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Friday, August 31, 2018

Has India finally arrived on the sporting stage?


More and more parents are encouraging their children to seek a career in sports

India is attempting to make a mark in international sport and I love the public response to this. The athletes have fans who are backing them and praying for them. I am not really worried about the medals tally. Do you judge a sportsperson only by the number of victories? What if he or she loses a close contest? Is that not worthy of a salute?
Support and fan following
The atmosphere that has been generated in our country for the support of sportspersons is what makes me optimistic. More and more parents are encouraging their children to play and seek a career in sports. They have faith that sports can provide the platform for a healthy and decent future. I have seen this change in the last decade and I am convinced that India has arrived as a sporting nation. We must be patient. The day is not far when we will be a force to reckon with on the world stage.
It is good that we have an Olympic medallist as Union Sports Minister. This is a welcome change because the athletes are beginning to believe in the system. They are earning respect.
I don’t know about records at the ongoing Asian Games in Jakarta. We may break them, we may not. But we have competed well so far. Is that not an encouraging sign, an indication that we are moving in the right direction? I know the kabaddi defeats are going to hurt big. But have we not won medals in a variety of sports, from wushu and rowing to equestrian? Times are changing, India has taken to lesser-known sports in a big way. I am sure medals in these sports will show the way forward.
When the first Asian Games ended in 1951, India had clinched 15 gold medals. We have not achieved that mark again. That does not mean that the nation has lagged. You don’t become a sporting nation overnight. There are more people watching and more and more children playing. I can’t read the future but I can say with confidence that the stage is set for India to excel. We have set the ball rolling and the intentions are good. The recent victories of the Indian junior football teams have been very heartening.
The facilities provided by the government are second to none if you see the size of the country. Without government support, sport will die. A game like hockey will collapse if there is no government backing. It will also sink if there are no good competitions such as the Hockey India League which provides financial security to the players. The government is the provider, the driving force behind sports being given priority in schools and colleges.
Constant improvement
India has begun to offer competition in games which are not big at home. This is because we have talent. In traditional games like hockey, tennis, badminton and athletics, there is impressive progress. Swimmers have begun to make a mark and promise to rake in medals. To make a big splash at the 2022 Asian Games, we must begin preparations now.
Don’t measure success from the number of medals won. You must give importance to the fact that our boys and girls are constantly improving their personal bests and are very motivated.
Potential to shine
I know my generation played for the country even though there was no money. Today, sportspersons play for the country and also for the money. Given the growing number of youngsters taking to sports, I can say that India has shown the potential to shine on the world stage.
Source: the Hindu, 31/08/2018

Our infrastructure must become climate-resilient

A frustrating part about the Kerala floods is that the loss of life and economic devastation could have been prevented.

The Kerala floods have already claimed their place as one of the most devastating extreme weather events in India’s history. Perhaps the most frustrating part of this tragedy is the fact that this loss of life and the economic devastation was preventable. Between August 8 and 9, the state received 12 inches of rainfall in 24 hours. Dams reached their capacity and operators opened the gates of 35 of the 39 dams. This was not done in a planned manner with appropriate warnings to people living near them.
In an age of climate variability, our infrastructure must be climate resilient. A number of studies commissioned by the government and think tanks have outlined the steps that need to be taken on a national and sub-national level to make current and future infrastructure resilient to climate and extreme weather events.
However, no significant steps have been taken. The qualification of what makes infrastructure climate resilient is not codified. The 2018 budget allocated a significant amount of funding to create standards, but there hasn’t been any progress. Without these standards, any labelling of infrastructure projects as climate resilient will be ad hoc.
The Union government allocated $58 million in its budget to help deal with climate adaptation issues. Additionally, certain states have promised to use 1% of the budget allocated to each department to do the same. While these are good efforts, the funds fall woefully short of what is needed.Finding ways to finance infrastructure projects is already one of India’s largest challenges. According to the Economic Survey of 2017-2018, the current infrastructure gap stands at $526 billion. This estimate, we feel, is low. In recent years, innovative steps have been taken by the government and industry to find ways to divert funding for infrastructure projects. Yet, these innovate steps haven’t been extended to ensure that preventable disasters do not result in loss of life and property. Conservative international estimates approximate that $1 trillion will be needed to make existing and future infrastructure in India climate resilient.
Kerala is expected to suffer close to $3 trillion worth of economic loss because of the floods. Private players, who cut corners to make their roads and bridges less resilient, have lost these revenue-producing assets. The Indian insurance industry is facing the prospect of insurance claims of around $700 billion. The state government needs to provide incentives to builders to make the new infrastructure projects climate resilient, the industry needs to realise the risks they face in the era of climate change, and the insurance sector must make sure that it does not provide policies to builders or financiers if their projects don’t adhere to the right climate resilient standards.
Aparajit Pandey is programme director, Observer Research Foundation. Ritwik Sharma is research assistant with ORF’s climate change and development programme.
Source: Hindustan Times, 31/08/2018

Wednesday, August 29, 2018

Social Service Review: Table of Contents

Volume 92, Number 3 | September 2018

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Free AccessMasthead
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Announcement of Special Issue and Call for Papers: Lessons from Social Work’s History for a Tumultuous Era
Michael Reisch
pp. iv–vi
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ARTICLES

Relationship Repertoires, the Price of Parenthood, and the Costs of Contraception
Monica C. BellKathryn EdinHolly Michelle WoodGeniece Crawford Mondé
pp. 313–348
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Privately Insured Women’s Expectations of Contraceptive Access without the Affordable Care Act and the Influence of State Contraceptive Equity Protections
Anu Manchikanti GómezJennet Arcara
pp. 349–368
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“Living off the Land”: How Subsistence Promotes Well-Being and Resilience among Indigenous Peoples of the Southeastern United States
Catherine E. BurnetteCaro B. ClarkChristopher B. Rodning
pp. 369–400
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“We’re All Sitting at the Same Table”: Challenges and Strengths in Service Delivery in Two Rural New England Counties
Jessica A. CarsonMarybeth J. Mattingly
pp. 401–431
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Evidencing Violence and Care along the Central American Migrant Trail through Mexico
John Doering-White
pp. 432–469
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BOOK REVIEWS

Marcus Anthony Hunter and Zandria Robinson, Chocolate Cities: The Black Map of American Life
Eve L. Ewing
pp. 470–474
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Catherine E. Rymph, Raising Government Children: A History of Foster Care and the American Welfare State
Melissa Hardesty
pp. 474–478
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Derek S. Hyra, Race, Class, and Politics in the Cappuccino City
William Sites
pp. 478–483
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Brief Notices
pp. 484–485
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The right to privacy vs right to information

Finding the right regulatory structure is important in order to ensure that the two rights don’t come into conflict

Recently, information commissioner Sridhar Acharyulu, in an attempt to save the right to information (RTI) from dilution, cautioned against amending the RTI Act while implementing the data protection framework suggested by the Srikrishna Committee report.
The public focus so far has been on the conceptualization of personal data, consent fatigue and data localization. But the report raises a crucial question. What would be the mandate of the future data protection authority (DPA) it envisages? And how would the mandate be reconciled with that of the information commissioner? This concern becomes particularly relevant due to a history of bureaucratic conflict in various countries stemming from the tension between the discordant mandates of the two authorities.
Conceptually, RTI and the right to privacy are both complementary and in conflict. While RTI increases access to information, the right to privacy veils it instead. At the same time, they both function as citizen rights safeguarding liberty against state overreach. There are two possible frameworks for managing this tension.
A TWO-BODY MODEL
In most jurisdictions, the information commission and privacy commission are separate and distinct bodies. In a few countries, however, the RTI commission is a single-function body responsible for balancing competing interests. These jurisdictions include Hungary, Mexico and the UK.
Countries which have two commissions are able to champion both these rights distinctively. This is because they are unencumbered by the onerous task of balancing competing interests. However, this clarity of mandate and authority comes with a price tag. Disagreements between the two authorities can heighten transaction and opportunity costs involved in reconciliation, reducing overall efficiency in grievance redressal.
Canada has witnessed public tension between the two commissions due to politics and policy concerns. These concerns include delineating the extent to which a request to access “personal” information may be granted without undermining privacy. A Canadian task force reviewing its two-body model acknowledged the confusion arising out of conflicting recommendations. For instance, the two bodies could have conflicting opinions on whether educational records of public officials or asset records of spouses of public officials constitute “personal data” shielded from RTI requests.
A SINGLE-BODY MODEL
Adopting a single commission (as in the UK) instead would remove the transaction costs associated with conflict between two commissions. This would increase administrative efficiency and, in turn, public welfare. However, the possibility of a conflict between the two competing rights may end up prejudicing the authority in favour of one of them, endangering their intended harmonization. Moreover, additional mandates may over-burden the authority and undermine its efficacy, reducing social welfare instead.
ONE BODY OR TWO FOR INDIA?
The Supreme Court of India, while declaring the right to privacy as a fundamental right in Justice K. S. Puttaswamy (Retd.) and Anr. vs Union Of India and Ors, missed out on defining its contours with respect to the right to information. The Srikrishna Committee Report, while acknowledging that most commentators are in favour of an independent data protection authority, falls short of explaining the rationale behind it. These missed opportunities are regrettable. That said, the optimal solution for India is indeed two independent bodies.
While the cost-effectiveness of a single body model is attractive, in the Indian context, it may have a number of drawbacks. These include high levels of corruption that could encourage conflict of interest and a tendency to safeguard personal gains.
Moreover, there might be another kind of mismatch in giving an information commissioner the mandate of enforcing a data protection law. The information commissioner’s mandate is concerned with personal data only of public officials and not of citizens at large. The enforcement of a data protection law, on the other hand, would require familiarization with, and expertise in, a far broader mandate. Achieving these may require a structural overhaul of the commission, which could prejudice the existing regime. A body with specialized expertise in this field would be far more suited to serve this purpose.
We admit that there may be some agency costs involved in reconciling conflicts between the information commissioner and the DPA. However, these costs would not override the larger public interest served by ensuring the independence of a DPA. This is because the agency costs would be relatively small compared to the harm arising out of a prejudice to either of these rights.
Furthermore, a single commission may lean towards hierarchizing the enforcement of RTI over the realization of privacy. This fear arises from the false perception that a dichotomy exists between privacy and welfare. This perception is based on public attitudes that question the relevance of privacy within the Indian sociopolitical climate as opposed to RTI, which is looked upon more favourably.

Source: Livemint epaper, 29/08/2018

UGC to ease norms to admit more SC/ST students in PhD

If seats for SC/ST/OBC remain unfilled despite this relaxation, universities will launch a special admission “for that particular category within one month from the date closure of admission of general category”.

The University Grants Commission (UGC) is set to lower the eligibility cutoff for students from Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes for admission to M.Phil and PhD programmes in universities across the country in order to fill mounting vacancies in reserved seats, according to the human resource development (HRD) ministry.
UGC is also set to permit universities to launch a special ad–mission drive to fill vacant seats by setting their own criteria.
A new UGC notification, ‘Minimum Standards and Procedure for Award of MPhil/PhD Degrees (1st Amendment) Regulations 2018’ — which has been accessed by HT — says “a relaxation of 5% of marks, from 50% to 45% shall be allowed for the candidates belonging to SC/ST/OBC (non creamy layers)/differently abled category in the examination conducted by the Universities”.
If seats for SC/ST/OBC remain unfilled despite this relaxation, universities will launch a special admission “for that particular category within one month from the date closure of admission of general category”.
R Subrahmanyam, secretary, higher education, in the Union HRD ministry, said the government was hoping this move would help cut down on vacancies in such programmes.
“The government is concerned with the reduced numbers of PhD admissions from SC/ST categories after the introduction of the two-step admission process,” Subrahmanyam said.
“Whereas we are determined to improve the quality of doctoral education, we must ensure that the constitutional safeguards for SCs and STs are not violated. Therefore, the minister for HRD Prakash Javadekar approved an amendment in the PhD regulation that provides for a special admission process for SC/ST/OBC vacancies. This we hope will go a long way for improving the current situation,” Subrahmanyam said. He did not specify how many seats were vacant.
A 2016 UGC regulation, implemented in 2017 by all central universities, including Delhi University, made it mandatory for students to score at least 50% marks in entrance exams to qualify for MPhil and PhD interviews. A number of students had protested the move asking the government to scrap the criteria and bring in further relaxation.
Some academics believe the decision could have come earlier.
Himanshu, Associate professor at the Centre for Economic Studies and Planning, School of Social Sciences, JNU, said, “The government should have done it earlier. They can’t compensate for the loss of the students who have missed out on higher studies. Already the number of students from the deprived sections who are able to go for higher studies is quite low. It will definitely have a good impact next year but there has to be some consistency in the way policies are formed. The youth of this country should not be treated as guinea pigs.”
Others believe that there is a strong political subtext to the move, particularly ahead of the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, with the government trying to battle the Opposition critique that it is insensitive to Dalits.
In the last session of Parliament, the government brought an amendment to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act to ensure that a recent Supreme Court verdict would not “dilute” its provisions. It is also considering an ordinance to ensure that reservations in faculty appointments in universities happen at the level of the institution rather than a department as per a judicial order that drawn criticism from Dalits and tribals for reducing recruitment for the two communities. The BJP is also planning separate conferences for Dalit beneficiaries of the government’s welfare schemes.
Udit Raj, BJP MP, said the government’s decision was welcome. “We have been demanding this for a while. Earlier some universities had reduced the seats for Mphil and PhD too and that had a huge impact on the community. They rely the most on government universities as private ones are very expensive. This move reflects that the government is proactive in the interest of the SC/ST community and is committed to their welfare.”
But the opposition was not convinced. Kumari Selja, senior Congress leader and former union minister, said it was a case of ‘too little, too late’. “They are carrying out too many experiments and are playing around with the future of SC/ST students. How will they know that the universities will follow this? They have reduced the number of post-matric scholarships that they used to give - so how will they ensure students opt for higher education?”
Source: Hindustan Times, 23/08/2018

‘Ensuring a healthy environment is the duty of every individual’

Like Melbourne authorities, which started a unique campaign enabling people to express their love for trees, Gurugram, too, needs something on similar lines to protect the trees in the city.

“Dear Algerian Oak,
Thank you for giving us oxygen. Thank you for being so pretty. I don’t know where I’d be without you to extract my carbon dioxide. I would probably be in heaven. You are the gift that keeps on giving. Stay strong, stand tall amongst the crowd.”
— Letter to an Oak Tree, one of the messages from the citizens of Melbourne, Australia, to the trees of their city.
In 2013, the city authorities of Melbourne assigned trees with numbers and email addresses to make it easier for people to report complaints they might have regarding trees with outreaching branches or those that might have tilted over a garage.
The response was a delightful surprise. Citizens reported their issues all right, but that was just part of the whole thing. What unfolded was a beautiful exchange between the people and trees. While most expressed gratitude like the one illustrated above, some displayed curiosity: “Do trees have genders?” Some others expressed existential dilemmas: “How do you deal with soul-crushing pain of disappointment that characterises our lives on the Earth? You must be very old. So I thought you might know.”
As words spread, mails poured in from across the world. Tina from Germany warned trees to “Keep away from fire!” Another hoped that the trees were “enjoying the Ashes series as much as they were in England.”
But the common thread — and the most heartening — was the outpouring of love for trees. Here is one of the finest expressions: “You deserve to be known by more than a number. I love you. Always and forever.”
I find this initiative beyond awesome: the relationship people build with trees, the perception of trees as not just disposable things or non-entities, but as living beings and friends, their fierce defence to protect them, and the solidarity of trees being fellow citizens.
I draw your attention to this as I watch with immense sorrow the silent slaughter of trees in Gurugram. Over the years, thousands of trees have been cut and entire forests have been cleared. More recently, there was news of 1,300 trees to be axed at Atul Kataria Chowk, and about 10,000 more to endure the same fate on Sohna Road. Thousands of trees and forests are being cleared in Delhi and Noida. Though, determined citizens have come together to speak up against this mindless massacre, the need of the hour is mass involvement.
Don’t all of us need unpolluted air, clean water and soil, all of which are crucial to our health? A healthy environment is everyone’s task, the impact of polluted air is democratic, affecting each one of us. Toxic air enfeebles our hearts and lungs, can lead to cancers, and cut short our life. The larger motive of the Melbourne authorities was to revitalise the greenery and increase canopy cover to cool rocketing summertime temperatures. Need one stress how desperately we need the shield and shelter of trees in the increasingly scorching, toxic environs of Delhi-ncr? Citizens need to appreciate the value of green cover, be informed about governance issues that affect everybody, speak up in defence of trees. The need of the hour is to make pollution, loss of trees, forests and lakes, and clean drinking water electoral issues to ensure that governments act. And yes…pen your love letter to the tree today, and keep your commitment.
(Prerna Singh Bindra is a former member of the National Board for Wildlife. She is the author of The Vanishing: India’s Wildlife Crisis.)
Source: Hindustan Times, 28/08/18

Gender 5.0

India’s poverty is a child and parent of women’s role in our economy and society. But a new ambition is starting to work

A roundtable on the challenges of Indian women organised by the Harvard School of Government a few years ago at the beautifully restored Bikaner House in Delhi was predictably inconclusive on whether the problems — and solutions — lie with society or the economy. But changes in our economy (women’s access to income) and society (women’s aspirations, treatment of women and girls by men and elders, influence, beliefs about women’s potential) need simultaneous work to create a virtuous cycle. I believe this virtuous cycle needs Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao, Beti Swastha Badhao and Beti ko Rozgar dilao.
While a new ambition for women is starting to work, another decade of persistence (Gender 5.0) is needed to reach escape velocity.
Most people think about gender bias in terms of economics (labour-force participation and missing GDP) or interpersonal dynamics (men being insensitive to women). But gender bias is a set of interlocking dynamics with lots of well-meaning people implementing and protecting systems, practices, structures and institutions that fundamentally exclude, disenfranchise, and marginalise women. I can’t claim to understand the situation of all women, but I know politics is not an easy calling; I think many women will enjoy and relate to the chapter “On being a woman in politics” in Hillary Clinton’s recent book.
Even if there is some of what American sociologist William Ogburn calls a “cultural lag” — the mismatch between the material conditions of life which change quickly and behaviour and attitudes, which are more resistant to change — huge progress has been made. Gender 1.0 was set off by Raja Ram Mohan Roy. Gender 2.0 came from Gandhiji’s recognition that the freedom movement “walked on one leg”. Gender 3.0 was votes for everybody in 1947 (some women in Switzerland only got voting in 1971). Gender 4.0 started after 2014 with schemes like Beti Bachao Beti Padhao, Ujwala, Maternity Leave Bill, and many other initiatives. Gender 5.0 will include working on men and issues such as triple talaq, fixing our employment exchanges, more learning outcomes in schools, more formal enterprises, more apprentices, more cities, more manufacturing and macroeconomic stability.
Any agenda for women’s empowerment will not be sustainable unless women are empowered to pursue it for three reasons. First, research suggests the strongest predictor of women’s empowerment is having waged work and parents are more likely to invest in girls if there is a strong economic return to having them. Second, reservation is important to discuss — research suggests that getting women into political leadership roles changed parental aspirations for girls and even closed the gender gap in education in some states. Third, many issues for young rural males — especially in North India — likely increasingly relate to the social problems associated with skewed sex ratios.
We need to creatively design policies to counteract the market failures caused by cultural norms, for example, in designing employment exchanges we need to address lower registration by women by having information campaigns on returns to employment for women. In designing apprentice schemes, we need to require factories to invest in hostels and child care that will get women to take up apprenticeships. In reducing labour laws, we need to push harder to remove discriminatory acts like The Factories Act 1948 that prevent women working at night. I am hopeful both productivity and culture will respond. Gender 5.0 could raise labour force participation to above 30 per cent quickly.
Tourism, education and healthcare — probably the fastest-growing areas of jobs for the next decade — hire more women for many reasons but jobs near home attract women workers. Mckinsey estimates India could add $490 billion to its GDP by 2025 by increasing female labour force participation that would add 68 million more women to the labour force. But we don’t live an economy but a society — the latest NSS round suggests that 31 per cent of women engaged in domestic work state that they would like to work for a wage. Women face significant restrictions of mobility — past Indian human development surveys suggest over 50 per cent of female respondents report needing permission to go to a kirana store. And women working or controlling money lowers rates of domestic violence.
Rajasthan is doing its part. The PM’s ambitious Beti Bachao Beti Padhao simultaneously targets the sex ratio and girl’s education; Jhunjhunu and Sikar have been recognised as two of the best performing districts nationally. Our Mukhyamantri Rajshree Yojana, started in 2016 to offer financial support for girls from birth to the completion of class 12, has benefited more than 11 lakh children. Our Mukhyamantri Hamari Betiyan Yojana offers scholarships to meritorious girls after class 10 up to Rs 2.25 lakh per year. Our Padmakshi Award started in 2017 recognises district exam toppers in Classes 8, 10 and 12 with a certificate and cash award of up to Rs 1 lakh. We have distributed more than 15,000 scootys for post-class 10 meritorious girl students from low-income families and 12 lakh bicycles to girl students who enter class 9. Similarly, we distribute 27,000 laptop computers every year to girl students who score 75 per cent or more in Class 8, 10 and 12. And our Menstrual Hygiene Scheme is creating awareness about the issue among women of reproductive age. And women were the obvious anchor for our flagship Bhamashah programme that pioneered direct benefit transfers in 2008.
Nelson Mandela said, “Like slavery and apartheid, poverty is not natural. It is man-made, and it can be overcome and eradicated by the actions of human beings”. Gender issues are also man-made because a nation is shaped by the stories its children are told and a nation is sustained by the stories it tells itself. India is changing the stories it tells itself and its children. Persistence, courage, and continuity could create a level playing field for men and women soon.
Source: Indian Express, 29/08/2018