the speaking tree - The Self And The Cosmic Blueprint

Pranav Khullar





As i looked up from my camping tent at night, on the way to Pindari Glacier, i was drawn to the twinkle and glitter of the star patterns above. They seemed to beckon to me to reach out beyond my temporal existence and its desires, and search for something more meaningful; more soulful. How beautiful the sky looked! There seemed to be a cosmic connect between the matrix of the stars above and my mind-matrix. The stars seemed to show me a way out of the confusion of my mind. My head was clearing up, definitley , just looking up at the star-filled sky .Stars as metaphors
Stars have long been the driving metaphor for metaphysical speculation; something that makes one feel one needs to reach out beyond all the littleness, and understand the essential oneness of all under a common sky . In comprehending the vastness of the universe, we would realise there is a deeper grid inside of us as well, which we have to navigate, rather than merely skimming through existence.
I recollect Joseph Campbell alluding to this metaphorical turn, from an interest in the sky-heavens above, to the parallel vastness of the soul inside of man, as the point at which myth metamorphosed into philosophy . It is in this understanding of the “...inner reaches of outer space ...“ that one finds the sky above an inspiration for contemplation and reflection.
Dreamers and poets
Different cultures have found different patterns in the sky , the elite and the commoner alike have sworn by the stars; astronomers and astrologers have varying notions of the movement of the planets; the religious calendars of different faiths are all lunar or solar-based systems; dreamers and poets are drawn to the sky and we all seem to look up instinctively either in thanksgiving or in trouble. Ironically enough, the firmament is one of the few meeting places left where scientific enquiry and religious faith seem to coalesce quite naturally .
Music of the spheres
Pythagaros spoke about the music in the spacing of the spheres, essentially pointing to the interconnectedness of all things, vibrating at different frequencies in a cosmic harmony , which the vedas define as Rta or cosmic rhythm. It is this cosmic connec tion which the ancients felt was the trigger for the greater search of humanity; h for the greater purpose of the search for the greater purpose of life. The vast and unending spaces of the sky provide a natural catalyst for such an inner search that leads one to plumb the depths of one's being to know the divinity within.
Cosmopolitan outlook
Looking at this cosmic blueprint amidst the clear sky of the mountains, i realised that it maps out or charts not merely our geographical oneness, but our spiritual oneness as well. The word `cosmopolitan', derived from the root-word `cosmos', sketches out the fact that we are not merely citizens of any one country , but are all united in the borderless cosmos.Common sky It is this recognition of oneness under a common sky which will revive our cosmic consciousness and bring us closer to each other. This cosmic blueprint is also the cue for the search for the Self amid the selves which the mind has fragmented us into.
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A pseudo peace

Has the Naga insurgency, India’s oldest, really ended? It is too soon to say.

The signing of the agreement between the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak-Muivah), or the NSCN-IM, and the Central government had all the drama of a reconciliation ceremony. But the details remain shrouded in secrecy. There appears to be much less to it than meets the eye. The ceremony had the telltale signs of a pseudo-event. Pseudo-events are occurrences designed to generate press coverage. Their relationship to reality is uncertain. But it is their inherent ambiguity that explains public interest in them. Ambiguity has marked all official pronouncements about the ceremony. The Press Information Bureau headlined it as the prime minister having witnessed the signing of a “historic peace accord.” However, it referred to it later as a “framework agreement”. The news took key stakeholders by surprise. Chief Minister Okram Ibobi Singh of Manipur said that he did not know what the agreement says and reiterated his government’s position that it will not accept any accord that disturbs Manipur’s territorial integrity. The demand for the integration of all contiguous Naga-inhabited areas has been a highly contentious subject, nowhere more so than in Manipur. But the protracted Assam-Nagaland border dispute is also part of the same faultline. The structural flaws in the design of the Naga peace process have been obvious for a while. The format — bilateral and secret meetings between NSCN-IM leaders and the government’s interlocutor — leaves out critical stakeholders. It is unlikely to produce a durable settlement. NSCN-IM leaders have said from time to time that they are not asking for greater or smaller Nagaland, but only for the integration of areas where Nagas live. The formulation is clever, but it does not resolve the fundamental contradiction. The Central government is expected to make territorial concessions that evoke intense emotions in neighbouring states over the heads of popularly elected state governments. However, there has been significant movement in this area in the course of the negotiations. Public statements that both parties recognise each other’s “compulsions” and talk of a solution that accepts “contemporary realities” point in that direction. But the structural flaw of the peace process becomes painfully apparent in what an unnamed official source told The Hindu about the procedures that will be followed. Apparently, the interlocutor to the Naga talks will prepare a draft note for the home ministry. The views of relevant Central government ministries and state governments will be elicited. Following that exercise, a draft bill will be presented to the Central cabinet. Once the cabinet approves it, the bill will be submitted to Parliament. Whatever the merits of these procedures, they raise serious questions about the meaning of the ceremony. Of course, the design of the process is not of this government’s own making. Key elements have been in place for a long time. Negotiating with leaders of particular insurgent groups and marginalising their rivals has been a key element of the Indian approach to conflict management in the region. It is difficult to alter the design of any peace process once it is set on a particular course. It becomes path-dependent — past decisions constrain options. It may have been obvious that negotiations that leave out neighbouring states carry significant risks. But it has been hard even to think of these states as stakeholders. What then justifies the optimism displayed by the NSCN-IM leaders and the government? The government seems to be counting on potential shifts in the public mood in Manipur and Assam as a result of a number of major decisions it is considering, not all of them directly connected to the Naga issue. In Assam, conceding to the longstanding demand of six communities for ST status would mean a radical increase in the number of reserved seats in the state assembly. It would impact Assam’s parliamentary representation as well. But it will have an adverse impact on significant communities. The process of updating the National Register of Citizens is also likely to satisfy key constituencies. Significantly, these two issues now feature in the dialogue between the Centre and the pro-talks faction of the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA). However, it is too soon to say whether all of this would make the potential effects of the agreed terms of the Naga settlement on the disputed Assam-Nagaland border more acceptable in Assam. Some version of an alternative arrangement for the Nagas of Manipur — perhaps the creation of autonomous councils — is clearly under consideration. But the crucial issue is the umbrella under which it gets linked to the Nagas of Nagaland. Even if it is only a symbolic gesture, it is far from obvious that it would be acceptable to Manipuris — Nagas and non-Nagas alike. However, what happens to the issue of the Inner Line Permit in Manipur will be very significant. Even a partial acceptance of this demand would mean that, for the first time since the late 19th century, a colonial-era institution would be extended to a new region. It would undoubtedly soothe Manipuri public opinion. But will it really prepare the ground for the acceptance of an otherwise unpopular Naga accord? Acceptance of the agreement by the Naga public in general is also far from certain. The NSCN-IM leaders sitting as equals with India’s PM and the country’s top political leadership was an important symbolic gesture. So were some of the PM’s words. But are the agreement’s provisions substantive enough for the Nagas to justify the sacrifices they made during their long struggle for independence? These are significant hurdles yet to be crossed. What then accounts for the timing of the signing ceremony? Many rumours are making their rounds. However, one piece of speculation seems most plausible. The poor health of Isak Chisi Swu — one of the two Naga leaders negotiating with the government — may have prompted the decision to hold the ceremony. It is feared that if Swu does not survive, rumours that he may not have been a party to the agreement would fatally undermine it. But was this a good reason for the PM to tell the world that “a historic peace accord” has already been signed?

 The writer is professor of political studies at Bard College, New York 

Swachh Bharat ranks show it is time for cities to come clean

The report of the Union urban development ministry on the levels of cleanliness, or the lack of it, in 476 Indian cities makes the case for Swachh Bharat even stronger.

It also lends solidity to the theory that the public spirit of the people is much weaker in cities and towns than in rural areas because the sense of belonging is all but absent in most. In an implied sense that is what Prime Minister Narendra Modi had talked about on August 15 last year, leading to the launch of the Swachh Bharat Abhiyan.

Though the government has clarified that the rankings were based on the findings before the Swachh Bharat mission was launched, from next year the mission will be a weighted component in any survey the establishment undertakes.

The criteria adopted for the rankings have been the extent of open defecation, solid waste management, water treatment, etc. A striking feature of the report is that while the part of Delhi that falls under the New Delhi Municipal Council ranks 16th, Delhi is at 397th place.

This is something that should set the alarm bells ringing for the Arvind Kejriwal government. However, the most striking part of the report is that seven of the 10 cleanest cities are from the south, and Bengaluru, despite its precipitate decline over the past 10 years, has performed the best among the capitals. Only one city, Etawah, from Uttar Pradesh features among the top 100.

However, Lucknow, Agra, Kanpur and Allahabad have been put on the 100 smart cities list.

The budget this year had announced full tax exemption for contributions to the Swachh Bharat Kosh. Moreover, it also talked about building 60 million toilets, though no timeframe was given for this.

More than Rs 90 crore was spent on campaign advertising in 2014-15. But nothing will work unless states become partners in cleaning our cities. And making our cities livable cannot be an exercise in isolation divorced from other developmental activities.

'Shy, quiet worker': Schoolmates talk about Sundar Pichai

Vanavani Matriculation Higher Secondary School woke up on Tuesday, just like the rest of Chennai city, to the news that one of its “boys”, Sundar Pichai, had been named the new CEO of search giant Google.

Kaveri Padmanabhan, principal of the school nestled in the sprawling forested campus of IIT-Madras, said she and the entire staff of the institution felt proud Pichai was set to become a household name across the world.

“Yes, we would like to invite him to the school and we wish he talks to our students, who would get even more inspired,” Padmanabhan told Hindustan Times.

“All said and done, it is a superlative and fantastic achievement for anyone and it is an absolute honour that we (as a school) contributed to it, howsoever little it is,” the excited principal said.

Padmanabhan shared the good news with students during the morning assembly, and told them how it is possible for anyone to become successful if they apply their mind and work hard towards a chosen goal with dedication.

“We are celebrating the moment and the momentous news, and the children are also very happy and want to know more (about Pichai) from us,” she said.

“Unfortunately, we have not been around when Sundar Pichai was studying (in the school). But yes, we have some old students whom we are going to tap and talk to the students.”

Read: India-born Sundar Pichai appointed the new CEO of Google
Pichai, 43, was born and grew up in Chennai, studied engineering at IIT-Kharagpur and then went to Stanford in the US. He went on to complete an MBA from Wharton School of Business.

He joined Google in 2004, the year the company launched Gmail, and has worked on some of the company's best-known products, from the Chrome browser to the Android mobile software.

Pattu Subramanian, who was two years senior to Pichai in school, remembers him as a “quiet worker, studious and a bookish type”.

“He used to have a smile on his face and (was) kind of a bookworm. Once I had the occasion to meet him in Pennsylvania. But I had never thought this shy boy would one day become so big,” he said.

“Heading a global corporation is something very big and it is a matter of great honour and pride for us that someone from our backyard has become the global head of a huge corporation,” said Subramanian, head of logistics at the BMW Plant in Chennai.

Murugavel Selvan, another schoolmate of Pichai, who too was his senior by two years, said he had heard a lot about Pichai over the years.

“A devoted son to his parents, Pichai has done them and everyone of us proud,” said Selvan, an entrepreneur in the IT space.

Recently, Pichai bought his parents a super luxury flat in Chennai costing several crores of rupees, he said. “His elevation as the CEO of a global corporation is very inspiring for us and the young students of Vanavani school and in fact everyone,” he added.

What Pichai’s success has shown is that “whatever the pedigree or background one comes from, success is guaranteed if one works diligently towards a goal”, Selvan said.

IAS trainees to put in 3 months at Centre before big district postings

Sobhana K Nair in New Delhi mirrorfeedback TWEET @MumbaiMirror

New Delhi





In a change from the established norm, freshly-minted IAS officers will have to first work for three months in overcrowded Union ministries as assistant secretaries, instead of being posted across the country as district collectors after completing their introductory training at the Lal Bahadur Shastri National Academy of Administration, Musoorie.This latest order from the Department of Personnel and Training (DoPT) says IAS officers from a fresh batch need a `holistic overview of the functioning of the central government', and they will be attached to joint and additional secretaries who will mentor them.
The new batch of 180 officers is expected to start their three-month stint in central government departments from August 22. Sources said PM Narendra Modi felt that IAS trainees were given too much power and space all of a sudden and space in district postings.
“Central government experience at an early stage would equip the officer with greater knowledge of policy formulation, an appreciation of the country's diversity and result ant challenges, and exposure to the best practices from different parts of the country,“ a letter by DOPT secretary Sanjay Kothari to all chief secre taries reads.
The DoPT order, though, hasn't gone down too well with the young IAS officers. “It would be a total waste of time. We will be spending time in the company of central civil service officers of desk officer and under-secretary rank. We are not going to learn anything. Rather, we will miss out on field experience,“ a trainee IAS officer, who declined to be named, said.
The trainee officers, who were expecting generous accommodation in the districts they would have normally been posted in, are not upbeat about having to live in state guest houses in Delhi. The government is not willing to give them space in the Lutyen's Zone as well.
“The proposal has originated from the Prime Minister's Office. It was suggested that the training period at the Centre should be for a year. Later, it was reduced to three months,“ a senior DOPT official said.
“I think it is a good move. Young officers will get a top-down view and learn about Centre-State relationships. More importantly, it will help them in not getting carried away,“ said former Delhi chief secretary Shailaja Chandra.
The DOPT is awaiting a reply from the state governments, a few of whom have expressed displeasure at losing their new officers.

the speaking tree - How to Say `No'

CHANDER GUPTA





In an oral communication, one is both a speaker and listener in turn. Generally , we tend to speak more and listen less though the vice versa is more conducive for smooth communication. Even though there is a proclivity more for speaking rather than listening, it does not automatically mean that we are more skilled in speaking.In reality, we are deficient not just in listening but in speaking too, notwithstanding our fondness for speaking more than desired. Now, when we speak, what comes out is a combination of text and tone. Speech has two components: vocal and verbal. The vocal part carries primary impact on the listener rather than the verbal part even though the speaker will remain oblivious to the tone.
We focus on enhancing our verbal skills -by improving our vocabulary and grammar -but do not fine-tune our vocals. Though we might be choosing our words carefully , our tone gives away the dissonance. Even the flawless verbal can't camouflage the discordant vocal. Our mind is trained for choosing what we say , hardly for how we say what we say .
This deficiency becomes pronounced when we have to say `no'. The impact of a verbal `no' is accentuated many times if accompanied by the negative vocal. When we are bent upon saying `no' -out of our conviction and belief or if rules do not allow to say `yes' -we utter that `no' with a vehemence that might sound rude. Most of us succumb to this failing. Our tone should mitigate the impact of -though we have all the justification for -saying `no'.

Scientists discover secret to live beyond 100

London: PTI





Scientists have cracked the secret of why some people live a healthy and physically independent life over the age of 100: long telemores and low inflammation.For the first time, a team of experts from Newcastle University's Institute for Ageing and Keio University School of Medicine, Tokyo, explored which biological and pathological processes may be the most important for successful ageing after 100 years of age.
They identified that to live past the age of 100 you must keep inflammation down in the body and telomeres long -which are part of human cells that affect how our cells age. Severe inflammation is part of many diseases in the old, such as diabetes or diseases attacking the bones or the body's joints, and chronic inflammation can develop from any of them.
“Centenarians and supercentenarians are different -put simply , they age slower.They can ward off diseases for much longer than the general population,“ said professor Thomas von Zglinicki, from Newcastle University's Institute for Ageing.