Monday, April 07, 2025

Rongali Bihu, also known as Bohag Bihu, is a key festival in Assam. Celebrated in mid-April, it marks the Assamese New Year and the onset of the agricultural season.

Historical Context

Rongali Bihu has deep roots in Assamese culture. It signifies the arrival of spring and the beginning of the harvesting season. The festival has evolved over centuries but retains its core cultural essence. It is celebrated primarily by the Assamese people and reflects their agricultural lifestyle.

Duration and Structure

The festival spans seven days, with each day known as ‘Xaat Bihu.’ The first day is dedicated to cattle, the second to humans, and the third to deities. Each day involves specific rituals, feasting, and cultural performances, making it a multi-faceted celebration.

Rituals and Traditions

On the first day, called Goru Bihu, cattle are bathed, adorned, and worshipped. This ritual marks the importance of cattle in Assamese agriculture. The second day, Manuh Bihu, focuses on human celebrations with special dishes prepared. The third day, Gosain Bihu, is dedicated to worshipping deities.

Culinary Specialties

Food plays a vital role in Rongali Bihu. Traditional dishes such as ‘Chira’ and ‘Pitha’ are prepared and shared among families and friends. These delicacies enhance the festive atmosphere and reflect Assamese culinary heritage.

Policies & principles

The NEP is selectively invoked to justify any plan that strikes the Union government’s fancy. The text lends itself to such opportunistic use. Its broad principles can apply to any policy

Bengalis may take comfort that the epicentre of Centre-state wrangles about education (and other issues) has passed for now to the southern states, Tamil Nadu in particular. The National Education Policy of 2020 is a favoured weapon of war.

The NEP has become the flavour of all educational seasons. It is invoked for all deeds of commission and omission. Few citizens actually read it; I wonder how many officials do. Yet it is available on the education ministry’s portal, and is a remarkably short document given
its compass.

Its first incarnation was a weighty exercise of 477 pages, prepared under the chairmanship of Dr K. Kasturirangan, former chair of ISRO. The only cavil against such a distinguished and respected choice might be that he has not worked hands-on within the public education system. His team members might have made good much of this deficit; but there was at least one crucial absence, of an expert in elementary education and childhood care.

The draft NEP was a serious, substantial proposal. It paid rare attention to the training, status and working conditions of teachers. It declared education to be a social not a private good, to be supported primarily by the State. It made a momentous proposal to combine anganwadis with pre-primary and early primary schooling. In higher education, it advocated the liberal arts (which embrace the basic sciences) but provided no roadmap. However, it said astonishingly little on science education or even computer skills, while laying stress on Indian knowledge systems. Almost the only reference to mathematics was in two pages on arithmetical riddles for children.

In a word, despite its size, the draft NEP was patchy and sometimes low-keyed. The admirably serious commitment did not crystallize in enough concrete recommendations or attention to ground realities. Moreover, it sparked a controversy that foreshadowed things to come. The section on Indian languages was seen as a ploy to advance Hindi. The document was re-issued with the offending section redrafted.

The final NEP is a horse of a very different colour. It is as brief as the draft was long: it gallops from childhood learning to doctoral research in 65 pages. Thereby hangs another tale. When the document was released, two versions appeared within days of each other without a word of explanation. The most glaring difference is a proposal in the later text for a Higher Education Commission of India controlling
all other regulatory bodies. There was no whiff of this in the earlier avatar.

The drastic abridgement concealed many compromises. The draft’s detailed and humane treatment of school dropouts was reduced to a single bald sentence implying that all children need not attend physical schools. Another unfortunate sentence (taken from the draft) advocates “less emphasis on input and greater emphasis on output potential”. Translated, this means schools in poor and remote areas will receive less funds and infrastructure. Yet just three paragraphs earlier came a pious resolution: “all students [will] have access to safe and engaging school education at all levels”, even by “building additional quality schools in areas where they do not exist”.

So far the NEP has been selectively implemented for cosmetic tinkering, political point-scoring and structural changes involving no expense — or, worse, requiring funds that are not provided. The four-year degree course has been introduced without any additional staff to tackle the 33% extra teaching load. The biggest potential game changer in the entire policy, the merging of anganwadis with early primary school, remains unaddressed.

Instead, the NEP is selectively invoked to justify any plan that strikes the Union government’s fancy. The text lends itself to such opportunistic use. Its broad, pious principles can apply to virtually any policy. As the above example shows, there are also hidden contradictions from which one can pick the convenient alternative. The NEP has become an all-purpose tool to impose the Centre’s will in any educational matter.

An apparently marginal issue has had dire consequences for West Bengal. Under the Union government’s scheme ‘PM Schools for Rising India’, the Centre will fund the development of 14,500 schools in India (less than 1% of the total number) for five years. The follow-up, and all responsibility for the other 99%, rests with the state governments. The lucky schools must prefix the acronym ‘PM-SHRI’ to their names. The Bengal government declined this bizarre bargain. The Centre has thereupon blocked all funds under the Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan — effectively all Central funds for school education — on the charge that the state is not complying with the NEP.

PM-SHRI was launched in 2022: it is obviously no part of the NEP document of 2020. With questionable logic, any Central move on education is now linked to the NEP. Even so, PM-SHRI is a specific funding scheme which a state may or may not avail of. If it does not, it can hardly be charged with flouting national policy.

Education is the concurrent responsibility of the Union and state governments. For virtually all schemes including PM-SHRI, the cost is shared 60:40. Yet invariably, the schemes are devised unilaterally by Delhi and thrust upon the states on an ‘Obey or else’ basis. Education has been fashioned into a weapon of political power.

Tamil Nadu too finds Central funds blocked for an opposite reason, a policy long predating the NEP. The three-language school curriculum has been a staple of Indian education virtually since Independence. The NEP repeats the prescription. As recounted above, the language issue created a furore even at the draft stage. Tamil Nadu alone has consistently followed a two-language model, eliminating the third language which would very likely be Hindi. It insists on continuing the practice.

This may or may not be a good idea. The fact remains that Tamil Nadu is educationally among India’s most advanced states. If the Tamils are to change tack, it will only happen through more interaction with India’s other languages and cultures. Instead, the issue has spawned new conflicts. These are sad times when a national policy ends up dividing the nation.

Sukanta Chaudhuri

Source: The Telegraph, 7/04/25

The season’s hunt is on

Sikar Utsav, while culturally significant to some, presents a grave threat to the wildlife and the ecosystems of Southwest Bengal. The solution lies in a collective effort from all sectors of society

Human history reveals a story of fascinating evolution, with mankind transitioning from the life of a hunter-gatherer to that of a modern, technologically-advanced society. However, this progress has not been uniform. There are still places where the influence of modernity has not reached its full potential.

In India, the conservation of forests and wildlife has been a constant challenge despite the passage of laws and the establishment of several protective measures. The enactment of the Wildlife (Protection) Act of 1972 marked a critical turning point in conservation efforts. However, despite the best intentions, the implementation of this law has never been flawless. The illegal killing of wildlife has declined but it has not been eradicated.

Protecting forests and wildlife is not just the responsibility of a select few. It is enshrined in Article 51A of the Indian Constitution that makes it a fundamental duty for every citizen to protect and improve the natural environment while promoting compassion for all living creatures.

Among Indian states, West Bengal has long been a forerunner in conservation, often setting an example for the rest of the country to follow. One notable innovation that emerged in the late 1980s was the Joint Forest Management Committees, initiated particularly around the Arabari area in West Midnapore district. This pioneering model of forest management encouraged the involvement of local communities, particularly those who were heavily dependent on the forests for their livelihoods. Spearheaded by Ajit Kr Banerjee and a dedicated team of foresters, this initiative shifted the relationship between local villagers and forests from one of exploitation to cooperation.

The JFMC model worked by incorporating the villagers into forest protection and management efforts. In exchange for their active involvement, the government offered financial incentives and rewards, such as a share in the revenue generated from forest operations. For instance, up to 40% of the monetary benefits from forestry operations were distributed among members of the JFMCs. This amounted to approximately 50 crore rupees annually for the southwestern districts of Purulia, Bankura, Jhargram, West Midnapore, Birbhum and Burdwan. This shared benefit model helped improve the forest cover in Southwest Bengal and fostered a harmonious relationship between the local communities and the forests.

Consequently, the forest cover in Southwest Bengal has improved significantly and there has been a notable increase in biodiversity. Local wildlife populations have rebounded and species such as the Rusty Spotted Cat, a rare and elusive animal, have been spotted again. Additionally, the presence of apex predators, such as tigers, is now more commonly reported in the region. These tangible improvements are a direct result of the people-forest movement, which fostered a sense of peace and prosperity through cooperation and mutual benefit.

Despite these successes, Southwest Bengal continues to face significant challenges related to wildlife protection. One such challenge is the Sikar Utsav, a regional festival that celebrates the hunting tradition, which has historically been tied to the socio-cultural fabric of the region. The festival, held during the dry season (from March to May), coincides with the peak period of forest fires, making it even more damaging to the environment.

During this time, some local villagers, along with people from neighboring districts and even at times from neighbouring states like Jharkhand, Odisha, and Bihar, enter the forests to hunt wild boars, wild hares, and other small species. This tradition, although deeply rooted in the regional culture, results in significant damage to the region’s wildlife and adds tremendous pressure on the already under-resourced forest authorities.

The forests of Southwest Bengal are vast, open, and easily accessible with human settlements often intermingled with the forest areas. While many villagers use the forests in an ecologically sustainable manner, others exploit the resources for personal gain. The forest department, with its limited manpower, finds it difficult to guard such a vast and interconnected ecosystem. Forest staff in the field are overwhelmed by the sheer number of hunters during the Sikar Utsav. As a result, efforts to stop this destructive activity are often thwarted and the forest staff are unable to fully enforce conservation regulations.

The practice of hunting during the Sikar Utsav is often justified because of its cultural significance. Many of those involved in these hunts view the event as a traditional celebration that has been passed down through generations. However, the adverse consequences of these actions on biodiversity and the environment are undeniable.

While it is crucial to respect cultural traditions, there is an urgent need for awareness and change. The environment and the wildlife face unprecedented threats from overexploitation and human encroachment. The actions taken today will directly affect future generations, potentially leaving them with a world devoid of the biodiversity we now take for granted.

There is no time to waste when it comes to protecting the planet’s ecosystems. The current trajectory of environmental degradation, fuelled by human activities, could lead to the extinction of many species. This stark reality should be a wake-up call for all.

The effort to restore forest vegetation and wildlife diversity in this terrain through participatory forest management has been substantial, taking nearly three decades to witness the return of high-quality vegetation alongside its native wildlife species. The need for cooperation among local communities, government authorities, environmental organisations, and other stakeholders is greater than ever. The JFMC model has shown that people can play a positive role in forest conservation. But this model needs to be expanded and strengthened. We must invest more time and energy in awareness campaigns, law enforcement, forest protection, and strengthening infrastructure to prevent destructive practices such as the Sikar Utsav.

There must be a concerted effort to engage with local communities and educate them about the long-term benefits of sustainable living and the importance of preserving biodiversity. The narrative needs to shift from one of exploitation to one of coexistence. This can only happen through dialogue, education, and the active involvement of all stakeholders.

Sikar Utsav, while culturally significant to some, presents a grave threat to the wildlife and the ecosystems of Southwest Bengal. The solution lies in a collective effort from all sectors of society — local communities, government agencies, environmental groups, and the public — to promote sustainable practices, protect natural habitats, and preserve the biodiversity that is an essential part of our heritage.

Singaram Kulandaivel

Source: The Telegraph, 5/04/25

Green murder: Editorial on India’s dwindling forests

The executive must rectify this predation on precious forested land. But such interventions are contingent upon sustained public pressure, which remains as fractured as India’s forests

Data submitted by the Union government have revealed a distressing picture of India’s forest lands. According to the report presented to the National Green Tribunal, more than 13,000 square kilometres of forest areas are under encroachment across 25 states and Union territories. It must be pointed out in this context that the findings of the latest India State of Forest Report had also drawn attention to the negative growth in forested areas in some states. Forest area refers to land officially designated as forest. Astonishingly, the encroached area is more than the total geographical area of Delhi, Sikkim and Goa put together. The ministry of environment, forest and climate change was prodded to submit the report by the NGT, which was forced to take suo motu cognisance of a government report released last year that mentioned the total encroached forest area to be 7,506.48 sq km — a little more than half of what has been revealed in the latest assessment. Madhya Pradesh registered the highest degree of forest encroachment with a staggering 5,460.9 sq km affected, followed by Assam. Severely impacted states include Karnataka, Maharashtra, Arunachal Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Jharkhand among others. What is more, this is only a partial view of the crisis as 10 states, including West Bengal, are yet to submit their data despite multiple reminders from the Centre.

Rapid urban expansion powered by a lopsided model of development that prioritises economic growth over sustainability has been increasingly putting pressure on India’s dwindling forests. The Centre’s Rs 80,000 crore mega infrastructure project on the Great Nicobar Island proposes to divert 130 sq km of tropical rainforest area. Telangana — among the states that have failed to submit forest encroachment data — was recently found to be clearing large tracts of the Kancha Gachibowli forest. That the apex court had to intervene and stay the tree-felling is an indictment of the government’s scant regard for environmental concerns. Such institutional apathy makes the protection of forest land as well as the reclaiming of encroached forests challenging. There is an additional concern. Encroachments on forest land not only disrupt an already fragile ecological balance but also threaten marginalised, forest-dependent communities whose identification and rights are recognised and protected by the Forest Rights Act, 2006. The executive must rectify this predation on precious forested land. But such interventions are contingent upon sustained public pressure, which remains as fractured as India’s forests.

Source: Telegraph, 7/04/25

Wednesday, April 02, 2025

Quote of the Day April 2, 2025

“Anything that makes the world more humane and more rational is progress; that's the only measuring stick we can apply to it.”
W. Lippmann

“जो कुछ भी इस विश्व को अघिक मानवीय और विवेकशील बनाता है उसे प्रगति कहते हैं; और केवल यही मापदंड हम इसके लिये अपना सकते हैं।”
डब्ल्यू. लिपमैन

“Levels and Trends in Child Mortality” Report

The “Levels and Trends in Child Mortality” report was released recently by the United Nations Inter-agency Group for Child Mortality Estimation (UNIGME). UNIGME (United Nations Inter-agency Group for Child Mortality Estimation) is led by UNICEF, WHO, World Bank, and UN Population Division. The report is published annually with data from 195 countries.

India’s Key Achievements in Mortality Reduction

India has achieved a 70 per cent decline in the under-five mortality rate and a 61 per cent decline in the neonatal mortality rate. This positions India among the top performers globally. The reduction in stillbirths is also noteworthy, with a 60.4 per cent decrease compared to a global reduction of 37 per cent. India ranks seventh among countries with the highest reduction in stillbirths.

Health Infrastructure Enhancements

The improvements in child mortality are attributed to enhanced health coverage and infrastructure. Key initiatives include the establishment of maternity waiting homes and newborn care units. These facilities ensure better access to healthcare services for mothers and infants. The government has also focused on training skilled birth attendants, including midwives and community health workers.

Ayushman Bharat Scheme

The Ayushman Bharat scheme plays important role in these achievements. It is the world’s largest health insurance scheme, providing nearly US$5500 annual coverage per family. This scheme aims to deliver quality healthcare without financial burden. It ensures free deliveries, medications, and diagnostic support for pregnant women and infants.

Data Systems and Surveillance Improvements

India has invested in data systems and digital surveillance to monitor maternal and child health indicators. Continuous improvements in data collection support evidence-based decision-making. This strategic approach aids in identifying areas needing attention and resources.

Global Context and Challenges

Despite these achievements, challenges remain. In 2023, an estimated 4.8 million children died before age five, including 2.3 million newborns. Many of these deaths are preventable and linked to unequal access to healthcare. Factors such as socio-economic status and living conditions affect children’s survival rates.

Followers