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Tuesday, October 01, 2024

The trap of global rankings

 

Instead of focussing excessively on rankings with well-recognised shortcomings, recognising achievements and refining goals consistent with national priorities will be a more fruitful approach


Developing global indices and rankings has turned into a minor industry. The Global Competitiveness Index, Global Happiness Index, Global Hunger Index, Ease of Doing Business Index, Corruption Perception Index, Global Go-To Think Tanks rankings, you name it. Think tanks specialise in creating these indices; they are good for increased funding and publicity. Some governments boast of improved rankings, while others rant about the methodology. Life goes on until the following year when the cycle begins again.

Every time these indices appear, I wonder why some countries are where they are. Apparently, young people in Lithuania and Israel are the happiest in the world. Why are they happier than the youth in Australia, New Zealand, or Sweden? Is Gallup just counting the Jewish population of Israel, or do Arabs count? Unfortunately, these questions rarely get asked and answered.

Sometimes, we get to see strange anomalies. Take, for example, the Global Gender Gap Index. India ranked 26th on educational attainment in 2023 but mysteriously dropped to 112th rank in 2024. As far as I know, no Taliban-style attacks on Indian girls’ education have taken place. This rapid descent remains inexplicable. Could there be some anomalies in the data?

All global rankings are not equivalent. Some, like the Human Development Index, are well thought out and carefully constructed, although they also face challenges in getting accurate country-level data. Others seem to be hastily put together, often excluding perspectives from the Global South. For example, the now-abandoned World Bank Ease of Doing Business Index focused on limited liability companies, covering only 14 per cent of Indian businesses and excluding sole proprietorships, the mainstay of Indian businesses. The Global Gender Gap Index focusses on the gender gap in earnings but not in poverty — an indicator on which the United States might do poorly due to a large number of mother-only families, but where South Asian countries might fare better.

Nonetheless, given how much international organisations and foundations that fund them love ranking countries and are convinced these are effective tools in holding countries accountable, it is unlikely that any criticism will vanquish this industry. However, it is possible to hold it accountable through simple steps.

First, we must expect that any index will contain a methodological appendix that justifies why specific indicators were chosen to be a part of the index and the rationale underlying the differential weights given to these indicators. The publications must include links to source data. The lazy approach of citing the World Bank indicators or the Food and Agriculture Organisation’s indicators is insufficient. Index authors must cite the original sources for each indicator for each country. As it stands, data errors in index construction are impossible to decipher, even when we see absurd results like India’s descent from rank 26 to 112 in educational attainment in the Gender Gap Index in a year. This does involve a considerable amount of work, but hard work is what research is all about, what the public and policymakers deserve. Where primary data is presented, sample sizes, sampling methodology and confidence intervals must be presented.

Second, those who cover the release of various indices must find a way of fact-checking the results. An editorial moratorium of coverage for 48 hours after the release of the index will give time to critically examine the results and consult experts. The rush to be the first to report that India is below war-torn Sudan on the Global Hunger Index without a critical examination does not serve the public. In particular, the rankings that do not provide citations to source data and methodology should not be covered.

Third, governments must stop taking these results seriously. Countries are well aware of their priorities and hopefully try to ensure that appropriate data are available to monitor their progress. However, these efforts have little to do with how a country is ranked globally. Take, for example, the Global Hunger Index (GHI). India’s child mortality fell from 9.1 at the turn of the century to 3.1 in two decades, and stunting, defined as low height-for-age, fell from 51 per cent to 36 per cent. Where India is lagging is in caloric intake and low weight-for-height resulting in it being ranked at 117 on GHI. Data challenges for these two indicators are well recognised.

Caloric intake is estimated from consumption expenditure data, which is a poor approximation at best. Moreover, the underlying figures for undernourishment, calculated by FAO combine the 2011-12 NSS consumption data and a recent Gallup poll of 3,000 people to estimate undernourishment. These models deserve greater scrutiny for external validity. Similarly, the wasting data for India is affected by most of the fifth National Family Health Survey interviews being conducted during the monsoon due to the pandemic-related delays. Greater intestinal infections during the monsoons are associated with weight loss, which biases wasting estimates. Instead of focussing excessively on rankings with well-recognised shortcomings, recognising achievements and refining goals consistent with national priorities will be a more fruitful approach.

Amartya Sen, one of the originators of the Human Development Index, has suggested it may be time to move beyond rankings. If we can’t get away from these rankings, at a minimum, we should set up parameters under which they are accurate and sensibly used.

Written by Sonalde Desai

Source: Indian Express, 30/09/24

What is Clause 6 of Assam Accord, which Himanta govt said will implement?

 

Notably, 15 key recommendations of the Justice Biplab Sarma Committee will not be implemented for the time being. These, CM Himanta said, will require Constitutional amendments. Here's all you need to know about the issue.


After a meeting with representatives of the All Assam Students’ Union (AASU) on Wednesday, Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma set the ball rolling for the implementation of 52 recommendations of the Justice Biplab Sarma Committee regarding Clause 6 of the Assam Accord, as announced by the Assam government earlier this month.

This comes more than four years after the Centre-appointed high-level committee finalised its report in February 2020.

Notably, 15 key recommendations of the committee will not be implemented for the time being. These, the chief minister said, will require Constitutional amendments to be implemented. “We will take up these matters with the Centre at the right forum,” he posted on X on Wednesday.

What is the Biplab Sarma committee report?

The historic Assam Accord was a Memorandum of Settlement between the Rajiv Gandhi-led Union government and the leadership of the Assam Movement, primarily the All Assam Students’ Union (AASU), which was signed in 1985. The accord ended the six-year-long agitation in Assam against the entry of Bangladeshi migrants into the state. Clause 6 of the accord states that “Constitutional, legislative and administrative safeguards, as may be appropriate, shall be provided to protect, preserve and promote the cultural, social, linguistic identity and heritage of the Assamese people.”

In July 2019, the Union Home Ministry constituted a 14-member committee chaired by retired Assam High Court Justice Biplab Kumar Sarma, and comprising judges, retired bureaucrats, writers, AASU leaders and journalists, to suggest ways to implement the clause. Among the key questions before the committee was a definition of “the Assamese people” eligible for the “safeguards” under Clause 6.

The committee finalised its report in February 2020. But instead of it being received by the Union Home Ministry, which had constituted the committee, the report was received by then Assam Chief Minister Sarbananda Sonowal of the BJP. In August 2020, four committee members released the confidential report in the public domain.

Among the key recommendations made by the committee was that the definition of “Assamese people”, for the purpose of implementing Clause 6, should include “Indigenous Tribals”, “Other Indigenous Communities of Assam”, “Indian citizens residing in the territory of Assam on or before January 1, 1951” and their descendants, and “Indigenous Assamese” people. Based on this, the committee made several recommendations for reservations for “Assamese people”, including in Parliament, the state Assembly, local bodies, and jobs.

What recommendations of the report will the Assam government implement?

Chief Minister Sarma said that the state government has accepted 1951 as the “cut-off date” for the specific recommendations of the report. He said, however, that this definition of “Assamese people” is confined to only the context of the report’s recommendations.

Following a meeting with the AASU on Wednesday, he said that the 67 broad recommendations made by the report can be divided into three broad categories: 40 which come under the exclusive domain of the state government, 12 which will require the concurrence of the Centre, and 15 which are in the exclusive domain of the Centre. The 52 recommendations in the first two categories will be implemented by April 2025, for which the state government will submit a roadmap to AASU by October 25 this year.

These 52 recommendations largely deal with safeguards on language, land, and cultural heritage. Some key recommendations include:

Land

* Creating Revenue Circles where only “Assamese people” can own and possess land, and transfer of such land in these areas are limited to them alone;

* Launching a time-bound, three year programme to allot land titles to “Assamese people” who have occupied a certain piece of land for decades, but are without possession of land documents;

* Carrying out a special survey of char areas (riverine regions along the Brahmaputra), and for newly created chars to be treated as government land, in which river erosion-affected people should get priority in allotment;

Language

* Keeping Assamese as the official language throughout the state as per the 1960 Assam Official Language Act “with provisions for use of local languages” in the Barak Valley, Hill districts, and the Bodoland Territorial Autonomous District;

* Making it compulsory for all state government acts, rules, orders, etc. to be issued in Assamese along with English;

* Constituting an Autonomous Language and Literature Academy/Council of Assam to preserve and promote all indigenous languages of Assam;

* Making Assamese a compulsory subject up to class VIII or class X in all English medium schools, both under the state board and CBSE;

Cultural heritage

 Establishing an autonomous authority for the development of sattras (neo-Vaishnavite monasteries), which will, among other things, provide financial assistance to them; and

* Creating multipurpose cultural complexes in each district to “uplift” the cultural heritage of all ethnic groups.

Chief Minister Sarma said that the autonomous councils of Assam’s Sixth Schedule Areas — namely the Bodoland Territorial Council, the North Cachar Hills Autonomous Council and the Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council — will decide whether to implement the 52 recommendations. The Sixth Schedule of the Constitution provides autonomous tribal councils in the states of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura, and Mizoram certain legislative and judicial autonomy.

Along with the Sixth Schedule areas, Sarma said that the primarily Bengali-speaking Barak Valley will also be exempted from the implementation of these recommendations.

Which recommendations has the Assam government left out?

Some of the most sensitive recommendations by the committee, however, do not find mention in the 52 points listed by the state government. Assam Congress president Bhupen Borah recently referred to these as the “soul” of the committee’s report.

Among them are the introduction of an Inner Line Permit for entry into Assam as is in place in Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur and Mizoram, as well as numerous reservations for “Assamese people”. The latter include 80-100% reservation in Assam’s seats in Parliament, and the same proportion reserved in the state Assembly and local bodies; 80-100% reservation in Assam government jobs; and 70-100% reservations in vacancies arising in undertakings run in partnership between the Assam government and private companies. There was also a recommendation for the creation of an Upper House (the Legislative Council of Assam) which would be completely reserved for the “Assamese people”.

The BJP’s political opponents have questioned where the Centre featured in discussions regarding the implementation of the committee’s recommendations. Former AASU general secretary Lurinjyoti Gogoi, who was a member of the committee, questioned whether the Union Home Ministry even accepted the report.

“The Home Ministry has still not accepted the report… Until it accepts the report, the recommendations do not have any legal or constitutional value… the fundamental points here are those on political representation,” he said. However, Chief Minister Sarma has said that the Assam government will appeal to the Centre to have talks with AASU, and work towards the implementation of the remaining 15 recommendations.

“Our aim is that we should not let those recommendations which are attainable lie by the wayside because of those which are difficult and may take time,” he had said earlier this month.

Written by Sukrita Baruah 

Source: Indian Express, 27/09/24

Tuesday, September 17, 2024

Quote of the Day September 17, 2024

 

“To be without some of the things you want is an indispensable part of happiness.”
Bertrand Russell
“अपनी अभिलाषित वस्तुओं में से कुछ के बिना रहना भी सुख का अनिवार्य हिस्सा है।”
बरट्रेंड रसेल

Deep crisis

 

Farming is not paying & jobs are few and far between. Even meagerly paying govt jobs have the first preference among the youths in the working age over private-sector, contractual jobs.


In the run-up to the Lok Sabha elections, a group of young men in rural Maharashtra joked to me about their precarious situation. They are educated, they said, but unemployed and unmarried. That small group of men in their early to mid-thirties, from a small cotton-growing village, actually echoed the sentiments you come across in large swathes of India. Education — quality, English-medium education — is a ticket to jobs. Jobs are a ticket to finding good life partners. That unmarried, educated women from the countryside are reluctant to marry into farming households and move into other villages where life and living are not kosher is a fact that is starkly obvious. It is worse in regions suffering from climatic aberrations such as frequent floods or cyclical droughts. Their priority is to marry into families in small towns where their future husbands would have a steady government or private-sector job.

That explains the anger and anxiety prevailing in small towns and rural India, particularly among the country’s working-age population. Farming is not paying and jobs are few and far between. Even meagerly paying government jobs, with permanence and certainty, have the first preference among the youths in the working age over private-sector, contractual jobs.

Close to two million youths applied for 20,000-odd police con­stabulary positions in Ma­harashtra. Close to 4,00,000 people, which included 40,000 graduates and post-graduates, threw their hat in the ring last week in Haryana to bag contractual jobs for sweepers. The Indian IT firms have reportedly delayed onboarding of freshers, who have offer letters for more than two years.

Across rural India, rackets of providing job letters — and not actual jobs — to men to materialise marriages are on the rise. Gangs that fleece men and women with the promise of jobs and marriages have a free run. The less that is said about job examinations where the papers are always leaked the better. In the absence of meaningful employment, what is attracting young people is speculative investments: share market, FnO, rummy apps, easy loan apps, hundi markets, and traditional and digital gambling, among a range of other options, are gaining traction, particularly among the youth, owing to social media.

Unemployment is the elephant in the room. Unemploy­ability is even worse.

As this column is being written, The Indian Express is running a series on how ‘skil­led’ Indian workers recruited by foreign firms have left their employers scrat­ching their heads over the lack of basic skills in these men who have ultimately been sacked and sent home. That India is sending men to Israel to take over jobs meant for Palestinians is a different story.

Unemployment, rural crisis, ecological devastation, rise of cronyism, breakdown in governance, death of universal values, increasing attacks and sexual assaults on women of all ages, widening of social and economic inequalities, religious bigotry, near-stagnant production and manufacturing, and political-criminal-contractor nexus in government contracts are all inter-connected and form what the historian, Adam Tooze, calls a “poly-crisis”.

Amidst all this tumult, the State’s political response to the economic and social conundrums seems to be a one-stop solution: direct cash transfers or monetary promises to constituencies that would help political parties keep the throne and momentarily tide over the crisis until the next one shows up. But things have come to a boil. The silence of the Indian elite, however, allows an unchecked run to self-appointed experts on YouTube with their 30-second reels, giving half-baked and preposterous gyaan on every issue under the sun. We perhaps need a resurrection of sanity and values within our institutions, a re-imagination to bring our national life on the tracks.

Jaideep Hardikar

Source: The Telegraph,  Published 13.09.24, 07:25 AM

Economic & Political Weekly: Table of Contents

 

Vol. 59, Issue No. 37, 14 Sep, 2024


Comment

From 25 Years Ago

H T Parekh Finance Column

Commentary

Book Reviews

Insight

Special Articles

Current Statistics

Postscript

Letters

SBI Foundation Launches 3rd Asha Scholarship Program For Students

 The SBI Foundation has launched the 3rd edition of its Asha Scholarship Program, which aims to help 10,000 deserving students from underprivileged backgrounds across India. This scholarship provides financial support to students who need assistance with their  education costs, ensuring they can continue their studies.

What is the Asha Scholarship Program?

The Asha Scholarship Program was started in 2022 and offers scholarships to students from Class 6 up to the postgraduate level. The scholarships range from ₹15,000 to ₹20,00,000 per year, depending on the student’s needs and level of education.

Who can apply for the Scholarship?

The program has different categories for students based on their education level:

  • School students
  • Undergraduate students
  • Postgraduate students
  • Students at IITs (Indian Institutes of Technology) and IIMs (Indian Institutes of Management)

Additionally, there is a special ‘Study Abroad’ scheme for Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribe (ST) students who want to pursue higher education overseas.

How can students apply?

Applications for the scholarship opened on August 16, 2024, and will remain open until October 1, 2024. Interested students can find more details about eligibility and apply through the official website: www.sbifashascholarship.org.

How has the Program Helped So Far?

Since the Asha Scholarship Program began, it has provided ₹3.91 crore in financial aid, helping 3,198 students across India. This has had a positive impact on making education more accessible to students who face financial barriers.

Challa Sreenivasulu Setty, the Chairman of SBI, emphasized that the Asha Scholarship Program aligns with the bank’s broader mission of offering services that go beyond banking. He also highlighted how the Asha Scholars will play a key role in contributing to India’s vision of becoming a developed nation by 2047 (Viksit Bharat).

Express View on women outnumbering men in medicine: Whole numbers, dark truths

 

As more women enter medicine, it is time to iron out systemic inadequacies, patriarchal mindsets.


One of the lacunae in the documentation of India’s medical history has been the fact that it covers little of the lives and struggles of women doctors. The journeys of Anandi Bai Joshi, Kadambini Ganguly or Haimabati Sen — some of India’s first female doctors — into popular consciousness might have been impeded by the fact that there were so few women who studied medicine in the late 19th-early 20th century that their stories got archived as exceptions. In the last decade though, this has shown a happy remedial tendency. Data from the All India Survey on Higher Education (AISHE) shows an upward graph in the enrollment of women in medicine. For every 100 men, there were 100 women enrolled in medical colleges in 2020-21. This was an increase from 88 in 2011-12 per 100 men to 110 in 2019-20, with a slight dip during the pandemic. There have been other significant — and welcome — departures. More women are opting for what have, for long, been male bastions — cardiology, oncology, neurology.

This upsurge is a welcome alignment of aspiration and opportunity and the work of generations of attitudinal shift. Women are no longer willing to be thwarted by societal expectations of marriage and motherhood or the premium placed on care work at home, notwithstanding their professional qualifications. The AISHE data bears this out. From just seven women against 312 men in 2012-13 in cardiology, the number rose to 78 against 220 men in 2020-21. In oncology, there were just 29 women against 95 men in 2012-13, but in 2020-21, the figures stood at 116 women against 123 men. In neurology in 2012-13, there were nine women against 118 men, but in 2020-21, this grew to 78 women against 173 men.

However, despite the projection that almost half of Indian surgeons in the coming decade will be female, and as the R G Kar rape and murder of a doctor in Kolkata has shown yet again, the system remains unprepared to receive women in its fold. Sexism in the classroom and the workplace, absence of basic facilities such as separate changing rooms and washrooms, inadequate security arrangements and little protection against violences large and small are all functions of a masculine imagination of the workplace. As more women enter medicine, this is an opportune moment to fix all that is broken. It could begin with more women in leadership roles who realise that it is not the late-night shifts that are the problem but the fact that women need to be worried about them in the first place.

Source: Indian Express, 17/09/24