Leaving no poor person behind

The National Food Security Act is finally making headway in the poorest States. Amplified by reforms in the Public Distribution System, a modicum of nutritional support and economic security to all vulnerable households is now a real possibility.

Dhobargram is a small Santhal village in Bankura district of West Bengal, with 100 households or so. Most of them are poor, or even very poor, by any plausible standard. There are also some relatively well-off households — they are not rich, but they have things like concrete houses and motorcycles, often thanks to a permanent job in the public sector. Should this small minority of better-off households be excluded from the Public Distribution System (PDS)? Including them costs public money, and they are not at risk of undernourishment. On the other hand, weeding them out is a major headache, as West Bengal and neighbouring states are discovering in the course of implementing the National Food Security Act (NFSA). Also, excluding them creates a small but powerful group of disgruntled people who may be tempted to sabotage the PDS in one way or another. When they are included, there is greater pressure on the system to work.

Improved framework

Jean Drèze

A house-to-house survey conducted in Dhobargram last month confirmed something we had already noticed: West Bengal’s PDS is based on a restrictive, outdated and faulty list of “below poverty line” (BPL) households. Out of 105 households, only 29 had a BPL card or an Antyodaya card (meant for the poorest of the poor). The rest had an APL (above poverty line) card, or no card at all — both ways, they were excluded from the PDS except possibly for kerosene rations. By contrast, 78 per cent of Dhobargram’s households are on the new list of NFSA ration cards, which are to be distributed this month. Further, we found that most of the remaining 22 per cent were households that met the official exclusion criteria, such as having a government job or a pucca house with at least three rooms. The new list, based on the Socio Economic and Caste Census 2011 (SECC), is not only more inclusive than the BPL list, it is also more reliable.

This is just one village (selected at random), but Dhobargram illustrates the major gains that are possible if the NFSA is well implemented in the poorer States. These gains are amplified by PDS reforms, a mandatory adjunct of the Act. The PDS in West Bengal has been one of the worst in the country for a long time. Today, it is undergoing reforms similar to those that have been so successful in Chhattisgarh and were also adopted with good effect by neighbouring States such as Odisha and Madhya Pradesh. Hopefully, they will work in West Bengal too.

None of this is to say that all is well in West Bengal, or even just in Dhobargram. Some poor households in Dhobargram are off the list of ration cards, possibly because the SECC missed them, or because they were formed after 2011, or for some other reason. There are many cases of ration cards with missing household members (this matters since PDS entitlements are defined in per capita terms under the NFSA). Also, the new list of ration cards includes fewer Antyodaya households than the old list, a problem that has also emerged in other States. It will take skilful revision of the NFSA list to resolve these problems. But at least the NFSA has created a relatively sound framework within which this can be done.

Winds of change

Judging from brief enquiries in Jharkhand and Odisha, which are also in the process of rolling out the NFSA, there are similar developments there. The biggest challenge, responsible for the delayed rollout of NFSA in many States, is to identify eligible households. Even with near-universal coverage (86 per cent in rural Jharkhand and 82 per cent in rural Odisha), this is a daunting task. Jharkhand adopted much the same approach as West Bengal: an initial list of ration cards was prepared from SECC data (by removing better-off households), and later revised based on people’s complaints. The main problem with this approach is exclusion errors: there are gaps and mistakes in the SECC data, not always corrected by the complaints process. Odisha followed a different approach, based on self-declaration: ration card applicants had to certify that they met the eligibility criteria, and local functionaries were asked to verify their declarations. The main problem here seems to be inclusion errors: well-off households often get away with claiming that they meet the criteria. The self-declaration approach also requires a reliable administrative machinery — I doubt that it would have worked in Bihar or Jharkhand.

It is too early to tell which of these approaches is preferable. There are also alternatives, such as Madhya Pradesh’s pioneering attempt to link the PDS with a database of local residents (the Samagra register) maintained by gram panchayat functionaries. And of course, one can take the view that it is simply not worth taking all this trouble to exclude 10 or 20 per cent of rural households — universalisation is best, at least in the poorer States. What is clear is that we can do much better today than in the old days of “BPL surveys”. Among other remarkable improvements is the transparency of the entire process. Even in Jharkhand, the list of NFSA ration cards is available on the Net in a reader-friendly format, with all requisite details. That makes it a lot harder to cheat — gone are the days when the village head dished out BPL cards to his or her friends without any risk of scrutiny.

The effects of PDS reforms have also started showing in the poorer States. Recent surveys in Bihar and Madhya Pradesh point to remarkable improvements in the last few years. There is no reason why the NFSA latecomers (Jharkhand, West Bengal, Assam, among others) should fail to bring about similar change. Some of them, notably Odisha, actually initiated the process of PDS reform much before rolling out the NFSA, with very positive results. The laggards have their work cut out.

Looking forward

The picture emerging from recent research is quite different from the impression conveyed by media reports. The latter tend to focus on abuses and irregularities: for instance, the story of a wealthy mayor in Odisha who bagged a ration card, or of someone in Jharkhand who found that 366 ration cards had “inadvertently” been printed in his name. It is certainly part of the media’s job to highlight these anomalies, but the larger picture tends to get lost in the process. There is an urgent need for careful evaluations of the impact of NFSA in different States.

Looking ahead, all eyes are on Uttar Pradesh, one of the last States to implement the NFSA. With a foodgrain allocation of 10 million tonnes or so, and a very restrictive PDS under the old system, Uttar Pradesh has more to gain from the NFSA than any other State. But it is also one of India’s worst-governed States, if not the worst. Tremendous resolve will be required to break the nexus of corrupt middlemen who have milked the PDS in Uttar Pradesh for so many years (mainly under the APL quota, which is all set to be phased out). As election time approaches, it may just happen — that would be a victory of sorts, not only for food security but also for the battle against corruption.

Finally, it is important to remember that the NFSA is not restricted to the PDS. Other critical components include maternity entitlements, brazenly ignored by the Central government ever since the Act came into force. The PDS itself need not be confined to NFSA entitlements: in several States, some households are now eligible for subsidised pulses and edible oil as well. Perhaps for the first time, there are real possibilities of ensuring a modicum of nutritional support and economic security to all vulnerable households.

(Jean Dreze is a Visiting Professor at the Department of Economics, Ranchi University.)

Keywords: National Food Secuity Act, Public Distribution System, NFSA, PDS, Uttar Pradesh

Source: The Hindu, 13-01-2015

‘Gyaan Pitara’ to help students interact with subject experts

The state government will launch a portal by January-end to help students interact with subject experts and clear their doubts, officials said on Monday.

The portal — Gyaan Pitara — will have textbooks, audio-visual clips and reference material on each subject and its link will be displayed on the MP Education website, said officials of the Rajya Shiksha Kendra that administers government schools.

“We want children to get the right exposure and hence we have launched this portal where children can see examples and topics through audio-visual clips because it is believed that children learn faster when they see things instead of just reading about them,” said Deepti Gaur Mukherjee, the Rajya Shiksha Kendra commissioner.

“This will be a unique feature and Madhya Pradesh is among a few states in taking an initiative like this.”

Students can upload sample papers from the portal free of cost and take mock tests on different subjects. Teachers can source material from it to teach students, said officials.

“It is an attempt to help students and teachers by providing learning and teaching resources as a supplement to the curriculum,” said an official, adding that the portal would also cater to students of higher classes.

Read more: How e-learning is evolving to meet the Digital India challenge

As part of the Digital India drive, the CBSE has recently launched a portal and app called ‘E-CBSE’, a digitised collection of books.

The launch of ‘ePathshala NCERT’ android app and portal in December has helped students, parents, teachers and educators participate in various activities and access the latest material on every subject.

Source: Hindustan Times, 13-01-2015

Not To Argue & Win But To Know & Be Known

Lama Doboom Tulku





An inscription on the wall of a temple in Kerala says, “Here is a model abode, where men live like brothers, bereft of prejudices of caste or the rancour of religious differences.“It was the temple established by Sri Narayana Guru in Kerala in 1888. It was the first such temple that was opened to everyone without any barrier whatsoever.
Sri Narayana Guru encouraged self-respect among those deemed to be of lower castes. He created a parallel system of temples in which he trained and appointed socially deemed “lower caste“ people as priests.
As a Buddhist monk, my firm belief is that there is only one race and one caste in society: the human race. Some of them are educated and some are not educated; some are rich and others are poor, but all this is gained or lost over a lifetime. The poor can become rich and the rich can become poor. All people have the potential to become schooled, skilled, prosperous and enlightened.They have the potential to obtain Bodhi.
Gautama Buddha said that in his system, caste was inconsequential.Action is the criterion that decides the real level of attainment of a person. In Buddha's immediate circle of disciples, there were hundreds of individuals belonging to what were then considered lower social categories. One of the three men who collected and edited the Buddha's teachings was Upali, who belonged to the barber caste, and another monk, Chunda, came from ironsmith caste.
Another keyword in that temple inscription is “model“.These days it is extremely difficult to find a model environment or a model con duct. Wherever we go, things are either too glamorous or too bizarre. Whether it is an institution, a system or an individual, there is the need of a role model. Very high, refined ideas and ideals are there to inspire us but without a model that one can look up to, these high philosophies remain empty words.
Sri Narayana Guru started a tradition of pilgrimage which became an annual event. I recently had the opportunity to witness and participate in the 83rd Sivagiri pilgrimage at Varkala in Kerala. In December 2015, hundreds of thousands of devotees and followers, all attired in yellow, thronged the abode of Sri Narayana Gurudev.
Sri Narayana Guru was a contemporary of M K Gandhi, and they had met each other. They had profound respect for one another. Sri Narayana Guru suggested Gandhiji take a relook at the caste system and to offer privileges to members arrange to offer privileges to members of so-called lower castes so as to build a brotherhood free of prejudices.
The other legacy of Sri Narayana Guru is his efforts to bring about inter-religious harmony . He organised the first-ever All Religions Conference in Asia in 1924 in Alwaye, Kerala. It was only the second in the world after the first Parliament of World Religions held in Chicago, USA, in 1893. Narayana Gurudev delivered the essential message at Alwaye: “We meet here not to argue and win but to know and be known.“
The purpose of religion is to guide us towards harmony and high realisation.There is no point being obsessed by a religion. After crossing the river by boat you go ahead on your way; you don't cling to the boat, saying, “That is my boat“. Narayana Gurudev said: “Religion is a matter of the mind.Nobody should say , only my religion is true; all other religions are false. There is truth in every religion.“

Proportion of elderly rises across all communities





Census Shows Drop In U-20s In All Communities

Muslims in India have the highest share of children and teenagers among all religions, at 47%, compared to 40% for Hindus, according to Census 2011 data released on Tuesday . If all communities are taken together, around 41% of the country's population is below 20 years old and 9% above 60 years, leaving 50% in the intervening 20-59 age group.Overall, life cycles of different religious communities in India have shown common trends of declining proportion of children and increasing shares of elderly while also showing marked differences in average life span.
The share of the young population has declined since the previous Census in 2001 when it was 45% for the whole country , 44% for Hin dus, 52% for Muslims and 35% for Jains. This is a reflection of across-the-board declines in fertility rates -number of children born -leading to a slowing down of the respective population growth rates. The decline is the least for Hindus and highest for Buddhists and Christians, at seven percentage points, followed by Sikhs and Jains at six percentage points.
At the other end of the life cycle, the proportion of elderly has risen across all communities as life spans have generally increased. The elderly , 60 years and above, make up about nine percent of the country's population.
Across religious communities, there is considerable variation in the share of the elderly population, which can be directly linked to economic status and access to healthcare. In the Muslim community, just 6.4% of the population is over 60 years, almost 50% lower than the national average. In 2001, this share was 5.8%, indicating only a marginal increase. Among Jains, and Sikhs, the share of elderly is 12%, over 30% more than the national average. These shares are more also because the younger generation's numbers are less. The Hindu community is close to all national averages because they make up nearly 80% of the country's population.
Age-wise population shares reveal another important aspect of the lives of people dependency . Both chil dren and the elderly are dependent on the able and adult population. Overall, the young dependency ratio -number of children aged up to 15 dependent on every 1,000 members of the working age population -has declined from 621 in 2001 to 510 in 2011.This is a direct consequence of declining number of children.
At the other end of life, the old dependency ratio has increased from 131 in 2001 to 142 in 2011, in accord with the growing elderly population.
If we add up both young and old, in 2001, 752 people were dependent on every 1,000 persons in the working age population of 15 to 59 years. Compared to that, in 2011, this ratio has come down to 652. Across religious communities, Muslims have the highest total dependency ratio of 748 compared to the lowest ratio for Jains which is just 498. For Hindus, the ratio is 640. All these ratios have declined since 2001.





Source: Times of India, 13-01-2015

Muslims have largest share of young, but also die early

Subodh Varma





Census Shows Drop In U-20s In All Communities

Muslims in India have the highest share of children and teenagers among all religions, at 47%, compared to 40% for Hindus, according to Census 2011 data released on Tuesday . If all communities are taken together, around 41% of the country's population is below 20 years old and 9% above 60 years, leaving 50% in the intervening 20-59 age group.Overall, life cycles of different religious communities in India have shown common trends of declining proportion of children and increasing shares of elderly while also showing marked differences in average life span.
The share of the young population has declined since the previous Census in 2001 when it was 45% for the whole country , 44% for Hin dus, 52% for Muslims and 35% for Jains. This is a reflection of across-the-board declines in fertility rates -number of children born -leading to a slowing down of the respective population growth rates. The decline is the least for Hindus and highest for Buddhists and Christians, at seven percentage points, followed by Sikhs and Jains at six percentage points.
At the other end of the life cycle, the proportion of elderly has risen across all communities as life spans have generally increased. The elderly , 60 years and above, make up about nine percent of the country's population.
Across religious communities, there is considerable variation in the share of the elderly population, which can be directly linked to economic status and access to healthcare. In the Muslim community, just 6.4% of the population is over 60 years, almost 50% lower than the national average. In 2001, this share was 5.8%, indicating only a marginal increase. Among Jains, and Sikhs, the share of elderly is 12%, over 30% more than the national average. These shares are more also because the younger generation's numbers are less. The Hindu community is close to all national averages because they make up nearly 80% of the country's population.
Age-wise population shares reveal another important aspect of the lives of people dependency . Both chil dren and the elderly are dependent on the able and adult population. Overall, the young dependency ratio -number of children aged up to 15 dependent on every 1,000 members of the working age population -has declined from 621 in 2001 to 510 in 2011.This is a direct consequence of declining number of children.
At the other end of life, the old dependency ratio has increased from 131 in 2001 to 142 in 2011, in accord with the growing elderly population.
If we add up both young and old, in 2001, 752 people were dependent on every 1,000 persons in the working age population of 15 to 59 years. Compared to that, in 2011, this ratio has come down to 652. Across religious communities, Muslims have the highest total dependency ratio of 748 compared to the lowest ratio for Jains which is just 498. For Hindus, the ratio is 640. All these ratios have declined since 2001.

Source: Times of India, 13-01-2016

The Catch-22 of nationalism

On

Christmas, hopes for high-level peace talks between India and Pakistan were higher than they had been in years. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi made a surprise visit to his Pakistani counterpart, Nawaz Sharif, and the two shared a very public and symbolic hug. Now, just two weeks later, the optimism is mostly gone. After terrorists from Pakistan attacked an Indian air base, killing seven Indian security personnel, Modi told Sharif that talks wouldn’t go forward unless Pakistan took action against the terrorists. It seems altogether likely the talks won’t happen at all.

On the surface, nothing is more predictable than the suspension of impending peace talks between traditional enemies after a terrorist attack intended to produce exactly that suspension.

But this latest instance raises an interesting question about the pattern: Why does the terrorists’ technique work? After all, everybody knows that the point of the attack is to derail peace. So, why don’t the public and politicians alike simply discount the effect of the attacks, rather than giving in to their irredentist logic?

In this case, at least, the answer has to do with what you might call the Catch-22 of nationalism.

Modi is a right-of-centre Hindu nationalist. His credentials as a nationalist are exactly what allowed him to visit and embrace Sharif in the first place. His predecessor, left-of-centre prime minister Manmohan Singh, would have loved to have serious peace talks with Pakistan. But, among other factors, he was prevented by Modi and his party, which criticized him from the right as too weak to negotiate effectively with Pakistan.

Modi in contrast could count on the fact that the opposition wouldn’t be able to criticize him from the left for reaching out to Sharif. To this extent, nationalist credentials are a blessing for a peacemaking leader.

The catch is that the same nationalist credentials that let a right-of-centre leader like Modi attempt peace talks also require him to respond when his country is attacked by terrorists.

To make matters worse, the defence seems to have been bungled. Reports suggest that Indian authorities were informed of the impending attack on the Pathankot air base by an Indian superintendent of police, who had been abducted and then freed by the terrorists.

Yet, notwithstanding the notice, the Indian military lost men to the terrorists. And it took several days to track down and kill all the terrorists. The embarrassment of the weak response further fuelled Modi’s need to show strength in response—by delaying or suspending the peace talks.

To be clear, India’s national security wasn’t seriously harmed by the attack, perpetrated by lightly armed terrorists against a defended military base. Its sole purpose was to interfere with the peace talks.

But that fact, even if widely understood, doesn’t matter to a constituency that votes based on national pride. It’s no less insulting, embarrassing and infuriating to be attacked by terrorists if their intent is nakedly to oppose peace.

So what, if anything, can be done to avoid the nationalist Catch-22? The only long-term answer would be for nationalist politicians to educate their constituents to see the terrorist attacks as a sign of their opponents’ weakness. Pakistani terrorists clearly fear the consequences to themselves and their country of peace talks with India. If nationalist Indian voters understood that, perhaps they would allow their leaders to go on negotiating.

The only problem with this informational solution is that it assumes nationalists really want peace in the first place. Sometimes they do—but often nationalists fear and loath their historic enemies, and are prepared to abandon their own leaders if they go too far down the road to peace. When that happens, they deserve the unending war that results.

Source: http://epaper.livemint.com/epaper/viewer.aspx

Swamiji and Yoga

M N KUNDU





All problems, according to Swami Vivekananda, can be solved by imparting right education. Problems cannot be solved on racial, religious, national or narrow grounds but have to cover the whole of humanity .Holistic education will generate compassion for all sentient beings as extension of self and also awaken aspiration for the highest wisdom. The common error in all ethical systems has been the failure of teaching the means by which man could refrain from doing evil under instinctive compulsion. The solution: controlling our nature through the path of yoga.With this end in view, Swamiji thought of a universal way acceptable to all: yoga. To the worker, it is a union between man and whole of humanity , to the mystic, between his higher and lower selves, to the lover, a union between himself and God of love, to the philosopher, it is a union of all existence.
Swamiji asserted that each soul is potentially divine with omnipotence and omniscience, awaiting manifestation. We can realise the same through selfless service, assimilation of wisdom through deeper introspection, devotion to the Almighty or some special psychophysical practice.
To Swamiji, selfless service was a unique path for Self-realisation. Liberation is a matter of expansion of the self spread over the entire universe. The essential divinity and, thereby , unity of all creatures has to be realised through unconditional love for all, wise detachment and extension of self through serving humanity beyond the dogmas and sectarian faith.