Quote of the Day

“Those who criticise our generation forget who raised it.”

‐ Anonymous

“हमारी पीढ़ी की आलोचना करने वाले भूल जाते हैं कि इस पीढ़ी को पालपोस कर बढ़ा किसने किया है।”

‐ अज्ञात

How oppressive containment measures during Poona plague led to assassination of British officer

Indian Civil Service officer Charles Walter Rand felt the need for strong measures to "stamp out plague from Poona" and deployed the military to search infected persons. Soon, reports and rumours of harassment of locals - especially of Indian women - at the hands of British soldiers started emerging from the city.

THE FIRST recorded case of bubonic plague in Pune – then Poona – was discovered on October 2, 1896 when two passengers from Mumbai alighted at the railway station. By December that year, the city was showing signs of local transmission and the disease had started to spread rapidly – especially in the densely populated Peth areas. Earlier, after the reports of plague came in from Mumbai in September 1896, the municipal corporation had appointed a medical officer at Pune Railway Station to watch out for persons with Plague symptoms and send them to special sheds erected at Sassoon General Hospital.

The plague wave that had reached Pune was part of the ‘Third Plague Pandemic’ which had started in Yunnan, China in 1855 and entered India through the port city of Mumbai via Hong Kong. The epidemic would last for well over two decades and would kill about 10 million Indians between 1896 and 1918, as it ravaged one city after the other.

However, none among scores of cities that were afflicted by the pestilence would cause as much political uproar as Pune.

A DANGEROUS PLAGUE CENTRE’

By the end of February, 1897, Pune had recorded 308 cases of plague with 271 deaths. The dread of the disease which had such a high mortality rate had caused the locals to flee the city. The municipal officials estimated that about 15,000 to 20,000 locals had left the city to escape the pandemic and had settled in villages in the outskirts. As this was happening, locals, as well as Englishmen, were asking for the appointment of a ‘strong officer’ who would improve the sanitary and health situation in the city, failing which, they feared, “the matters will never mend and go down from bad to worse.”

The strongman that the Bombay Presidency Governor William Mansfield Sandhurst decided to appoint was 34-year-old Walter Charles Rand, an Oxford-educated officer of the Indian Civil Service, who was then serving in Satara. Rand was appointed on February 10, 1897 as an Assistant Collector and Chairman, Poona Plague Committee.

“My first duty was to ascertain the extent to which the disease had already spread in Poona,” Rand wrote in the plague report that he drafted in June-July, but died before its submission in August. “After examining the current death register of Poona Municipal Corporation and mortality returns for previous years I discovered that … the morality in the city was growing at an alarming rate since the beginning of January…On the same day I also informed the Collector that Poona had become a very dangerous plague centre,” Rand wrote.

WHY MILITARY HELP WAS TAKEN?

As per Rand, Surgeon Captain WWO Beveridge arrived in Pune to assist in fighting the epidemic in the city with the idea of using military men in the plague operations. “Up to the time of Surgeon Captain Beveridge’s arrival, the use of anything but civil agency for dealing with the epidemic had not been considered. The officer, who had had considerable experience of the Plague in Hong Kong and methods adopted there for stamping it out, formed an opinion that the help of soldiers would be desirable in Poona, especially to search for sufferers from plague, their removal to suitable hospitals, and the disinfection of plague-infected houses,” Rand says in the report.

Following this, Collector RA Lamb sent out a formal request to the government of Bombay Presidency. “The aid of the soldiers is needed because the men are available, they are disciplined, they can be relied upon to be thorough and honest in their inspection, while no native agency is available, or could be relied on if it were,” he said.

At this time the population of Pune – including those residing in municipal limits, cantonments and suburbs – was 1.61 lakh. The plan prepared by Rand attached the greatest importance to house-to-house search for infected patients and suspects. There was intense aversion among the townsfolk for taking out the plague-infected family members to the hospital. The families resorted to “incredible shifts” in order to prevent authorities from detecting a plague patient. Such patients were hidden in lofts, cupboards and gardens or “anywhere where their presence was least likely suspected”. This, the administration argued, would leave no option but to resort to “compulsory methods” to ensure isolation of the infected patients.
Five special plague hospitals were erected in various parts of the city, one each for Hindu, Muslim, Parsi communities in addition to a general hospital for all patients and the Sassoon Hospital where Europeans were treated. On the same line, four segregation camps were set up where family members and oth“There was, it is true, no Indian example of the suppression by strong measures, of an epidemic of plague which had established itself in a large town, but the possibility of so suppressing the disease had been demonstrated at Hongkong in 1894. It was certain that if the plague was not to be allowed to run its course, but was to be stamped out of Poona, stringent measures would have to be taken,” Rand observed in the report.

The containment policy adopted by Rand and his team was to actively search the localities in the city with the help of the soldiers accompanied by natives for plague-infected patients (or their dead bodies) and take them to the hospitals (or cremate the bodies under medical supervision). The houses where patients were found were cleaned, fumigated, dug up (to destroy rats) and lime washed.
The work of search parties was carried out between March 13 and May 19 1897. About 20 search parties (later increased to 60) each consisting three British soldiers and one native gentleman were formed for his purpose. A division of 10 search parties had one medical officer and a lady searcher to inspect women in purdah.

“In order that plague patients might not be removed before the arrival of the troops, no intimation as to what area that was to be searched was given to the public. The streets in which the search took place were patrolled by Cavalry. The only important complaint about the first day’s work was that doors forced open by the troops were not reclosed. This difficulty was overcome on subsequent occasions by attaching to each search division a few Native troops with hammers and staples to fasten up doors after the searchers,” reads the report.

As per Rand’s report, the attitude of the residents was “friendly” to the search parties except that of the Brahmin community which was unfriendly and tried to obstruct the searches. The medical officers were supplied with cash advances and had instructions to pay compensation for any articles belonging to plague patients that may have been destroyed in the process.

“It was found at the beginning of the operations that rather too many articles were at times destroyed as rubbish. Orders were accordingly issued on March 26 to Officers commanding limewashing divisions to visit, if possible, all houses to be limewashed and to decide what should be destroyed in each. It was also laid down that when a property of any value to the owners was destroyed by limewashing party, the Officer commanding the division should note the approximate cost of replacing what had been destroyed in order that compensation might afterwards be paid. In practice nothing was destroyed after the first fortnight of the operations except in the presence of an officer,” reads the report.

The searches, the Committee claimed, bore results. Between March 13 and May 19 1897, it searched 2,18,214 houses and found 338 plague cases and 64 corpses. The report says each house was searched 11 times during the course of the operation.

All entry and exit points to the city were manned by British soldiers to ensure that no one from the infected area enters Pune or plague suspects flee the city or smuggle out the dead bodies to escape testing by the authorities.

As per the British, there were very few complaints against the conduct of the soldiers – both British and Indian – and whenever any complaint was made action was taken against the violators. In a letter written to Rand on May 20 1897, Major A Deb V Paget, who was commanding the operations, lists six cases of violation of discipline by soldiers which were found to be true and involved stealing of cash, pocketing goods and receiving money from the locals.er contacts of the plague patients were kept under observation.

The committee also claimed that these “energetic measures” carried out by military officers with “praiseworthy zeal” led to the decline of the disease by the end of May 1897 after a peak in March.

HOW INDIANS SAW THESE OPERATIONS?

Local experience of these search operations and forceful segregation of plague patients and suspects, however, was not as benign. The complaints sent to senior officials – including Rand – and news reports in the local publications suggest that residents looked at these operations as a reign of terror.

As per the petitions, summarised by Rajnarayan Chandavarkar in his essay ‘Plague Panic and Epidemic Politics in India: 1896-1914’ published in the book Epidemics and Ideas, there was wanton and indiscriminate destruction of the property during searches. The segregation and lime washing parties would dig up the floor, put gallons of disinfectant in the nook and crannies of the houses. They at times broke open the doors and left them ajar, took away “perfectly healthy” persons and, in some cases, even neighbours and passers-by were packed to segregation camps.

“…There were complaints that ‘all the females are compelled to come out of their houses and stand before the public gaze in the open street and be there subjected to inspection by soldiers. Soldiers were said to behave ‘disgracefully with native ladies’ and the tenor of the official response was that they had ‘merely joked with a Marathi woman’ suggest that sexual harassment probably did occur. Shripat Gopal Kulkarni, an octogenarian, complained that ten or twelve soldiers had burst into his house, forced him to undress, ‘felt…the whole of my body and then made me sit and rise and sitting around me went on clapping their hands and dancing,” writes Chandavarkar.

It was at this backdrop that Bal Gangadhar Tilak wrote in Mahratta, his English newspaper: “Plague is more merciful to us than its human prototypes now reigning the city. The tyranny of the Plague Committee and its chosen instruments is yet too brutal to allow respectable people to breathe at ease.”
No doubt that the regulations and measures as they were imposed in Pune were the most stringent among all the cities afflicted by the pandemic. In fact, Antony MacDonnel, Lieutenant-Governor of the North-Western Provinces, had observed in a July 1897 communique that “If the plague regulations had been enforced in any city of these provinces in the way in which …they were…enforced in Poona, there would have been bloodshed here.”

THE MURDERS

Blood was indeed shed in Pune too. On June 22, 1897, Chapekar brothers – Damodar (27), Balkrisha (24) and Vasudev (17 or 18) – shot Rand and Lieutenant Charles Ayerst (mistaking him for Rand before he was located in the preceding carriage) while they were returning from Queen Victoria’s Jubilee Celebration at Government House in Ganeshkhind (now Pune University). While Ayerst died immedDamodar Chapekar, who is said to have planned and led the assassination, made it clear in his confession (which was later retracted by him) that the search operations carried out by British soldiers were behind his decision to kill Rand.

“In the search of houses a great zulum (atrocity) was practised by the soldiers and they entered the temples and brought out women from their houses, broke idols and burnt pothis (holy books). We determined to revenge these actions but it was no use to kill common people and it was necessary to kill the chief man. Therefore we determined to kill Mr Rand who was the chief,” Damodar was recorded to have said on October 8, 1897 in front of a magistrate following his arrest.

While Chapekar brothers or their accomplices did not mention of it, the British also surmised that the attack may have been inspired by the “peculiarly violent writing of the Poona newspapers regarding the plague administration” that shortly preceded the murders, almost openly advocating the duty of forcible resistance to the authority. The reference here was to Bal Gangadhar Tilak’s editorials in Kesari as well as writings and reporting in other newspapers such as Sudharak and Poona Vaibhav among others.

The government – startled, embarrassed by the murders – booked Tilak of sedition under Section 124 of Indian Penal code for exciting feelings of disaffection among the public through his writings in Kesari. It was also alleged that by glorifying and justifying Shivaji’s killing of Afzal Khan in the 17th century, he directly supported violence and resultantly caused murders of the two British officers barely a week after the publication of the articles. A few months later, the court found Tilak guilty and sent him to 18 months of imprisonment.

ACCUSATION OF SEXUAL VIOLATIONS

The alleged atrocities committed by British soldiers during plague control operations also caused an uproar in United Kingdom when Congress leader from Maharashtra Gopal Krishna Gokhale who was visiting England to appear before Welby Commission gave an interview to The Manchester Guardian (now The Guardian) on July 2, 1897 (published on July 3) in which he levelled serious accusations against the British soldiers. These “rumours” were the talk of the town in India but were raised outside the country with such prominence for the first time.

Apart from detailing how soldiers “ignorant of the language and contemptuous to customs” offended  in scores of ways, he also made allegations of “violation of two women, one of whom is said to have committed suicide rather than to survive her shame” attributing the information to his contacts back home in Pune. This caused an uproar in the British parliament as well back home in India. The Bombay Presidency government called it a “malevolent invention” and challenged Gokhale to prove them or share with the government the names of the persons who had shared this information with him.

After his return to India, Gokhale tried his best to gather evidence from the persons who had written to him about the atrocities against the women – especially the two cases of rape – but nobody was willing to come forward, especially in the light of the severe crackdown in Pune post Rand’s assassination including sedition case against Tilak. A detailed account of this episode has been given by Stanley Wolpert in his book Tilak and Gokhale: Revolution and reform in the making of modern India.

Unable to substantiate these claims, Gokhale published an “unqualified apology” to British soldiers which was published by The Manchester Guardian and The Times of India on August 4.iately, Rand succumbed to the injuries on July 3.

As per, Chandavarkar the rumours of these violations – which may or may not be confirmed – should be seen as an indication of the nightmarish experience of the local population of their private places being “invaded and violated” by uninformed foreign agents.

“Stories about the behaviour of the soldiers may have borne a considerable measure of truth but they also reflected the nightmarish invasion and violation of privacy – even god-rooms and kitchens – by the most frightening, powerful, uniformed foreign agent of public authority. Sexual harassment by the soldiers and their ‘disgraceful behaviour towards the native ladies’ almost certainly occurred – and, indeed, physical examination, ‘the exploration of the native’s body’ in the street or at railway checkpoints may themselves be regarded precisely as that – but reports of them also served as a metaphor for the violent eruption of the state into the privacy of people’s lives,” Chandavarkar writes.

After the initial frenzy had abated, and following Rand’s murder, the Plague Committee slackened its operations although plague continued to flourish. The killing spree in the city went on for several years. By May 1904, it infected 45,665 and killed 37,178.

Source: Indian Express, 9/06/2020

PM to launch Garib Kalyan Rojgar Abhiyan for returnee migrants on June 20; its key points

The campaign Garib Kalyan Rojgar Abhiyan(GKRA)will be launched through a video-conference, from village Telihar in the district of Khagaria in Bihar on June 20.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi will on Saturday, June 20, launch a Rs 50,000-crore employment scheme or campaign for migrant workers who have returned to their home states during the coronavirus lockdown. The scheme, Garib Kalyan Rojgar Abhiyan (GKRA), will be launched through a video conference from Khagaria district’s Telihar village in Bihar on June 20.

According to Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman, the aim of this campaign is to bring convergence and frontload the money.

“The key thing is it is directly tying up with all the migrant workers who have reached their districts…all of them are going to result in asset creation,” Sitharaman said while addressing a curtain raiser press conference.

The move has come at a time when lakhs of migrants have returned to villages in the wake of the Covid-19 outbreak and the need for employment having gone up drastically in rural areas.

Here’s all you need to know about Garib Kalyan Rojgar Abhiyan (GKRA)

*GKRA is a campaign that the Centre is set to launch to “empower and provide livelihood opportunities” to the returnee migrant workers and rural citizens.

* It is a 125-day campaign involving implementation of 25 different types of works to provide employment to the migrant workers on one hand and create infrastructure in the rural regions of the country on the other hand.

* GKRA will primarily focus on six states where maximum migrant workers have returned. A total of 116 districts across Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Jharkhand and Odisha have been chosen for the campaign which includes 27 aspirational districts. These districts are estimated to cover about 2/3 of such migrant workers.

*According to Finance Minister Nirmala Sitaraman, the workers will help build gram panchayat bhawans and anganwadi centres, national highway works, railway works and water conservation projects, among others across six states.

Source: Indian Express, 18/06/2020

Children and the pandemic

Disruption in health services, suspension of mid-day meals, use of ASHA workers for COVID-related activities could aggravate India’s malnutrition problem.

COVID-19 has changed the way we have been taking all that is precious to us for granted. It has not only made the world pause, reflect and rearrange priorities in life, but has made many of us aware of our privileges and shown us a mirror to how we react to human sufferings as a society. While we come to terms with the COVID-induced changes one cannot comprehend the damage that the pandemic will inflict on children, albeit indirectly. Since the outbreak, the world has focused its attention acutely on the higher fatality rate the virus has caused among the elderly and launched a scientific enquiry on why children have emerged relatively unaffected. But amidst decoding this mysterious eccentricity of the virus, what has escaped our attention is the long-term damage the cascading effect of COVID-19 is likely to cause in children — through inadequate health services, broken medical supplies, interrupted access to nutritious food and income loss in families.

The long-term impact of the pandemic on economic and social systems remains invisible, but experts have begun to caution with worrying forecasts. Drawing from a recent Lancet study, the UNICEF has warned that three lakh children could die in India over the next six months due to disrupted health services and surge in child-wasting, a form of malnutrition when the child is too thin for his/her height. India is expected to bear one of the heaviest tolls of this preventable devastation, partly because its record in managing malnutrition among children was grim even in pre-COVID-19 times. India is home to half of the “wasted children” globally, reckons the recently launched Global Nutrition Report 2020. More than a third (37.9 per cent) of our children under-five years are stunted, and over a fifth (20.8 per cent) are wasted, the report adds. These rates are significantly higher compared to average prevalence in developing countries, which stand at 25 per cent for stunting and 8.9 per cent for wasting. Furthermore, even the National Family Health Surveys (NFHS) data shows that in the decade up to 2015, children suffering from severe acute malnutrition grew to 7.5 per cent from 6.4 per cent. Separately, Observer Research Foundation reports that with 15 per cent of the total population in the “hungry” bracket, India is one of the most undernourished regions in the world.

This nutrition insecure backdrop of India makes it dangerous to live through an extreme adversity like the current pandemic without proper planning for protection of our vulnerable population. Past few weeks, the entire country has been in lockdown mode to contain the infection which has brought economic activities to a complete standstill and resulted in income losses. Mid-day meals, the main source of nutrition for millions of children had to be suspended with schools shut, and congregations banned. Some states are trying to substitute it with dry ration but sharing of food by other family members in such trying times cannot be ruled out.

Overall health outreach services have been disrupted amid the panic the virus has triggered. Services of our front-line workers, the ASHAs and Anganwadi workers, had to be diverted for COVID-19 surveillance activities. Considering that they have been the lifeline of government’s nutrition programmes, this is bound to result in neglect of children and their nutrition status.

The highly infectious nature of the virus has prompted decisions that have caused serious economic distress, particularly to those dependent on daily wages to survive. Vulnerable groups have been further pushed to poverty. Children belonging to poor households face the highest vulnerability in terms of physical growth and brain development at crucial stages of their life because of highly compromised, untimely, and unhealthy meals, poor dietary intake and weakened immune system. Hence, pregnant or lactating mothers, infants and young children need protection not just from the virus, but from a lack of healthcare facilities, inadequate diet and misinformed breastfeeding practices.

Even as lockdown regulations ease and essential healthcare including antenatal care services slowly start resuming, the pandemic has already led to severe adverse consequences for mothers and children, particularly those facing socio-economic disadvantages. To restore efficiency in the system, special rations, including nutrients like protein, good fats, vitamins, essential minerals with less sugar, need to be made readily available on an urgent basis for mothers and children, so that their weakened immunity is boosted to fight deadly infections.

Government silos are abundant with 71 million tonnes of rice and wheat, recently there were images of pulses rotting in godowns that went viral. It is important to mobilise resources to increase the access of people to a diversified diet. Nutrition programmes like the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS), mid-day meals, and anganwadi centres should continue to work as essential services and provide rations and meals to beneficiaries’ homes. States need to innovate strategies to support marginalised workers and ensure access of food at people’s doorsteps. As the numbers of vulnerable are set to soar, the country needs to expand preventive coverage of access to food and pre-empt a hunger crisis.

Post the pandemic, new strategies will have to be planned out for strengthening community-based management of acute malnutrition. Structural reforms of the Nutritional Rehabilitation Centres (NRCs) will have to be considered along with a ready workforce that has to be trained to fulfil the needs of the population during and post-pandemic. This will ensure access to nutrition services for women and children, improving their health.

The battle ahead is full of grave challenges. Properly planned, sustainable, inclusive polices and relief measures need to be implemented with an efficient, skilled and motivated workforce on the ground with seamless coordination between the Centre and states. Post pandemic, we shouldn’t have to live with this one regret — that the preventable damage surpassed the damage that was unpreventable.

Source: Indian Express, 18/06/2020

Crisis also brings opportunity for building a nurturing economy

Our economic and political policies must not be ends in themselves, but instruments for building a society that is secular, inclusive and nurturing, where people of all religions, caste, race and gender feel wanted and at home.

The appearance of the COVID-19 pandemic has turned our familiar world upside down within a span of barely a few months. As governments the world over struggle to contain it, unemployment is shooting up, supply chains of food and essentials have been disrupted, and we see dark clouds of economic recession. Amidst such misery, it is natural to feel despair. But at the same time, we must realise that this is a critical moment for reflection, for re-examining our way of life, and striving to emerge from this with hope.

People have many reasons for disappointment. The world over, several political leaders have flip-flopped over policy, causing uncalled for surges in infection rates and mortality. In many countries, the disease continues to spread, and we live in the shadow of a second wave.

As Indian citizens we are especially concerned about the fact that in India, not only has the incidence of COVID-19 continued to surge, our workers, the migrants, and millions of small, self-employed individuals, have been hit by an unprecedented economic crisis. While the visible cost of the pandemic in terms of the lives lost are being counted by the day, the invisible cost of hunger and impoverishment of the most vulnerable sections of our society is yet to be effectively addressed. The way we treated our workers, the poor and the migrants, particularly women, is tragic. Many of them had travelled great distances, driven by abject poverty, to find work. The compulsion to leave one’s own land, village and home to barely make ends meet is sad. The fact that with the sudden lockdown, we left them stranded without work and pay, and let them walk hundreds of miles to get to their families and homes, with many of them collapsing on the way, will go down as a low point in our nation’s history. This is a matter of collective shame for all of us.

This is not the time for politics. It is a time for us to come together and marshal the best ideas and actions to build a safety net for the most vulnerable people in society, and to transform the structures of our economy so that, when we come out of the pandemic, our economy can grow and prosper for all.

The pandemic came at one of the worst possible times. India’s economy has been in deep trouble since 2016. In 2019-20, even before the pandemic happened, our GDP growth had dropped to 4.2 per cent, the lowest growth seen in the last 11 years. With oil prices at a historic low, this should never have happened. By December 2019, the growth of non-food bank credit, which is a good indicator of overall economic robustness, had dropped to below 7 per cent, the lowest India has seen in the last 50 years.

After the pandemic arrived, matters, of course, got worse. In March, $16 billion of foreign capital exited the country, which is an all-time record for India. After the lockdown, India’s unemployment rate shot up to a record high of 23.8 per cent in April. In the same month, Indian exports dropped by 60 per cent, one of the biggest drops seen in any emerging market economy in the world. There is a genuine risk that this year our growth will plummet to an all-time low since India’s Independence, beating the record plunge of 1979-80.

We write this article to remind ourselves that a time of crisis is time for empathy. In the words of Mahatma Gandhi, this is time to “recall the face of the poorest and weakest man you have seen and ask yourself if this step you contemplate is going to be any use to him.” This is a principle that has made its way into modern philosophy via the work of John Rawls. Clearly, the way we acted in protecting ourselves and our friends, as the pandemic broke, leaving the working class to fend for itself, took us far away from Gandhiji’s principle.

We write this article with the hope of building a nurturing economy. Our economic and political policies must not be ends in themselves, but instruments for building a society that is secular, inclusive and nurturing, where people of all religions, caste, race and gender feel wanted and at home. None of us would be here if we were not nurtured in our infancy and childhood. Yet, so often we forget this and are blatantly exploitative in our interactions with society, impoverishing others to enrich ourselves and creating our own economic wealth at the cost of the ecosystem’s wealth. The outcome of such behaviour is a threefold crisis which describes India’s current predicament — rising poverty and unemployment despite abundance, rising intolerance and violence, and environmental catastrophe.

We have hope for India’s future. There is a lot in the nation’s culture and wisdom that we can draw on and try to lead a life that nurtures the soil and creates an environment which sustains future generations. We should strive to create a society that respects knowledge, science and technology, and culture. We must try to live life by Immanuel Kant’s Categorical Imperative: Act only according to that maxim whereby you can, at the same time, will that it should become a universal law.

We are ambitious for India. But our ambition is not to make India the richest nation in the world. We want India to be an example of an equitable society, where people are not abandoned without income and work, where no one feels the insecurity of being a minority, and of being discriminated against. We are aware that there have been injustices in history, injustices of one group against another. But it would be a tragedy if we remained forever victims of history, extorting an eye for an eye. Let us hope that through the suffering and pain of this pandemic, from amidst the despair of our current times, will emerge such a nurturing world.

This article first appeared in the print edition on June 19 under the title “A time for empathy”

Basu is Professor of Economics and Carl Marks Professor at Cornell University. He was formerly Chief Economic Adviser to the Government of India, and Chief Economist of the World Bank. Bhatt is the Founder of Self-Employed Women’s Association (SEWA), Chancellor of Gujarat Vidyapith

Source: Indian Express, 19/06/2020

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Quote of the Day

“Over-thinking ruins you. Ruins the situation, twists things around, makes you worry and just makes everything much worse than it actually is.”

‐ Anonymous

“अति विचार आपको बर्बाद करता है। स्थिति को बर्बाद करता है, बात को उलझाता है, आपको चिंता में डाल देता है और सब कुछ जितना मुश्किल है नहीं उससे अधिक मुश्किल कर देता है।”

‐ अज्ञात