclusive on the origin of the term, even today among the Gonds, Savaras and Munda tribes, the bridegroom ties a string with a palm leaf around the bride’s neck,” write Balakrishnan and Kumar.
Variations of the tali often indicate the natural or supernatural phenomenon revered by a community or tribe. The amai-tali, for instance, carries the emblem of a tortoise. The pulippali-tali, on the other hand, displays a set of tiger’s claws. A Shaivite Brahmin Tali carries the representation of the Lingam or the three horizontal lines of the caste mark.
A most splendid variation of the tali is the necklace of the Nattukottai Chettiars of Chettianadu in Tamil Nadu. The community is known to have originated from the ancient sea port of Puhar and their patron deity is Lord Shiva, while their most important shrine is the Nataraja Temple in Chidambaram. “The necklace is a magnificent ornament made up of two rows of horizontal beads, interspersed with elaborate pendant pieces and an ornate tali pendant in the centre,” describe Balakrishnan and Kumar. “The traditional M shaped centrepiece of the necklace features a miniature replica of the temple in Chidambaram worked in repousse. Within this temple, Shiva and his consort Parvati are depicted seated on their vehicle, the bull. The claw-like pieces on either side are embellished with artistic details typical of the architecture of Chettinad.”
The practise of tying the mangal sutra has seeped into religious groups other than Hindus as well, and is often adapted to indicate their own belief systems. “For instance, the Syrian Christians in Kerala wear a mangal sutra, but with a cross on it,” says Balakrishnan.
There are other communities though among whom the mangal sutra seems to be absent. Other forms of marital tokens though seem to have taken its place, encapsulating the same idea and objective as that of the mangal sutra. In large parts of north India for instance, the bicchwa or the toe ring and glass bangles are supposed to indicate marital status of a woman. The Kashmir marriage symbol consists of a long string, drawn through a hole pierced in the cartilage of the ear, with an ornament at the end.
In Bengal, the shell and coral bangles or the shaakha pola is worn as an indicator of marital status. “The pola for instance signifies the strength of iron wished upon the woman. It also consists of lead. It is believed that a small quantity of lead is good for the body to absorb through the bloodstream. It is considered all the more important for women who are expected to bear children,” says Balakrishnan. The shell, she says, is an indicator or a fish-eating ocean bound community. “The shell is an important symbol of prosperity and longevity.”
Speaking about the rebranding of marital tokens in recent times, Balakrishnan says that “marketing companies in the west took a diamond ring and turned it into an object that was compulsory to sanctify a marriage. Every woman, therefore, wanted that ring as the ultimate symbol of a man’s love and devotion to her.” The evolution of the mangal sutra over centuries is best understood in the same context.
Written by Adrija Roychowdhury
Source: Indian Express, 5/11/21
The truth about radicalisation in India
Apoorvanand writes: Why is it so difficult to talk about those who are really poisoning minds?
The claim by the Indian agencies of having busted ISI terror modules has led G S Bajpai and Ankit Kaushik to believe that “the threat of radicalisation in India is pervasive and increasing exponentially” (‘Before they cross the line’, IE, October 29). The situation, according to them, is quite serious and demands a policy response from the government. We have, however, seen multiple terror cases brought by the security agencies that have failed to stand in the courts — often after years of the accused being incarcerated under the UAPA. It is, therefore, not wrong to expect experts to examine the claims by the state agencies with scepticism. That aside, the authors’ concern should not be brushed aside. Radicalisation of minds is a reality in India.
There are different kinds of radicals in our midst: Believers in the dictatorship of the proletariat replacing multiparty democracy, or in the idea of a world ruled by Sharia or in the thought of India being a land primarily of Hindus, with others having lesser rights.
The challenge is to describe the Indian reality of radicalisation. It appears that the writers hold the belief propagated by the agencies — that the sources of radicalisation lie outside the boundaries of India, ISIS or al Qaeda being most prominent. Speaking plainly, when we look at radicalisation from this lens, we tend to focus on Muslims. Looking at a government-sanctioned research project to understand the phenomenon of radicalisation in India led by Bajpai himself, one finds that his assumption is not very different. For example, “the study will be conducted in four states like Maharashtra, Assam, Kerala and Jammu and Kashmir.” One can only guess the religious profile of the 75 radicalised individuals to be sampled from these states.
The reason for such sampling and formulations is that only those acts are considered radical which are dramatic, have a suddenness about them, involve bombs or firearms like AK47s and involve groups acting in the name of Islam. The ISIS lure is real, but can the demonstrators terrorising Muslims offering namaz on the open ground in Gurgaon without using any weapon be seen as radicals? Are those who assembled at Jantar Mantar calling openly for the elimination of Muslims radicalised? In which category should those middle-class Hindus be placed who assembled to oppose the opening of a shop in Anand to terrorise Hindu partners into dropping their Muslim friend from the partnership? What about the groups across India terrorising Hindu-Muslim couples?
Such acts have become so numerous and routine that they no longer excite us enough to find them radical. Yet, if we agree with Bajpai, it is the extent of violence that radicalisation leads to which makes it dangerous. That is why we need to look at the sources of radicalisation and disable them. Can we describe the process and identify the sources of such radicalisation, which has turned into a violent threat in India? Can it be treated as “pervasive” and “exponential”, demanding an extraordinary response?
Recently, a video started circulating on social media platforms in which some students can be heard telling the reporter that Kashmiris were being fed better rice and had been exempt from paying income tax; that the Indian Constitution was not applicable there and the removal of Article 370 has corrected all these anomalies. They also believed that demonetisation had stopped stone-pelting. Should we laugh this away as a case of benign misinformation or see it as a stage in the process of radicalisation, which will make them justify violence against Kashmiris or even take part in it? What about the people in your families who believe that Muslims conspire to send their handsome men to lure Hindu girls? Or those who sincerely believe that the Muslim threat is driving Hindus away from many localities, like Kairana? Or, that Muslims are growing in numbers or people being converted to Christianity to outnumber Hindus? These beliefs lead people to participate in violence against Muslims and Christians or condone it. Should we treat such minds as radicalised or misguided? Yet, we know that in India, it is this mind which is the cause for daily, continuous violence.
It is not difficult to find the sources of this radicalisation. In a recent public meeting in Delhi, a journalist shared his experience with children attending an RSS shakha. When he first met them, they told him that Gandhi was their ideal but after a gap of two months, he had been replaced with Savarkar. Was it merely a harmless replacement of one ideal person by another one or also a change in the ideology, from non-violence to violence, from India for all to India primarily for Hindus? Is this radicalisation or not?
When the senior government and political leaders tell Hindus that their women are under threat because of certain people or their roads are taken by namazis, they are radicalising Hindus. In the same way Donald Trump was doing in the US. After he departed from office, the threat of radicalisation in America was assessed and defined differently. Farah Pandith writes about the way the Biden administration is trying to deal with the challenge of radicalisation: “It promises to create a better understanding of the domestic terrorism threat, using data to inform threat assessments and enhanced sharing across the inter-agency; it calls for a ramping up of so-called ‘prevention’, seeking to challenge extremism’s enduring ability to poison vulnerable minds and communities; it emphasises the central role played by law enforcement, seeking recommendations from the Department of Justice on areas to be improved and built; and it promises to tackle long-term contributors to escalating domestic extremism — not least longstanding racism and conspiracy theories demonising ‘others’. ”
What is our domestic threat? Who is poisoning vulnerable minds and communities here? Is it so difficult to talk about it?
Source: Indian Express, 8/11/21
Friday, November 05, 2021
Quote of the Day
“What we are is God's gift to us. What we become is our gift to God.”
Eleanor Powell
“हम जो हैं वह हमें ईश्वर की देन है, हम जो बनते हैं वह परमेश्वर को हमारी देन है।”
एलानर पॉवेल