UGC Scholarships 2021: Registration ends on Nov 30, here’s how to apply

 National Scholarship Portal will close down the registration process for UGC Scholarship 2021 on November 30, 2021. Fresh and renewal candidates who want to apply for various scholarships can apply online through the official site of National Scholarship Portal at scholarships.gov.in. 

The last date for verification of applications by institutions of students including re-submission of defective applications is till December 15, 2021. The eligible Institutions will be done till December 10, 2021, as per the official notice. 

Regular and full-time students can apply for four schemes for the academic year 2021-22 which includes – Indira Gandhi PG Scholarship for Single Girl Child, PG Scholarship for University Rank Holder candidate, Ishan Uday Special Scheme for North Eastern Region, and PG Scholarship for Professional Courses for SC/ST candidates. 

Direct link to register here 

UGC Scholarships 2021: How to register 

To apply for the scholarship round, candidates can follow the simple steps given below. 

• Visit the official site of National Scholarship Portal on scholarships.gov.in.
• Click on registration link available on the home page.
• A new page will open where candidates will have to enter the login details or register themselves.
• Enter the details and scholarship scheme you want to apply for.
• Click on submit and your registration has been completed.
• Once done, download the confirmation page and keep a hard copy of the same for further need.

Source: Hindustan Times, 23/11/21

Lessons for life

 An unexamined life is not worth living. Socrates

Tragedies, it is often said, are great levellers. True to the same, the COVID-19 pandemic has brought back into focus some of the core ideas central to philosophy that are are perennially relevant to the field of journalism as well: the well-known five ‘W’s and one H principle. The coronavirus has thrown a new light on all aspects of life, including perspectives in teaching, studying and practising philosophy. An analogy from the field of journalism, one feels, would be appropriate. In journalism, a news report is often judged in terms of its completeness vis-à-vis the five ‘W’s (Who, What, When, Where, Why) and the all-important H (How). The age-old philosophical system also looks for answers to the same questions, albeit at a more sublime level. That means, Who am I?, Why I am here?, Where I am supposed to proceed?, What is happening within and beyond? ‘When’, a time-related query, is also very relevant in the philosophical context. The question ‘How’ concerns how we are supposed to deal with all these in our limited span of time in the context of ever-expanding universe.

By teaching philosophy, we expect our students to become ethically and creatively enlightened, enabling them to take responsibilities to transform themselves and society at large with insights and perspectives. Critical thinking and social building are also expected of them. We employ various pedagogical methods such as assignments, discussions and extensive interactions. We also modify the syllabus, taking into account the student’s actual needs.

By studying philosophy, a student gets an opportunity to be trained to think professionally, access and analyse logically to understand and solve problems in the social system. They will also learn how to ask meaningful questions. They develop values, clarity in thinking, compassion, creativity and strengthen perspectives and develop broad approaches to life and awareness and consciousness to connect mentally with humanity. By partaking in the academic atmosphere, they are able to discuss and interact with teachers and fellow companions. The system provided them the right ambience for discourses and enabled them to develop personal skills and clarity of thought through direct interaction. But, unfortunately, COVID-19 deprived them of opportunities for personal interactions, even though it opens up new avenues.

Theory into practice

For students of philosophy, the pandemic compels them to observe social behaviour in a new context. How the human being develops new insights and perspectives is an area to be observed, studied and analysed philosophically. Justice, sacrifice, compassion ... these social values will be re-examined. A philosophy student may evaluate the situation through various yardsticks of theories such as existentialism, utilitarianism, pragmatism, socialism, humanism and so on. From the perspective of political philosophy, students are also observing democratic freedom and the individual rights in the current scene.

Many of us make use of digital platforms and MOOC courses to impart knowledge remotely. It is important to prioritise what students are supposed to know for the future instead of doling out outdated theories. Let teachers use social media platforms with compassion to guide the new generation of philosophers. Let the students also be familiar with the E-sources like Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Academia.edu.com, Research Gate, Project Gutenberg, Shodhganga, Sophia Project, PhilPapers, Stoicism Today, Internet archive, hundreds of digital libraries and e-magazines like Philosophy Now, The Philosophers Magazine and Philosophers’ Imprint, which are available in the Net.

Let students watch plenty of films and documentaries and web series on all aspects of life of all beings as well as history and evolution of everything in the universe. When they come to the classrooms as part of the academic session after the period of social distancing, their experience of observing and reading will enrich them to absorb the subject in a more meaningful manner and equip them to think globally and act locally.

Philosophy links us to everything that makes us human. In this peculiar situation, we can make our students read more original works in philosophy, history and literature. This is also the time to read and re-read the classics and to encourage them to be creative, imaginative and to grow beyond the syllabus and academic regulations.

The pandemic has engendered a new stream of thought as, globally, people begin approaching life from a philosophical perspective with fresh insights. Maybe the onus is upon academicians to relive timeless principles and enrich human beings with the values of compassion and universal brotherhood instead of focusing on linguistic and scientific terminologies alone. May be it is time for Stoicism and Humanism to make a triumphant comeback in their new avatars to make the world a better place.

Let them know that when they protect dharma or values, that will protect them. Let them know how to enjoy the sublime within. Let them feel that when they walk on the Earth, they are walking on tiny dust in an ever-expanding universe that has millions and millions of galaxies and nebulae and the Earth has a history before the histories of all the species, religions, systems, cultures … Let them be humble and learn to say that ‘I am a tiny part of the same’ and enjoy that harmonious moment of understanding that everything is one.

Let them know through their experience that interpreting the world is not enough. That how to change within and beyond with a new perspective is more important. Let them know that by reason alone we cannot understand the truth. Let them learn themselves to accept and respect silence, to see everything with awareness and awe with gratitude and compassion. Let us raise our minds above everything with patience, compassion and humanity.

Jojan Job

The writer is an Assistant Professor, Department of Philosophy, Madras Christian College. jojan@mcc.edu.in

Source: The Hindu, 13/11/21

Falling short: On data protection provisos

 It has been more than three years since a draft Bill on personal data protection was crafted by the Justice Srikrishna Committee of experts and submitted to the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology in 2018. Two years since a Joint Parliamentary Committee was set up to scrutinise another version — the Personal Data Protection Bill (PDPB), 2019 — it was finally adopted by it on Monday. But as dissent notes submitted by some panel members from the Opposition point out, the draft falls short of the standards set by the Justice Srikrishna Committee to build a legal framework based on the landmark judgment, Justice K.S. Puttaswamy vs Union of India, on privacy. The key divergences from the Justice Srikrishna Committee’s draft Bill are in the selection of the chairperson and members of the Data Protection Authority (DPA) which shall protect the interests of data principals and the leeway provided to the Union government to exempt its agencies from the application of the Act. While the 2018 draft Bill allowed for judicial oversight, the 2019 Bill relies entirely on members of the executive government in the selection process for the DPA. In contrast to the 2018 Bill that allowed for exemptions to be granted to state institutions from acquiring informed consent from data principals or to process data in the case of matters relating only to the “security of the state” and also called for a law to provide for “parliamentary oversight and judicial approval of non-consensual access to personal data”, the 2019 Bill adds “public order” as a reason to exempt an agency of the Government from the Act, besides only providing for those reasons to be recorded in writing.

As JPC member from the Rajya Sabha, the Congress’s Jairam Ramesh, rightly mentions in his dissent note, the “government must always comply with the Bill’s requirement of fair and reasonable processing and implementing the necessary safeguards”, which requires that the exemptions granted in writing should at least be tabled in both Houses of Parliament; but that was not accepted by the JPC. His note also points out to the dangers of exemption on the grounds of “public order” as it is susceptible to misuse and not limited to “security of the state” which is recognised by other data regulations such as Europe’s General Data Protection Regulation as a viable reason for exemption. In October 2021, the Global Privacy Assembly, featuring Privacy Commissioners from over 19 countries including those from the European Union, Japan and the U.K., came up with a clear resolution on principles for government access to personal data. In its resolution, the Assembly asked for a set of principles on legal basis, the need for clear and precise rules, proportionality and transparency, data subject rights, independent oversight, and effective remedies and redress to the individuals affected. As the JPC’s adoption of the draft Bill and the dissent notes appended to it suggest, it has fallen short of standards protecting privacy rights of individuals against blanket misuse by the state. It is now the task of Parliament to tighten the provisions further and bring them in conformance with the 2018 Bill.

Source: The Hindu, 23/11/21

Quote of the Day November 22, 2021

 

“Instead of wondering where your next vacation is, may be you ought to set up a life you don't need to escape from.”
Seth Godin

“यह सोचने के बजाए कि आपकी अगली छुट्टी कहां हो, संभवतया आपको ऐसा जीवन बनाना चाहिए कि उससे बच कर कहीं जाने की ज़रूरत ही न पड़े।”
सेथ गोदिन

World Children’s Day is celebrated on 20 November

 The Universal/World Children’s Day is celebrated on 20 November annually to promote international togetherness, awareness among children worldwide, and improving children’s welfare. November 20th is an important date as it is the date in 1959 when the UN General Assembly adopted the Declaration of the Rights of the Child. 2021 marks the 32nd anniversary of the Convention on the Rights of the Child.

Universal/World Children’s Day 2021 Theme: A Better Future for Every Child

History of the day:

World Children’s Day was first established in 1954 as Universal Children’s Day and is celebrated on 20 November each year. In 1959, UN General Assembly adopted the Declaration of the Rights of the Child. It is also the date in 1989 when the UN General Assembly adopted the Convention on the Rights of the Child.

Economic & Political Weekly: Table of Contents

Vol. 56, Issue No. 47, 20 Nov, 2021

Editorials

Caste Dimensions of Poverty and Wealth

Comment

Cryptos, CBDC, Privatisation: Notebandi and Then Some

Anush Kapadia

From the Editor's Desk

The ‘Art’ of Making Democracy Sinister

Gopal Guru

From 50 Years Ago

From 50 Years Ago: Domesticating Foreign Policy

Law and Society

Cryptocurrency - Ambiguities and the Impending Crisis

Alok Prasanna Kumar

Commentary

The Land Pooling Scheme in Andhra Pradesh - A Critical Appraisal

Siddardha Darla

Faith-based Financial Exclusion - Where Does Jammu and Kashmir Stand?

D Narayana

Technological Federalism - A Building Block to Constitutionalise the Digital Sphere

Anushka Mittal

Climate Change - Raag Bhairavi at Glasgow COP26

Purnamita Dasgupta

Forecasting the Post-COVID-19 Recovery Pattern - A Note on Methodology

Nayakara Veeresha

Rohini Nayyar (1944–2021) - The Gentle Colossus

K Seeta Prabhu

Book Reviews

Russia and the East - Long Continuity of Interests and Engagement

Anuradha Chenoy

The Transition to Big Data in India

Vikas Kumar

Insight

COVID-19 and the Everyday Challenges of Indigenous Peoples of Tripura

Biswaranjan Tripura, Thomas Malsom

Special Articles

Maternity Entitlements - Women’s Rights Derailed

Jean Dreze, Reetika Khera, Anmol Somanchi

The Impact of COVID-19 on the Stock Market and Corporate Firms

Indrani Chakarborty

Labour Force and Employment Growth in India - Evidence from the EUS (2011–12) and PLFS (I and II)

Balakrushna Padhi, Venkatanarayana Motkuri

Current Statistics

Current Statistics

Letters

Towards Cleaner Cooking in India

Nilanjan Bhor

Reviving Hydropower Projects

Siddartha Ramakanth Keshavadasu, Rajkiran V Bilolika

Time for a global ban on satellite destruction tests

 Russia is a top-rung space power. In terms of technological capabilities, it ranks alongside the US and even surpasses it in some areas. The Russian establishment has a highly sophisticated understanding of the space domain. Moscow’s intellectual horsepower in space science, economics and strategy is outstanding. The Soviet Union and its successor, the Russian Federation, have demonstrated no less responsibility towards the preservation and protection of space for human activities than any other power. That is what makes Moscow’s anti-satellite (ASAT) test surprising.

On 16 November, Russia destroyed one of its old satellites by causing a tail-on collision with an ASAT rocket it had fired, at an altitude slightly higher than that of the International and Chinese space stations. The thousands of pieces of debris that resulted now pose a risk to space-stationed astronauts, other spacecraft that occupy low-earth orbits and launch vehicles destined for higher orbits. Space debris move faster than bullets and even tiny bits have enough kinetic energy to severely damage spacecraft. The lower the elevation of the fragments from earth, the sooner the junk will fall back upon the planet and burn up in the atmosphere. Debris at higher altitudes can remain in space for years and decades before falling down.

Space is vast, but the probability of collision increases with the number of objects in orbit. Junk from the Russian test is expected to intersect with the International Space Station’s (ISS) orbit 31 times a day, before spreading out further.

Clearly, debris pose a risk for all spacefarers, including Russian cosmonauts and satellites. I find it difficult to understand why the otherwise space-smart Russians would do such a thing. First, Russia did not really need to test this direct-ascent ASAT, given that it has far more sophisticated missile interception capacity. Furthermore, in recent years, it has demonstrated advanced co- orbital ASAT capabilities, manoeuvring its spacecraft into close proximity to target satellites. Second, even if it wished to carry out a direct-ascent ASAT test for political signalling, it could have done so at lower, relatively safer altitudes. When India carried out its Mission Shakti ASAT test in 2019, the Indian Space Research Organisation launched the target satellite at an altitude of 274km (and much lower than that of the ISS) before destroying it a couple of months later. That test created fewer bits of trackable debris, and today only one of the few hundred objects remains detectable in orbit. All ASAT tests create debris, not all of which are trackable, but it is possible for responsible spacefaring nations to minimize negative externalities to the extent possible.

Russia’s behaviour is thus a puzzle. While it is possible that its defence establishment acted without consulting its space agency, it is hard to accept that such a test would have received political authorization without the country’s top space agency being in the loop. We must therefore assume that the Kremlin made a considered decision that knowingly hurts the interests of all spacefaring nations. Whatever Russia’s political and strategic objective, the poisoning of the pond harms everyone.

There is now an urgent case for a strict international ASAT non-proliferation and test-ban treaty. The norms that kept space clean for decades can no longer be relied upon. There are approximately two dozen countries that possess ballistic missiles or satellite launch capability that jeopardize human access to space. If a major space power like Russia could do it, what of desperado regimes that have nothing to lose in space?

Incidentally, just two weeks before the Russian test, the United Nations General Assembly’s First Committee, which deals with international security and disarmament, set up a new working group to develop principles and rules for the military use of space. Initiated by the UK, the institution of the working group was supported by a vast majority of nations. Russia and China voted against, but only because they are in favour of an alternative mechanism for preventing an arms race in space, and for hard treaty obligations against space weapons that the US is opposed to. India abstained. But as the working group begins its deliberations, New Delhi must weigh in strongly on the side of a strict ban on anti-satellite weapons.

As a country that already possesses ASAT capability, it is in India’s interest to deter other countries from acquiring it. To be clear: our successful 2019 test does not automatically mean India has operational ASAT weapons. There is still some way to go. Even so, it is inconceivable that we can easily carry out another destructive test without hurting our own interests in one way or another. At this stage, it is far better to push for a treaty that might prevent India’s adversaries from further developing space weapons. A treaty will not prevent anyone—including India—from developing more advanced ASAT weapons. But it will make it harder, and prohibit destructive testing.

Space offers Indian entrepreneurs and businesses an opportunity to create another engine of growth. It is in our interest not to allow garbage to come in the way of our success.

Nitin Pai is co-founder and director of The Takshashila Institution, an independent centre for research and education in public policy

Source: Mintepaper, 21/11/21