Thursday, May 16, 2024
Women on wheels: Editorial on the importance of intelligently devised welfare schemes for women
In a democracy, public welfare is not a matter of benevolence. It entails the rights of the people. Indeed, the democratic compact between a government and the citizens who elect it is predicated upon the State’s ability to bring wide swathes of the population, especially those on the margin, within the ambit of welfarism. The prime minister of the mother of democracies, though, has, on numerous occasions, been sceptical about the efficacy of such targeted welfarism. He has described political commitments towards the greater good, especially those framed by the Opposition parties, as examples of sops — rewdis. It is true that political populism is often packaged with the glitter of welfare in this country. All political parties, including the Bharatiya Janata Party, pander to such competitive electoral populism. But a blanket dismissal of welfare programmes is not prudent either. When the State gets a targeted welfare initiative right, the consequences can be truly illuminating. One such initiative that seems to be actually working — transforming ground realities — is the Congress’s programme of guaranteeing free bus rides for women in Karnataka, one of the five guarantees in the Congress manifesto that played a pivotal role in catapulting it back to power in that state. Recent reports suggest that freed from the shackles of immobility and dependence, women in Karnataka are going places — literally and metaphorically — like never before. Since the scheme’s introduction, Karnataka’s four bus corporations have seen a 30% jump in passenger count with 1.10 crore daily passengers, of which nearly 60% are women. Crucially, this endeavour is also helping women reclaim public spaces that are still largely divided along gender lines.
Women voters — numbering 47.1 crore and forming nearly half of all eligible voters in the country — are a force to reckon with in India. The BJP’s recent victory in the assembly polls in Madhya Pradesh was attributed largely to its popularity among women voters. Unsurprisingly, political parties have begun tailoring welfare schemes for this electorally important constituency. The Aam Aadmi Party, for instance, promised Rs 1,000 per month to all women above 18 years of age for the 2024-25 fiscal year in the national capital and the BJP made a similar pledge in Madhya Pradesh. But it is important to remember that all welfare policies need not be emancipatory. Some, in fact, can reinforce discrimination. An interesting study by scholars at O.P. Jindal Global University, for instance, found that in states with lower female literacy rates — the BJP is often the party of choice in these — there is a disproportionate focus on policies which, while helpful, end up keeping women at home; even the financial dole is usually taken away from women by male or other family members. Conversely, states with higher female literacy rates tend to focus on policies that are enablers of women’s agency, mobility, employment and education. The Kanyashree Prakalpa in West Bengal, which reversed high female dropout rates at the middle- and high-school levels in the state, is one case in point.
Intelligently devised welfare measures that assure basic amenities like healthcare, education and employment for women are a necessity in a deeply inequitable and patriarchal country like India. The demonisation of welfarism by conflating it with populism is a sinister ploy to absolve the State of its commitment to collective betterment.
Source: The Telegraph, 11/05/24
Behind the 20-year delay in Nagaland’s urban local body elections
Nagaland is set to hold urban local body elections next month, for the first time since 2004. Here is what lay behind the long wait, and how elections are being held now.
After the conclusion of Lok Sabha polling in Nagaland, the state is gearing up for another election next month: its long pending municipal polls, which last took place in 2004.
On April 26, the state cabinet approved the conduct of the urban local body polls to the state’s 3 municipal councils and 36 town councils. Subsequently, the State Election Commission (SEC) notified the schedule for the election, set to take place on June 26.
Over the years, Nagalands’s urban local bodies elections have been a contentious matter, particularly over the question of women’s reservation. If the polls are successfully conducted next month, it will come after several failed attempts, court proceedings, and political opposition — which have led to violence, the resignation of a chief minister, and finally, the creation of a new municipal act last year.
Behind the contention
Urban local body polls were held for the first and last time in Nagaland in 2004, in line with the provisions of the Nagaland Municipal Act, 2001 (henceforth, ‘the Act’). In 2006, this Act was amended to include 33% reservation for women — in line with the 73rd and 74th constitutional amendments of 1992 which mandated reserving “not less than one-third of the total number of seats” for women in rural and urban local bodies.
It was this 2006 amendment that became a subject of controversy. The opposition to it, led by tribal bodies, was on the grounds that the reservation for women was in contravention with Naga customary laws, as enshrined in Article 371(A) of the Constitution, which accords special status to Nagaland for the protection of traditional religious and social practices of the Nagas.
In 2009, the state government deferred municipal elections, which were set to be held the following year, in light of the controversy surrounding the Act.
Over a decade long fight
However, there were also those fighting to implement women’s reservations in Nagaland. In 2011, the Naga Mothers’ Association (NMA), an influential women’s organisation, petitioned the Gauhati High Court on the matter. That year, the court directed the Nagaland government to hold local body elections.
But in 2012, the state assembly passed a resolution rejecting women’s reservation in the polls. Following this, the NMA filed a special leave petition in the Supreme Court based on which, in 2017, the apex court directed the government to hold the polls. When the government moved to conduct the elections in line with this directive, the state was rocked with violent protests in which two people died. In the face of mounting pressure, T R Zeliang, then Chief Minister — and now Deputy CM — resigned from his position.
The matter seemed to take a new direction in 2022, when the Nagaland government conducted a multi-stakeholder meeting in March with tribal bodies, churches, civil society organisations, and NGOs in which a resolution to hold the polls was adopted. The government then informed the SC that it was ready to implement 33% womens’ reservation in the polls. The top court asked the Nagaland SEC to schedule dates.
Some more hiccups
Despite this, municipal elections are yet to take place in Nagaland. After the current Neiphiu Rio-led government was elected last year, the SEC notified that the election would be conducted that May.Once again, however, opposition to the reservations began to emerge, despite the earlier claimed consensus. Tribal hohos — apex tribal bodies — resolved to boycott the polls till the Nagaland Municipal Act was reviewed. Among the concerns they listed was a demand for a “guarantee” from the government that the 33% women’s reservation does not infringe on Article 371-A “before rushing to conduct the Urban local Body election”; a demand for specifying the duration for which the reservation would be applied, suggesting that it be capped at two tenures; and an opposition to reserving the position of chairperson for women.
A new municipal act
Following the boycott call, the state assembly in March last year repealed the Act and passed a resolution that a new law would be enacted that would “take into consideration once and for all the grievances of all the interested parties so that the elections could be conducted in accordance to law.” The assembly resolution stated that there were concerns that the law and order in the state would deteriorate if the elections were held without reviewing the Act.
In November, in a special emergency session, the assembly passed a new Nagaland Municipal Bill, 2023 which retains 33% reservation for women in the urban local bodies but has done away with the provision of reservation to the post of chairperson to municipal bodies, as well as the provisions for taxes on immovable property.
The polls which are now scheduled are in line with this new Act.
Written by Sukrita Barua
Source: Indian Express, 12/05/24
Tuesday, April 30, 2024
Quote of the Day April 30, 2024
“Study nature, love nature, stay close to nature. It will never fail you.”
Frank Lloyd Wright
“प्रकृति का अध्ययन करें, प्रकृति से प्रेम करें, प्रकृति के सान्निध्य में रहें। यह आपको कभी हताश नहीं करेगी।”
फ्रैंक लॉयड राइट
2024 Global Report on Food Crisis (GRFC)
The 2024 Global Report on Food Crisis (GRFC) reveals that nearly 282 million people across 59 countries and territories experienced high levels of acute hunger in 2023. This study shows a global increase of 24 million from the previous year, with 1 in 5 people assessed requiring critical urgent action.
Key Findings
- 36 million children under 5 years of age are acutely malnourished across 32 countries
- Acute malnutrition worsened in 2023, particularly among displaced populations
- 36 countries have been consistently featured in GRFC analyses since 2016, representing 80% of the world’s most hungry
- 705,000 people were at risk of starvation (IPC/CH Phase 5) in 2023, the highest number in GRFC’s reporting history
- The Gaza Strip accounts for 80% of those facing imminent famine, along with South Sudan, Burkina Faso, Somalia, and Mali
- By July 2024, 1.1 million people in the Gaza Strip and 79,000 people in South Sudan are projected to be in IPC/CH Phase 5
Drivers of Food Crises
The report identifies three primary drivers of acute food insecurity:
- Conflict and insecurity (affecting 20 countries, 135 million people)
- Extreme weather events (affecting 18 countries, 77 million people)
- Economic shocks (affecting 21 countries, 75 million people)
These interlinked drivers exacerbate food system fragility, rural marginalization, poor governance, and inequality, leading to massive population displacement.
Breaking the Cycle of Food Crises
The Global Network Against Food Crises calls for a transformative approach that integrates peace, prevention, and development action alongside emergency efforts to break the cycle of acute hunger. Long-term national and international investments are needed to transform food systems and boost agricultural and rural development, along with greater crisis preparedness and critical lifesaving assistance.
The Way Forward
The international community has made bold commitments to address the food crisis, including recent G7 and G20 initiatives. The Global Network Against Food Crises offers to leverage its knowledge of hunger in the most fragile countries to strengthen linkages and build coherence between these global initiatives to ensure innovative and concrete impact for those affected by food crises.
About the Global Report on Food Crises (GRFC)
- Produced annually by the Food Security Information Network.
- Launched by the Global Network Against Food Crises.
- Highlights acute food insecurity and malnutrition globally.
- Identifies main drivers like conflict, extreme weather, economic shocks.
- Calls for long-term investments to transform food systems.
The Global Report on Food Crises is produced annually by the Food Security Information Network and launched by the Global Network Against Food Crises, a multistakeholder initiative that includes United Nations organizations, the European Union, the United States Agency for International Development, and non-governmental agencies working together to tackle food crises.
Inclusive Education
The NEP-2020 stresses the importance of inclusive education ~ a process that protects the presence, participation and achievement of all individuals in equitable learning opportunities.
he NEP-2020 stresses the importance of inclusive education ~ a process that protects the presence, participation and achievement of all individuals in equitable learning opportunities. Samagra Shiksha, an integrated scheme for school education, highlights that education policies, practices and facilities respect the diversity of all individuals in the classroom because education is a basic human right that should be generated to all regardless of their social status, gender, age, ethnicity, race, language, religion, and disability. Admittedly, inclusion is all about building the inner in children.
In the wake of the publication of the UNESCO’s Salamanca Report in 1994, many developing countries started formulating the process to include students with disabilities in mainstream educational institutions. As per the 2011 census in India, over 61 per cent of disabled children attend educational institutions and 12 per cent of disabled population attended schools earlier. But 27 per cent of them did not do so.
Over the years the government has launched different programmes for their inclusion in mainstream institutions. The Mental Health Act (1987) consolidates the law relating to treatment and care of mentally retarded people. The Rehabilitation Council of India (RCI) Act,1992 was amended in 2000 to work on manpower development to provide Rehabilitation services. Persons with Disability (PWD) Act,1995 stands for equal opportunity for every person and gives protection of rights and full participation of disabled persons in education, vocation, social security etc.
Every child is assured of getting free education in a good educational climate up to 18 years. Right to Education (RTE) Act, 2009 tries to protect the rights of education of those belonging to the backward groups and of children with disabilities from any kind of discrimination and ensure to them elementary education. Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA), 2000 attempts to implement inclusive education and provides orientation of all teachers to the education of children with special needs. The scheme for Inclusive Education for Disabled at Secondary Stage (IEDSS) was launched in 2009-10 to provide further inclusive education for the disabled children in classes XI to XII. The aim of Rashtriya Madhyamik Shiksha Abhiyan (RMSA) was to enhance access to secondary education and improve its quality. So many programmes relating to inclusive education have been envisaged and introduced, but the desired success has hardly been achieved.
Why? The answer lies in the fact that along with the government, teachers and guardians as beneficiaries also need to be aware about their inclusion in education. We all agree that education is a basic human right that should be guaranteed to all children. Globally, recent estimates suggest that 224 million young people affected by crises are in need of educational support among which 1 in 10 have a disability.
Inclusive education is a process that protects the participation of all individuals in equitable learning opportunities. It is, in fact, not the same as special education, in that it relies on segregation or integration rather than inclusion. Inclusive education is not a buzzword in the learning environment; it is a transformative approach that brings together students of all backgrounds and abilities. It celebrates diversity, fosters empathy among students and encourages them to respect differences.
Also, it is a potent weapon against discrimination and bullying. It highlights the belief that education is not a one-size-fit-all approach but is about finding the right fit for every student. Education for All, as set out in the Dakar Framework for Action, is to provide quality education for all children, including those who have a distinct form or the other. Thus, a rights-based approach should be adapted, and disability inclusion should be mainstreamed into institutional culture. Provision of accessible and inclusive teaching and learning materials will ensure participation and learning achievement of all learners, including those with disabilities.
In encouraging human diversity in the class, educational institutions built on humanistic aspects of life may lay the foundation for the acceptance of differences. Tony Booth, author of Index for Inclusion, emphasizes the role of values in the democratic and participating practice of inclusion, which recognizes teachers and learners equally. The website of NCERT has links to documents on Learning Outcomes for elementary school and a guidebook on index to inclusion and suggestions for accommodation and modification in assessment. But, in practice, it seems the government has so far focused on universal enrolment while the focus should be on quality of learning. Recent statistics on learning outcomes in numeracy suggested that proper pedagogy and teacher-student interactions are the need of the hour. However, the replacement of PWD Act by RPWD Act, 2016 became momentous in the annals of the disability rights movement.
The preamble of RPWD Act lays down the principles of empowerment of disabled persons in unequivocal terms that includes respect for difference and acceptance of PWD as part of diversity and humanity. This provides for Inclusive Education as a system wherein students with or without disability learn together and the system of teaching and learning is suitably adapted to meet the learning needs of different types of students with disability. The RPWD Act additionally introduces the concept of “barriers” or its definition of disability. Its most progressive feature is the “universal design” which is the design of products and environments to be usable by people in general to activities. Disability rights activists ask if social barriers are being overlooked.
RTE mentions quality of learning based on curriculum and assessment methodology should also reflect the change. To encourage more students with support needs, institutions should create a collaborative culture supporting diversity. Collaboration is a process and not an end-product of intervention. Building an inclusive institutional culture is the foundation for promoting inclusive education which may be created by fostering an environment that values diversity, equity and inclusion. This can be achieved by providing opportunities for students to learn about different cultures and traditions.
Teachers can play a key role in promoting education and diversity in schools by using diverse teaching materials to promote Inclusive Education. They can adapt their teaching methods to suit different learning needs, making sure every student grasps the material. The entire school community should promote an environment where students understand and appreciate each other’s differences. Schools should provide extra support or accommodation for students who need them, tailoring the approach to each student’s unique needs. Teachers should create opportunities for all students to actively engage in classroom activities and discussions. Communication lines between students, teachers and parents should be kept open to address concerns and make necessary adjustments.
Schools must implement strategies to prevent bullying and promote respect among students. The effectiveness of inclusive practices should be periodically assessed, and improvements be made as required. Boosting student confidence begins by giving everyone equal learning opportunities and celebrating diversity.
An inclusive environment empowers students to thrive both inside and outside school and provides everyone with an equal opportunity to learn. Moreover, schools should help teachers and professionals with the necessary training and resources for inclusive education. Using efficient master schedule software may make classroom organization a breeze and encourage inclusivity
A K GHOSH
Source: The Statesman, 27/04/24
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