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Thursday, March 23, 2023

For equality: The relevance of the Pasmanda Muslim discourse

 The Bharatiya Janata Party’s enthusiasm to reach out to Pasmanda Muslims has made the non-BJP parties highly uncomfortable. Although the BJP has not yet introduced any concrete policy framework to address the needs of the Pasmanda communities, it has been successful in exposing the unclear and overtly ambiguous attitude of the Opposition on this issue. The BJP’s appropriation of the Pasmanda question has also increased the unease of a section of the upper caste/upper class Muslim elite. These segments have offered a few normative arguments to explain Pasmanda assertion.

First of all, there is an old Muslim unity thesis that is evoked to explain the BJP’s Pasmanda politics. It is argued that the  sangh parivar  is interested in dividing Muslims into Shia and Sunni, Sufi and Deobandi/Wahabi, and Ashraf and Pasmanda to destabilise Muslim unity. This line of reasoning relies heavily on the traditional Muslim politics of minority rights that does not have any space for discussing the internal fault lines among Muslims

The second argument is a bit sympathetic. Acknowledging the marginalisation of Pasmanda Muslims in a purely legal-administrative sense, a section of the Muslim political elite argues that the inclusion of these downtrodden communities in the established framework of affirmative action is justifiable. The BJP’s Pasmanda rhetoric is seen as a kind of deviation from the real plight of poor and marginalised Muslim communities. This legalistic argument is often exaggerated to overshadow caste-based inequalities and derogative practices such as untouchability.

Finally, there is a radical assertion that the entire Muslim community is facing an unprecedent crisis of identity in contemporary India. Therefore, raising the Pasmanda issue at this point of time is not at all appropriate. It is claimed that the Pasmanda Muslim discourse has been systematically nurtured by the sangh parivar to highlight the internal weaknesses of Indian Muslims. Hence, there is no difference between the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh-supported Muslim Rashtriya Manch and the organisations working for the Pasmanda cause. 

No one can deny the fact that the BJP’s position on Pasmanda Muslims is unclear. The BJP leadership always claims that the party envisages castebased reservation simply as a legal-constitutional tool to reform Hindu society. For this reason, the party opposes the inclusion of Dalit and Pasmanda Muslims into the scheduled caste category. The BJP’s Pasmanda outreach, in this sense, might be seen as a strategy to pacify those Hindutva-synthesisers who do not fully subscribe to the party’s radical anti-Muslim rhetoric. 

Two questions become crucial here. What is the relevance of the Pasmanda discourse in today’s India, especially when the public discourse is completely communalised and Hindus and Muslims have emerged as political identities? Should we treat the Pasmanda question merely as an internal matter of the Muslim community and stop talking about it in the name of Muslim unity?

In order to answer these questions, we must highlight three crucial aspects of the Pasmanda discourse: its capacity to explain the nature of Muslim sociological heterogeneity; its demand for complete secularisation of the affirmative action framework in India; and, finally, its adherence to the politics of social justice.

The term, ‘Pasmanda’, was coined by Ali Anwar Ansari, the former parliamentarian and leader of the Pasmanda Muslim Mahaz, in his book, Masawat ki Jung. Here, Pasmanda refers to a group of people who lag behind or could not maintain the pace of progress. In this sense, Pasmanda is a caste and religion-neutral concept, which tries to accommodate various forms of social stratification in its folds.

It is worth noting here that there is a hierarchical structure of Muslim caste-groups in India, especially in the northern and the western states. The foreign-origin Muslim groups, which preferred to called themselves Ashrafs (noble_born), became the upper caste, while the converted communities, the Ajlafs (lowly) and the Arzals (excluded), turned out to be the lower castes in this schema.

The Pasmanda discourse makes a serious attempt to redefine this categorisation. It questions Ashraf hegemony by highlighting the fact that Islam is an egalitarian religion that does not permit caste division (or, for that matter, any form of social stratification). At the same time, the non-Ashraf communities are described as Pasmanda Muslims and Dalit Muslims, respectively, to assert their dignified social existence as Islamic communities. This conceptual reworking expands the scope of the Pasmanda discourse and empowers it to accommodate those forms of social stratification that do not fit in the conventional Ashraf-Ajlaf-Arzal framework.

This brings us to the question of the secularisation of affirmative action policies. The Pasmanda groups  problematise the communal nature of the SC category. It is well-known that Dalit Muslims and Dalit Christians are not entitled to receive the benefits of SC reservation. The Pasmanda intellectuals, especially Ansari, make a threefold argument in this regard. It is demanded that the SC category needs to be completely secularised to include all Dalit communities, including Muslims and Christians. At the same time, the need to increase the quota for SC reservation is also recognised to avoid probable internal contestation amongst the disadvantaged groups. Finally, the demand for reservation in the private sector is reiterated by underlining the adverse impacts of the privatisation of the economy on Pasmanda artisan communities.

The adherence of the Pasmanda political discourse to social justice and economic equality without deviating from constitutional secularism is rather exceptional. Pasmanda politics, in this sense, is still guided by the constitutional ideals of justice and equality. The popular slogan used by Pasmanda groups in their pamphlets and rallies, “Dalit  pichda  ek saman,  Hindu ho ya Musalman (Dalit and backwards are the same, whether they Hindu or Muslim)”, highlights the fact that secularism of equality and justice is politically achievable.

In his famous book, Pakistan or the Partition of India, B.R. Ambedkar makes an interesting observation about the lack of social reforms among Muslims. He notes, “… the reason for the absence of the spirit of change in the Indian Musalman is to be sought in the peculiar position he occupies in India. He is placed in a social environment which is predominantly Hindu. That Hindu environment is always… encroaching upon him. He feels that it is de-musalmanizing him. As a protection against this… he is led to insist on preserving everything that is Islamic without caring to examine whether it is helpful or harmful to his society.” (http://www.columbia. edu/itc/ mealac/pritchett/00ambedkar/ ambedkar_partition/).

The Pasmanda discourse, it seems, follows the advice given to Muslims by Ambedkar. It questions the unethical social practices and, at the same time, demands justice and dignity.

Hilal Ahmed is Associate Professor, CSDS, New Delhi

Source: The Telegraph, 23/03/23

Tuesday, March 21, 2023

World Sparrow Day

On March 20, 2023, the world will once again come together to celebrate World Sparrow Day. This special day is dedicated to raising awareness about the conservation and protection of sparrows and other common birds whose populations have been declining globally. With the theme “I Love Sparrows,” the goal of World Sparrow Day 2023 is to encourage more people to appreciate the relationship between humans and sparrows.

History of World Sparrow Day

The idea for World Sparrow Day was born out of a casual conversation over tea at the Nature Forever Society’s office. The first commemoration of the day occurred in 2010, and it has been celebrated annually since then. The founder of The Nature Forever Society, Mohammed Dilawar, was named a conservation hero by TIME Magazine for his efforts to raise awareness about sparrows.

The goal of World Sparrow Day is to promote conservation efforts for the house sparrow and other common birds, as well as to commemorate the beauty of common biodiversity that we often take for granted.

Significance of World Sparrow Day

Sparrows are known to be an indicator of a region’s environmental health, and their declining populations are a cause for concern. The day is celebrated in a variety of ways around the world, including bird-watching, building birdhouses, and educational programs.

World Sparrow Day is a celebration of the human-sparrow relationship and a call to action to protect these beloved birds and their habitats. Sparrows have been human companions for thousands of years, but their populations have been rapidly declining in recent years. The goal of the day is to raise awareness of their plight and inspire people and organizations around the world to take action to protect them.

Quote of the Day March 21, 2023

 

“If opportunity doesn’t knock, build a door.”
Milton Berle
“अगर अवसर दस्तक न दे, तो स्वयं ही द्वार बना ले।”
मिल्टन बेरले

Current Affairs- March 19, 2023

 

INDIA

  • Kochi fire: National Green Tribunal directed Kochi Municipal Corporation to pay environmental compensation of Rs 100 crore.
  • West Bengal government plans to appoint 600 young ‘gajamitras’ to protect elephants.
  • Uttar Pradesh to include millets in midday meals in schools and public distribution system.
  • Karnataka launches Mysuru Cluster Seed Fund (MCSF), Mysuru Global Technology Centre (MGTC) and Karnataka Accelerator Network (KAN) to promote start-ups.
  • Parliamentary panel has recommended analysing the feasibility of variable speed limits on national highways in the country.
  • Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his Bangladesh counterpart Sheikh Hasina virtually inaugurated the India-Bangladesh Friendship Pipeline.

ECONOMY & CORPORATE

  • PM Gati Shakti programme: 156 critical infrastructure-gap projects identified.
  • Union Finance Ministry has initiated the process to appoint a new Reserve Bank Deputy Governor in place of MK Jain.
  • Government sets up centralised facility for voluntary closure of companies.

WORLD

  • UN confirms extension of Black Sea grain deal for exports from Ukraine.
  • 400,000 gallons of radioactive water leaked from US nuclear power plant.
  • Indian Higher Education Meet 2023 inaugurated in Dhaka.

SPORTS

  • Tennis: India’s Rohan Bopanna and Matthew Ebden of Australia win Men’s Doubles title at Indian Wells Masters in California, US.
  • Nikhat Zareen enters pre-quarterfinals in Women’s Boxing World Championships.
  • Akshdeep Singh wins gold in men’s 20km Asian Race-Walking Championship.

Current Affairs- March 20, 2023

 

INDIA

  • Asia’s largest Tulip Garden opens for public at Srinagar in Jammu and Kashmir.
  • 2-day Labour20 (L20) engagement group’s inception meet, as part of India’s G20 presidency, began in Amritsar, Punjab.
  • The Centre issued revised guidelines for COVID-19 amid a sudden surge in cases.
  • 4th Defence Cooperation Dialogue between India and the Maldives was held in Male.

ECONOMY & CORPORATE

  • Switzerland’s biggest bank UBS agrees to take over troubled Credit Suisse in emergency rescue deal.
  • Dubai-based Emaar becomes the first overseas company to invest in Kashmir.
  • Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida arrives in India to explore ways to boost bilateral ties in security, trade and high technologies.

WORLD

  • India and World Food Programme sign MoU during Global Millets Conference.
  • Governments approve a major new UN report on climate change amid conflict.
  • March 20 is being celebrated as the International Day of Happiness.
  • UK introduces smartphone emergency alert system for its citizens.

SPORTS

  • ISSF World Cup Shooting Championship to begin at Bhopal in Madhya Pradesh.
  • Cricket: Australia defeats India by 10 wickets, level 3-match ODI series 1-1.

Swamiji and Tagore

 The 1930s decade was a period in which Tagore perceived Swamiji and his Guru in a parlance that was altogether different from his perception about them before. In 1935, he gave a message in the form of a poem to Ramakrishna Mission, paying obeisance to Sri Ramakrishna on the occasion of his birth centenary celebration. On 3 March 1937 he famously participated in the concluding function of the celebration  

“So far as I can make out, Vivekananda’s idea was that we must accept the facts of life. We must rise higher in our spiritual experience in the domain where neither good nor evil exists. It was because Vivekananda tried to go beyond good and evil that he could tolerate many religious habits and customs which have nothing spiritual about them. My attitude towards truth is different. Truth cannot afford to be tolerant where it faces positive evil; it is like sunlight which makes the existence of evil germs impossible.”

Tagore said this to the French Nobel laureate Romain Rolland in Geneva on 28 August 1930 in the course of a dialogue between them regarding the question of intolerance prevailing the world over. In the same year Rolland published his famous biography of Swamiji, entitled The Life of Swami Vivekananda and the Universal Gospel. The title itself tells us how Rolland was influenced by Swamiji’s works. Each word of this book reflects the tremendous inspiration its author had assiduously drawn from Swamiji. It simultaneously hints at the fact that the impact of Swamiji’s life and thought on many a renowned thinker abroad was already powerful like it was on numerous thinkers at home.

In order to mark his exceptional estimation of Swamiji, Rolland wrote in the Prelude “nobody ever came near him (Swamiji) either in India or America without paying homage to his majesty.” Similarly, he also wrote, “He was energy personified, and action was his message to men”, and “Battle and life for him were synonymous.”

Incidentally, he had brought out a biography of Swamiji’s Guru, Sri Ramakrishna, the previous year, that is in 1929. Therefore, it could be legitimately presumed that his mind being fully charged with Swamiji’s ideas at that moment, he must have had enough to say about him to Tagore. More so, it was because Tagore, too, by then, knew considerably well about Swamiji, after getting over his initial reticence about him.

Tagore was a follower of Romanticism. Accordingly, his love for Nature (Prakriti) was legendary which found expression through his innumerable poems. On the other hand, Swamiji was a Vedantic Transcendentalist who went above Nature and realised the Truth. Tagore never liked to go beyond Nature while Swamiji was bent upon breaking the bondage of Nature upon him. Swamiji said, “Religion is the science which learns the transcendental in nature through the transcendental in man.”

Tagore was talking about relative truth which, by its diverse character, is obviously different from the immutable Absolute Truth. Transcendental experience of the Absolute Truth, which is beyond all senses of opposites (Dwanda), couldn’t be identical with the relative truth of the empirical world fraught with dualities such as good and evil.

Swamiji was a realised soul of the highest order. In the consummation of his spiritual attainment, he experienced the Absolute Truth of Oneness, as a result of his rigorous non-dualistic sadhana. It was indeed his subjective spiritual accomplishment of Nirvikalpa Samadhi, in which annihilation of the senses of duality takes place. But then, in his normal state of mind he wasn’t at all defiant of the empirical phenomenon which was very real to his senses, comprising the feelings of pain and pleasure. He rather spent his whole life for the alleviation of the suffering of man caused by evil, empathising with the pains of all and sundry. An extraordinary spiritual depth alone helps to understand Swamiji in the right perspective.

Whether Tagore’s perception about Swamiji’s attitude towards tolerance was then right or not is beside the point, for he also had his spiritually elevated personal experience. The point is that, in order to be able to understand his thoughts and ideology, he was, evidently, sincerely studying Swamiji’s works at the time. Although he had passed away almost three decades earlier, Swamiji was nevertheless quite important to him which at least didn’t seem the case during Swamiji’s lifetime.

This implies that Tagore could not ultimately ignore and remain silent regarding Swamiji in spite of his differences on various accounts born of the Brahmo obduracy in him, like his stout reservation against Swamiji’s Kali, Guru and Incarnation worship. A few years before Swamiji’s demise, Sister Nivedita, who had a close friendship with Tagore, tried hard to bring them together to speak but her endeavour proved futile. They indeed participated at a tea party arranged by her for that purpose. However, ironically, there wasn’t a single word said between them. She could well observe that the silence among them was sedulous though they knew each other very well from their early boyhood. Besides, it was well known in the Tagore household that Swamiji was highly reverential to Tagore’s father who also used to love him dearly. There is a need here to remember the fact that Swamiji once had an intimate link with the Brahmo movement, of which Devendranath was a frontline leader and his son Rabindranath was now the torch bearer who had induced nuances in the movement. Swamiji severed his connection with it because he was disillusioned with its superficial spiritual culture, God-realization being his chief concern and he was then resolutely in search of God. Interestingly, in Tagore’s belief, Swamiji’s association with Brahmo Samaj wasn’t a problem in his subsequent spiritual life. In Tattwabodhini (Agrahayan, 1318) he wrote: “That Vivekananda was once an enthusiastic Brahmo wasn’t a hindrance to his subsequent transition to another path.” Perhaps in the year 1930, Tagore first, paradoxically, started saying things seriously about Swamiji in public and he was mostly in full praise of him. Maybe, he couldn’t stay quiet after witnessing the unprecedented excitement regarding Swamiji’s message amidst the youth of the country. He significantly wrote in Pravasi (Jaishtha, 1335) around this time: “In India of modern times, it was Vivekananda alone who preached the great message which is not tied to any dos and don’ts. Addressing one and all in the nation he said: in every one of you there is the power of Brahman; the God in the poor desires you to serve Him. This message has roused the hearts of the youths in a most pervasive way. That is why this message has borne fruits in the service of the nation in diverse ways and in diverse forms of sacrifice. This message has at one and the same time imparted dignity and respect to man along with energy and power. The strength that this message has imparted to man is not confined to a particular point; nor is it limited to repetitions of some physical movements. It has, indeed, invested his life with a wonderful dynamism in various spheres. There at the source of the adventurous activities of today’s youth of Bengal is the message of Vivekananda ~ which calls the soul of man…”

A few years later he wrote in Udbodhan (Ashwin, 1348): “Some time ago Vivekananda said that there was the power of Brahman in every man, that Narayana wanted to have our service through the poor. This is what I call real gospel. This gospel showed the path of infinite freedom from man’s tiny egocentric self beyond the limits of all selfishness. This was no sermon relating to a particular ritual, nor was it a narrow injunction to be imposed upon one’s external life. This naturally contained in it protest against untouchability ~ not because that would make for political freedom, but because that would do away with the humiliation of man – a curse which in fact puts to shame the self of us all.

“Vivekananda’s gospel marked the awakening of man in his fullness and that is why it inspired our youth to the diverse courses of liberation through work and sacrifice.”

Actually, the 1930s decade was a period in which Tagore perceived Swamiji and his Guru in a parlance that was altogether different from his perception about them before. In 1935 he gave a message in the form of a poem to Ramakrishna Mission, making obeisance to Sri Ramakrishna on the occasion of his birth centenary celebration.

On 3 March 1937 he famously participated in the concluding function of the celebration and read a carefully written paper, offering glowing tributes to Sri Ramakrishna, before a huge, pindrop silent, gathering at the University Institute Hall of Calcutta, remaining seated on the stage for the next three hours of the meeting notwithstanding his poor health. He was amazed to see such a well managed function with perfect discipline. On the following day when its convener Swami Sambudhananda accompanied by Ramananda Chattopadhaya (editor of Pravasi) went to enquire about his health he said: “I am quite well. Swamiji, many thanks to you. It was the first time in my life that I had experienced such a peaceful meeting in spite of the presence of such a large audience. Truly, I have exceptionally enjoyed this meeting. I am overwhelmed by seeing the organizing ability of Ramakrishna Mission. You are really doing a big work.”

That was not the only occasion that he praised the activity of the Mission established by Swamiji. In his perception Swamiji’s work was of a very high quality. He never shied away from appreciating it amply whenever opportunity came.

Above all, he was visibly influenced by its modus operandi to apply it in various ways in his work at Viswa Bharati. Beginning from the plan of establishing and accomplishing the “Brahmo Vidyalaya” of Bolpur, next by his instruction from it to “Brahmacharya Vidyalaya” for all students irrespective of race or religion, and then its transformation into “Viswa Bharati” with a clean and liberal environment of harmony (samanwaya) among different indigenous cultures is its clear implication.

Incidentally, he had brought out a biography of Swamiji’s Guru, Sri Ramakrishna, the previous year, that is in 1929. Therefore, it could be legitimately presumed that his mind being fully charged with Swamiji’s ideas at that moment, he must have had enough to say about him to Tagore. More so, it was because Tagore, too, by then, knew considerably well about Swamiji, after getting over his initial reticence about him.

Tagore was a follower of Romanticism. Accordingly, his love for Nature (Prakriti) was legendary which found expression through his innumerable poems. On the other hand, Swamiji was a Vedantic Transcendentalist who went above Nature and realised the Truth. Tagore never liked to go beyond Nature while Swamiji was bent upon breaking the bondage of Nature upon him. Swamiji said, “Religion is the science which learns the transcendental in nature through the transcendental in man.”

Tagore was talking about relative truth which, by its diverse character, is obviously different from the immutable Absolute Truth. Transcendental experience of the Absolute Truth, which is beyond all senses of opposites (Dwanda), couldn’t be identical with the relative truth of the empirical world fraught with dualities such as good and evil.

Swamiji was a realised soul of the highest order. In the consummation of his spiritual attainment, he experienced the Absolute Truth of Oneness, as a result of his rigorous non-dualistic sadhana. It was indeed his subjective spiritual accomplishment of Nirvikalpa Samadhi, in which annihilation of the senses of duality takes place. But then, in his normal state of mind he wasn’t at all defiant of the empirical phenomenon which was very real to his senses, comprising the feelings of pain and pleasure. He rather spent his whole life for the alleviation of the suffering of man caused by evil, empathising with the pains of all and sundry. An extraordinary spiritual depth alone helps to understand Swamiji in the right perspective.

Whether Tagore’s perception about Swamiji’s attitude towards tolerance was then right or not is beside the point, for he also had his spiritually elevated personal experience. The point is that, in order to be able to understand his thoughts and ideology, he was, evidently, sincerely studying Swamiji’s works at the time. Although he had passed away almost three decades earlier, Swamiji was nevertheless quite important to him which at least didn’t seem the case during Swamiji’s lifetime.

This implies that Tagore could not ultimately ignore and remain silent regarding Swamiji in spite of his differences on various accounts born of the Brahmo obduracy in him, like his stout reservation against Swamiji’s Kali, Guru and Incarnation worship. A few years before Swamiji’s demise, Sister Nivedita, who had a close friendship with Tagore, tried hard to bring them together to speak but her endeavour proved futile. They indeed participated at a tea party arranged by her for that purpose. However, ironically, there wasn’t a single word said between them. She could well observe that the silence among them was sedulous though they knew each other very well from their early boyhood. Besides, it was well known in the Tagore household that Swamiji was highly reverential to Tagore’s father who also used to love him dearly. There is a need here to remember the fact that Swamiji once had an intimate link with the Brahmo movement, of which Devendranath was a frontline leader and his son Rabindranath was now the torch bearer who had induced nuances in the movement. Swamiji severed his connection with it because he was disillusioned with its superficial spiritual culture, God-realization being his chief concern and he was then resolutely in search of God. Interestingly, in Tagore’s belief, Swamiji’s association with Brahmo Samaj wasn’t a problem in his subsequent spiritual life. In Tattwabodhini (Agrahayan, 1318) he wrote: “That Vivekananda was once an enthusiastic Brahmo wasn’t a hindrance to his subsequent transition to another path.” Perhaps in the year 1930, Tagore first, paradoxically, started saying things seriously about Swamiji in public and he was mostly in full praise of him. Maybe, he couldn’t stay quiet after witnessing the unprecedented excitement regarding Swamiji’s message amidst the youth of the country. He significantly wrote in Pravasi (Jaishtha, 1335) around this time: “In India of modern times, it was Vivekananda alone who preached the great message which is not tied to any dos and don’ts. Addressing one and all in the nation he said: in every one of you there is the power of Brahman; the God in the poor desires you to serve Him. This message has roused the hearts of the youths in a most pervasive way. That is why this message has borne fruits in the service of the nation in diverse ways and in diverse forms of sacrifice. This message has at one and the same time imparted dignity and respect to man along with energy and power. The strength that this message has imparted to man is not confined to a particular point; nor is it limited to repetitions of some physical movements. It has, indeed, invested his life with a wonderful dynamism in various spheres. There at the source of the adventurous activities of today’s youth of Bengal is the message of Vivekananda ~ which calls the soul of man…”

A few years later he wrote in Udbodhan (Ashwin, 1348): “Some time ago Vivekananda said that there was the power of Brahman in every man, that Narayana wanted to have our service through the poor. This is what I call real gospel. This gospel showed the path of infinite freedom from man’s tiny egocentric self beyond the limits of all selfishness. This was no sermon relating to a particular ritual, nor was it a narrow injunction to be imposed upon one’s external life. This naturally contained in it protest against untouchability ~ not because that would make for political freedom, but because that would do away with the humiliation of man – a curse which in fact puts to shame the self of us all.

“Vivekananda’s gospel marked the awakening of man in his fullness and that is why it inspired our youth to the diverse courses of liberation through work and sacrifice.”

Actually, the 1930s decade was a period in which Tagore perceived Swamiji and his Guru in a parlance that was altogether different from his perception about them before. In 1935 he gave a message in the form of a poem to Ramakrishna Mission, making obeisance to Sri Ramakrishna on the occasion of his birth centenary celebration.

On 3 March 1937 he famously participated in the concluding function of the celebration and read a carefully written paper, offering glowing tributes to Sri Ramakrishna, before a huge, pindrop silent, gathering at the University Institute Hall of Calcutta, remaining seated on the stage for the next three hours of the meeting notwithstanding his poor health. He was amazed to see such a well managed function with perfect discipline. On the following day when its convener Swami Sambudhananda accompanied by Ramananda Chattopadhaya (editor of Pravasi) went to enquire about his health he said: “I am quite well. Swamiji, many thanks to you. It was the first time in my life that I had experienced such a peaceful meeting in spite of the presence of such a large audience. Truly, I have exceptionally enjoyed this meeting. I am overwhelmed by seeing the organizing ability of Ramakrishna Mission. You are really doing a big work.”

That was not the only occasion that he praised the activity of the Mission established by Swamiji. In his perception Swamiji’s work was of a very high quality. He never shied away from appreciating it amply whenever opportunity came.

Above all, he was visibly influenced by its modus operandi to apply it in various ways in his work at Viswa Bharati. Beginning from the plan of establishing and accomplishing the “Brahmo Vidyalaya” of Bolpur, next by his instruction from it to “Brahmacharya Vidyalaya” for all students irrespective of race or religion, and then its transformation into “Viswa Bharati” with a clean and liberal environment of harmony (samanwaya) among different indigenous cultures is its clear implication.


SWAMI SANDARSHANANANDA

(The writer is associated with Ramakrishna Mission, Narendrapur)  

Source: The Statesman, 19/03/23


Inhale death: Editorial on worsening air quality in India

 This is alarming because pollution itself is creating newer inequalities — for example, air purifiers remain largely out of reach of the country’s poor

Air pollution is a hydra-headed phenomenon. This makes it difficult to frame adequate interventions for it. Unsurprisingly, the latest report by the Swiss firm, IQAir, lays bare unpleasant facts about worsening air quality in India. According to the 2022 Air Quality Report, even though India has dropped three places to rank eighth among the most polluted countries, 39 of its metropolises figure in the list of the 50 most polluted cities on account of emissions from the transport sector, industries, coal plants and biomass burning. That is not all. The study, which collected data from 131 nations, has highlighted that India’s PM2.5 concentration — 53.3 micrograms per cubic metre — is 10 times the safety limit recommended by WHO. The multifaceted nature of the challenge is also obvious. New Delhi, which was once the world’s most polluted capital, has been overtaken by N’Djamena, the capital of Chad; areas in the National Capital Region have also recorded a dip in pollution levels. But things are worsening in other cities. Calcutta has come second in terms of polluted air; Hyderabad and Bengaluru, too, have recorded a dip in air quality. This uneven improvement nullifies a centralised approach. The battle must be fought in a case-centric manner. This implies greater cooperation between the Centre and the states, something that is rare on account of India’s fraying federal ties.

That air pollution has adverse impacts on public health is clear: an estimated six million deaths occur annually due to poor air quality. But the economic costs of foul air often evade public scrutiny even though the figure is supposed to be over 6.1% of the global annual GDP. A set of attendant problems has aggravated the crisis. India’s frontline regulators, including the Pollution Control Boards, have been found wanting when it comes to effectively discharging their mandates. Public willingness to adhere to environmental norms is tepid. What else can explain the stubborn insistence on crop-burning or the widespread enthusiasm for firecrackers in defiance of judicial restrictions? It is also possible that the nationwide tilt towards religious conservatism, aided and abetted by the ruling regime, is eroding civic responsibility. This is alarming because pollution itself is creating newer inequalities — for example, air purifiers remain largely out of reach of the country’s poor. The fight for clean air is a battle that the government and the people must fight together.

Source: Telegraph India, 21/03/23