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Monday, October 21, 2019

Chaos or Cosmos?


 Raghunath was a wealthy man. He was rich materially and spiritually. One night, he was robbed. His close friend visited him and expressed his sympathy. Raghunath said, “They have robbed me of my material wealth but not my real wealth. They have robbed me of my perishable wealth but not my imperishable wealth.” Real wealth is love, devotion and purity. With these, one will experience life differently. God gives us problems to humble us and not to tumble us. When bad things happen to good people, they become better, not bitter. Raghunath elaborated to his friend, “All the wealth that I had was a loan from the Lord. I was only a trustee. Nothing is mine; everything is His. He has the right to take it whenever he wants.” The power of detachment is a great wealth. The power of devotion is an asset. Why don’t we work for such wealth? This is because the mind has not been purified. With impure mind, one craves for impure things. With pure mind, one is committed to pure things. Mantras help us to purify the mind. Yoga uplifts. The object of yoga is to free you of psychological mess. The condition of your mind really determines the quality of your life. To a good body, everyone says ‘yes’. But to a good mind, people say ‘no’. This ignorance is adversely affecting the quality of life. Yoga is a wonderful science to dismantle this negative system and create a great inner order. When the inner world of our mind is orderly, then we will see the external order as being more orderly

Source: Economic Times, 21/10/2019

What delays delivery of justice in lower courts? IIM study finds out


‘Over 60% Of Time Spent On Reasons Other Than Court Functioning’

 A recent study has found that along with long pendency of cases, issues such as judges’ absence, repeated adjournments and courts refusing to simplify processes add to judicial delay. More than 60% of court time is spent on reasons other than court functioning. A study by Indian Institute of Management, Calcutta, found that on an average, it took over 122 weeks, or around two-and-a-half years, for a litigant to get a judgment. Only 41% of this time, or 36 weeks, was spent in court functioning, the remaining period was spent in awaiting orders/instructions from the high court (22 weeks) and adjournments for absence of judges because the presiding officer was either busy or on leave or on transfer order (17 weeks). “There is a huge delay due to the processes of court functioning during the trial stage for reasons namely non-attendance of witnesses, non-appearance of lawyers, lengthy oral arguments, arbitrary adjournments and delayed judgments,” the study said. Adjournment for even passing judgment took an average nine weeks, while court holidays and strikes consumed about five weeks. Then there were other causes of delay such as the absence of lawyers of both plaintiff and the defendant and quite often, court entertaining requests for postponement due to delay in producing required information. To understand court processes and re-engineering opportunities to improve court efficiency for justice delivery, the law ministry had last year assigned the study to IIMCalcutta. Three professors of the institute — R Rajesh Babu, Sumanta Basu and Indranil Bose — analysed 40 randomly picked civil cases of different types from jurisdiction of 24 South Parganas district court to understand the reasons for delays. On repeated adjournments, the study found that absence of lawyers was often a common factor. “Since advocates have to deal with multiple cases at the same time, they can’t be present everywhere, hence some cases have to be delayed so that pertinent ones can be attended to. Lawyers also continue to take long dates so as to cover the tenure of the current judge (the tenure of a judge is for a period of 2-3 years) and present the case afresh to the new judge,” it said. To understand the sources of these delays, the study interviewed litigants and lawyers and found that a case usually got 5-6 dates in a year.

Source: Times of India, 21/10/2019

Wednesday, October 16, 2019

Quote of the Day


“It is not that I am genius; I am definitely more curious and stay with the problem longer.”
‐ Einstein
“ऐसा नहीं है कि मैं कोई अति प्रतिभाशाली व्यक्ति हूं; लेकिन मैं निश्चित रूप से अधिक जिज्ञासु हूं और किसी समस्या को सुलझाने में अधिक देर तक लगा रहता हूं।”
‐ आइंस्टीन

Economic and Political Weekly: Table of Contents


Vol. 54, Issue No. 41, 12 Oct, 2019

Editorials

From the Editor's Desk

H T Parekh Finance Column

Commentary

Book Reviews

Insight

Special Articles

From 50 Years Ago

Postscript

Engage Articles

Letters

Current Statistics

Nobel’s literary constraints


Despite the perception that it has limited vision, the Swedish Academy has introduced the world to new writers

In 2014, writer Peter Handke had told Austrian daily Die Presse that “the Nobel Prize should be abolished” and that winning brings “false canonisation” of literature. Does the Swedish Academy’s choice of Handke for the 2019 Nobel Prize for Literature prove that he was right, as critics like philosopher Slavoj Zizek have told The Guardian? Handke, a novelist, playwright and essayist, had downplayed Serbian atrocities in the Balkan war, defended Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic who was indicted of war crimes, and even spoke at Milosevic’s funeral in 2006. In a rare move, non-profit organisation PEN America criticised the selection, saying the writer “used his public voice to undercut historical truth and offer public succor to perpetrators of genocide.”
Why would the Academy choose a polarising writer like Handke for the top literary prize? After all, there were many others in the reckoning including Canadian author Margaret Atwood (who has since won the Booker Prize), Guadeloupean novelist Maryse Conde, Russian writer Lyudmila Ulitskaya, Kenyan writer Ngugi wa Thiong’o and the perennial contender Haruki Murakami.
Handke himself said he was “astonished” that he had been picked, calling the Academy “very courageous”. The Nobel Committee said that though Handke has, at times, “caused controversy, he cannot be considered an engaged writer in the sense of Sartre, and he gives us no political programs.” Jean-Paul Sartre had famously declined the prize in 1964 saying he didn’t want to be “institutionalised”. Handke has been awarded “for an influential work that with linguistic ingenuity has explored the periphery and the specificity of human experience”. The adverse reaction to his politics overshadowed appreciation of his work.

Many controversies

In pursuit of novel ways to draw attention to the Big Prize, the Academy seems to have been caught on the wrong foot again. After the sexual assault allegation that forced it to abandon the ceremony last year, it sought redemption, but it has been a difficult return. In the days leading up to October 10, Anders Olsson, chair of the Nobel Committee, had said, “We are looking all over the world”. On announcement day, however, it was found that the Swedish Academy had done no such geographical balancing act, picking an Austrian and a Polish instead. While it failed to stand up to the very thing it was accused of — being too Eurocentric — the choice of Olga Tokarczuk from Poland for the 2018 Prize was a step in the right direction. She is only the 15th woman to get the Literature Prize. Tokarczuk (The Journey of the Book PeopleFlights, The Books of Jacob) had received the ire of Polish nationalists and death threats for saying that Polanders too had committed “horrendous acts” as colonisers.

Redefining literature

Over the last few years, the Academy has redefined boundaries of literature in its choices. In 2016, when it awarded the Prize to American Bob Dylan, some criticised the decision to award a singer-songwriter a prize reserved for literature. It irked others that literary giants like Jorge Luis Borges and James Joyce had been denied the prize earlier. While the choice of Dylan was surprising, his song-poems including Blowing in the Wind and Like a Rolling Stone have become anthems. In 2015, the prize went to the Belarusian writer of oral history Svetlana Alexievich, raising a few eyebrows, but only perhaps because her books were not readily available. Her work looks at crises like the Second World War (The Unwomanly Face of War); the collapse of the Soviet Union (SecondHand Time); and the nuclear disaster in Chernobyl (Voices from Chernobyl) through ordinary voices. Hers is a critical record of history that the world may have missed without the prize.
Like the Peace Prize, the Literature Prize has often been deemed political. It was only in 1986 that an African, Wole Soyinka, won. After Elfriede Jelinek, Austrian playwright and moralist against multiculturalism, was awarded in 2004 to some dismay, the 2005 prize went to a safer bet, playwright Harold Pinter. When V.S. Naipaul got the prize in 2001, the irony was lost on no one that in the year of 9/11, the writer of Among the Believers, a critical work on Islam in Asia, had been honoured, though Naipaul could have bagged it for A House for Mr Biswas alone.
Writing in 2011 after the Swedish poet Tomas Transtromer won, novelist and translator Tim Parks pointed at the “essential silliness of the prize and our own foolishness at taking it seriously.” It doesn’t help that the prize has often showed it has limited horizons. Why else was the great Nigerian writer Chinua Achebe overlooked? Or Leo Tolstoy snubbed for the inaugural Prize for Literature in 1901? It went to French poet Sully Prudhomme, who must have gained new readers after the announcement.
sudipta.datta@thehindu.co.in
Source: The Hindu, 16/10/2019

India ranked 102 in Global Hunger Index, 8 places behind Pakistan

The report warned that the progress towards a 2030 zero hunger target that was agreed upon by leaders across the words was “under threat”.

India slipped to the 102 spot in the Global Hunger Index which features 117 countries, according to Concern Worldwide, an aid agency which compiles the report.
India was the lowest ranked South Asian country in Global Hunger Index even behind Pakistan which was ranked 94th. Indeed, India is also ranked below countries such as North Korea at 92.
The report warned that the progress towards a 2030 zero hunger target that was agreed upon by leaders across the words was “under threat”.
The report, topped by Central African Republic, said that it was becoming difficult to feed the world due to climate change.It said that while there has been progress in reducing hunger, but the gains are now being threatened and severe hunger persists in many regions across the world.
“Hunger stubbornly persists in many countries and is actually increasing in others. Multiple countries have higher hunger levels now than in 2010, and approximately 45 countries are set to fail to achieve low levels of hunger by 2030,” said Concern Worldwide US CEO Colleen Kelly.
Among the 117 countries, 43 have “serious” levels of hunger. The report said that the Central African Republic is in the “extremely alarming” level in the hunger index while Chad, Madagascar, Yemen, and Zambia were in the “alarming” level.
The Global Hunger Index also recommends various steps the countries could take to tackle this serious problem. Prioritizing resilience among the most vulnerable groups, better response to disasters, addressing inequalities, action to mitigate climate change are among measures suggested in the report.
Worldwide, the number of undernourished people - those who lack regular access to adequate calories - rose to 822 million last year from 785 million in 2015, with the greatest increase in sub-Saharan countries affected by conflict and drought.
Nine countries of concern were omitted due to lack of data, including Democratic Republic of Congo, Eritrea, Libya, Somalia, South Sudan and Syria.
Source: Hindustan Times, 16/10/2019

MGNREGA can revive Rural India

The scheme needs a higher budget. Finance it by rationalising the regressive subsidy regime


Missing in the slew of recent policy measures to arrest the current economic slowdown is any serious policy antidote for the crisis confronting India’s rural economy. What makes this policy silence particularly deafening is the fact that only a few months ago, when elections were round the corner, the rural economy was top priority. In January this year, PM-KISAN was announced and implemented with great gusto. Now, five months after the election, even as the government has belatedly acknowledged the accelerating economic crisis, implementation has slowed down. Disbursements for the third instalment have been significantly lower than the first two instalments which were paid out in the midst of the election campaign.
Perhaps the electoral victory has shifted the government’s political calculus, and emboldened it to focus on other aspects of the economy, specifically the corporate and financial sector in order to boost private investment. But doing this at the cost of focusing on the rural economy is a serious misstep.
For one, current policy measures, including the big ticket corporate tax cuts, are unlikely, in the near term, to address the fall in aggregate demand which lies at the heart of the current slowdown. As economist Himanshu has highlighted, India is witnessing an unprecedented decline in consumption expenditure. Using National Sample Survey Office data, he calculates that consumption expenditure declined at a rate of 4.4% per annum in rural India and 4.8% in urban areas between 2015-16 and 2017-18.
Second, a slew of policy missteps played an important role in accelerating the pace of the consumption slowdown in rural India. These include an inflation targeting monetary policy regime that moved the terms of trade against agriculture, demonetisation and associated measures such as taxing high value cash transactions, and of course, the Goods and Services Tax. Together, these served to reduce liquidity and disrupt established modes of transacting in rural markets.
These policy missteps require specific correctives. A consumption slowdown in a fragile rural economy is a likely indicator of a rise in poverty. Rural India, thus, urgently needs a stimulus (arguably even more than corporate India) to revive consumption demand, in the short-term.
The two most widely debated policy tools through which stimulus could be introduced are an increased Minimum Support Price (MSP) and PM-KISAN. Interestingly, many state governments have recently followed in the Union government’s footsteps by announcing their own versions of farmer income support. These are far more expansive in their budgetary commitments than PM-KISAN.
Both these instruments, however, have limitations. Increasing MSPs risk distorting prices and crop choices that can make long-term agricultural reforms difficult. Moreover, the government is sitting on large, undistributed stockpile of food grains which limits the space for expanded procurement. Income support schemes avoid the distortionary effects of MSPs but confront serious implementation challenges. As the recently released RBI report on state finances 2018-19 pointed out, the success of these schemes is dependent on underlying conditions like completing the digitisation of land records and linking them to bank accounts. This cannot be done overnight, the rushed roll-out of PMKISAN not withstanding. Telangana, the first state to implement and popularise income support to farmers took nearly two years to get its land records database right.
There is, however, a strong case to be made for an improved MGNREGA to serve as the vehicle for delivering a rural stimulus. By design, the MGNREGA is a demand-driven scheme (work is provided to anyone who seeks a job), and therefore avoids targeting problems that confront income support schemes. More important, the programme is designed to incentivise participation of agricultural labour, not just farmers. MGNREGA, thus, has the potential of boosting incomes across all sectors of the rural economy. Finally, contrary to the widely held perception that MGNREGA has merely resulted in “digging holes”, the scheme has played an important role in improving productivity on agricultural land. A majority of work done through MGNREGA is on developing farm land (for instance, constructing irrigation facilities, livestock sheds) owned by small land owners. Improved land productivity can in principle raise farmer incomes and stimulate demand for agricultural labour, thus planting the seeds for a longer term revival.
Leveraging the potential of MGNREGA, however, will require increased budgets, a higher wage floor and mission mode monitoring of implementation. Since 2012-13, MGNREGA budget allocations have consistently fallen short of demand for work, resulting in spending excesses of over ~5000 crores (2017-18 figures). Consequently, wage payments have been delayed (only 32% of wages distributed in the first half of 2017-18 were paid on time) and the overall MGNREGA wage rate has stagnated at levels significantly lower than state minimum wages. Addressing these barriers is critical.
But how will an expanded MGNREGA be financed, especially when government borrowing is at a high of nearly 10% of GDP? There is a case for financing MGNREGA without dipping in to government borrowing and instead rationalising India’s bloated and regressive subsidy regime (fertiliser, water, power) in a phased manner. Crisis can throw up unexpected opportunities. Reforming India’s subsidy regime has been long overdue. Could the current crisis be the opportunity to engineer this structural shift in public expenditure? Of course, more MGNREGA is only one solution to a deeper structural crisis. But if this could result in subsidy reform, the first step toward addressing the long-term challenge will have been taken.
Yamini Aiyar is president and chief executive, Centre for Policy Research
Source: Hindustan Times, 15/10/2019