Why do temperatures vary from place to place within the same city?

 

A weather station in Delhi recorded a high of 52.9 degree Celsius on May 29 — unheard of in the capital. But another station in the same city recorded 45.2 degrees, pretty normal for the end of May. Leafier neighbourhoods often seem cooler than pockets of treeless concrete. Why does this happen?

The weather station at Mungeshpur in Delhi recorded a maximum temperature of 52.9 degree Celsius on Wednesday (May 29). On Tuesday, the same location had seen a high of 49.9 degree Celsius.

However, the maximum temperatures recorded at other places in Delhi were at least 6 or 7 degree Celsius lower than those seen in Mungeshpur. For instance, at Raj Ghat and Lodhi Road, maximum temperatures on Wednesday were 45.2 and 46.2 degree Celsius respectively.

There are several weather stations across Delhi, each of which records the temperature at a particular place.

Several observatories and automatic weather stations are located at different places within the city — and there is no single observatory or station that gives an average temperature of Delhi as a whole.

Temperatures are recorded at Palam, Lodhi Road, Ridge, Ayanagar, Jafarpur, Mungeshpur, Najafgarh, Narela, Pitampura, Pusa, Mayur Vihar, and Raj Ghat.The weather/ temperature app on your mobile phone shows the temperature at the nearest station, which may not necessarily be that of the official India Meteorological Department (IMD) station. (The same goes for the AQI/ air pollution data on your phone.)

So, if you drive across the city from, say, Pitampura to Raj Ghat, you will likely see different temperatures on your phone.

But why is the temperature different at different places within the same city?

Although temperatures experienced by a particular region are largely governed by weather, several anthropogenic factors also play a role, especially in a large urban centre such as Delhi.

These factors include the concentration of pavements, buildings, roads, and parking lots — in general, hard and dry surfaces provide less shade and moisture, thereby leading to higher temperatures.

The material used to build infrastructure also has an impact. For instance, places where most of pavements and buildings are made of concrete, witness warmer temperatures. That’s because concrete can hold nearly 2,000 times as much heat as an equivalent volume of air.

The geometry and spacing of buildings are a factor as well. If a location is densely populated by buildings, surfaces and structures there become “large thermal masses” as they fail to release heat readily. Very narrow streets and tall buildings obstruct natural wind flows that generally bring temperatures down.

The heavy use of air conditioners in shopping malls and residential areas result in localised higher temperatures — ACs release an enormous amount of heat outdoors.

These factors can collectively lead to the creation of ‘urban heat islands’ at a location. These ‘islands’ experience higher temperatures relative to outlying areas.

The likelihood of a place becoming an urban heat island is higher when it does not have trees, vegetation, and water bodies. Natural landscapes bring down temperatures because they provide shade, and the processes of transpiration from plants and evaporation from water bodies produce cooling.

This cooling effect is in evidence in the vicinity of large parks or urban forests in Delhi.

Written by Alind Chauhan

Source: Indian Express, 30/05/24

Quote of the Day May 16, 2024

 

“I regret not having had more time with my kids when they were growing up.”
Tina Turner

“मुझे अफ़सोस है कि मेरे बच्चे जब बड़े हो रहे थे तब मेरे पास उनके साथ गुजारने के लिए समय का अभाव था।”
टीना टर्नर

What is Climatisation of Forests?

 Recently, during the 19th Session of the United Nations Forum on Forests (UNFF19) in New York, a significant report titled “International Forest Governance: A Critical Review of Trends, Drawbacks, and New Approaches” was released. Authored by the Science-Policy Programme (SciPol) of the International Union of Forest Research Organizations (IUFRO), it marks the first global synthesis on international forest governance in 14 years. The report exposes the rising trend of ‘climatisation’ of forests.

What is Climatisation of Forests?

Climatisation of forests refers to the trend where the emphasis has shifted primarily towards their valuation as carbon sinks, overshadowing their crucial ecological and social roles. This shift largely stems from increasing political and financial orientations aimed at carbon sequestration to combat climate issues, frequently sidelining long-term sustainability and socio-ecological justice.

Risks and Impacts

Despite some progress in reducing deforestation, particularly in tropical regions, the report has highlighted the ongoing crises such as climate change, biodiversity loss, and growing socio-economic inequalities. The commodification of forests for carbon captures not only risks perpetuating these inequalities but also potentially diminishes effective forest management practices.

Market-based Versus Non-market Approaches

Professor Constance McDermott, one of the lead authors and head of the Land, Society, and Governance programme at the ECI, highlights significant traction in market-based solutions like forest carbon trading and zero-deforestation supply chains. However, the report indicates that these approaches may exacerbate inequities and lead to unintended negative impacts on sustainable forest management. As an alternative, non-market mechanisms, including state regulation and community-led initiatives, are suggested to offer more just and effective pathways for forest governance.

Policy Recommendations

The report calls on policymakers to revalue forests beyond just carbon sinks, stressing the importance of long-term investments focused on sustainable and equitable outcomes. It recommends fostering policies that correct power imbalances among various stakeholders and ensure protection for the rights and livelihoods of resource-dependent communities.

More About Carbon sequestration

Carbon sequestration refers to the process of capturing and storing atmospheric carbon dioxide (CO2), one of the primary greenhouse gases contributing to climate change. This process aims to reduce the impact of carbon emissions on global warming.

Carbon sequestration can occur naturally in forests, oceans, and soil, which absorb CO2 through biological processes. Additionally, it can be engineered through technologies such as carbon capture and storage (CCS), where CO2 is removed from industrial and energy-related emissions at the source and stored underground in geological formations, preventing its release into the atmosphere.

More About Forest carbon trading

Forest Carbon Trading refers to the economic mechanism aimed at reducing carbon emissions by valuing the carbon stored in forests. It builds on the concept that forests act as carbon sinks, absorbing CO2 from the atmosphere. Through this system, companies or nations can offset their emissions by investing in forest conservation projects, effectively trading carbon credits.

Each credit represents a ton of CO2 either absorbed or not emitted. This market-driven approach incentivizes forest protection and sustainable management, thereby contributing to global climate change mitigation efforts and supporting biodiversity conservation and local communities.

More About Zero deforestation supply chains

Zero deforestation supply chains refer to the commitment by companies to eliminate deforestation from their supply chains. This involves sourcing raw materials in a manner that does not contribute to the cutting down of forests. Key commodities often targeted include palm oil, soy, beef, and timber, which are linked to significant forest loss globally.

Organizations adopting these policies work to trace and verify the origins of their commodities, enforce sustainable practices among suppliers, and often collaborate with environmental groups to achieve transparency and accountability. The goal is to promote biodiversity conservation and reduce carbon emissions while maintaining supply demands.

Nagaland Government To Form Committee to Resolve Long-Standing Naga Conflict

 The government of Nagaland has announced plans to establish a Political Affairs Committee (PAC) with the overarching aim of finding a fair and inclusive solution to the pervasive Naga political issue. This decision was taken in a meeting chaired by Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio on May 9.

The Role of the PAC

The PAC will include the council of ministers and leaders from all political parties within the 14th Nagaland Legislative Assembly (NLA). As a facilitator, the primary role of the PAC will be to bring about an amicable resolution to the Naga political conflict.

Formation of Political Consultative Committees

The Parliamentary Affairs Minister, KG Kenye, has tasked Legislature Party leaders with forming “Political Consultative Committees” (PCCs). The creation will be conducted in conjunction with their representative party organisations. With renewed effort to continue the spirit of the all-party opposition-less government, the aim is to reach a broad consensus for an early and peaceful settlement to the political deadlock.

The Structure of PCCs

The number of members forming the PCCs will be determined by the size of the party legislators in the NLA. A seven-member committee will be formed for 10 MLAs and above, five-member committee for five MLAs and above, three-member committee for one MLA and above, and a convener and co-convener for Independent MLAs.

Concerns Over Stalemate

The National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN-IM) has expressed concern that should the current talks fail, there could be a return to a severe human rights situation in Nagalim. The Naga people are increasingly pressing for a conclusion to the lengthy Naga political talks. Currently, there is lingering tension between the Government of India and NSCN-IM over the contentious issue of establishing a separate flag and constitution for Nagaland – a demand which the Indian Government has rejected.

Notes: Naga political issue

The Naga political issue dates to the British colonial era, wherein Nagas claimed independence in 1947. The Naga National Council launched an armed rebellion but was subdued by the Indian government in the late 1950s. The National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN), later split into NSCN(IM) and NSCN(K) factions, continues the fight for a sovereign Nagaland. A ceasefire agreement was signed in 1997 but the issue remains unresolved. Negotiations face difficulties due to demands for a separate flag and constitution by NSCN(IM). Moreover, other Northeast Indian states object to potential territorial concessions given to Nagas.

Economic & Political Weekly: Table of Contents

 

Vol. 59, Issue No. 19, 11 May, 2024

A Truncated Tax

Election Commission and Omissions

From 25 Years Ago

From 25 Years Ago: Democracy against Hegemony

From 50 Years Ago

From 50 Years Ago: Paid Pipers       

H T Parekh Finance Column

From Chile in 1973 to Argentina and Türkiye in 2023 - Economic Genocide Continues

T Sabri Öncü

Commentary

Infrastructure Investments - The Way Forward

Kumar V Pratap

Recognising Cohabitation Relationships - The Need for Legislative Framework

Tanmeet Kaur Sahiwal

Anaemia in Women of Reproductive Age in Odisha

Divya Bharti, Satya Narayan Misra

To Do or Not To Do the Social Impact Assessment - Chennai–Salem Project

Diya Narag

Book Reviews

Untold Stories of the Undesirables

Vidyasagar Sharma

Theory and Praxis of Feminist Internationalist Solidarity

Sneha Gole

A Perspective on Urbanisation in India

Dinesh Mehta

Insight

Aadhaar: Costs of Digital Red Tape

Reetika Khera, Amod Moharil

Special Articles

Is India’s Inflation a Fiscal Phenomenon?

Manisha Devi, Amiya Sarma

Implications of Monetary Policy on Public Debt Servicing in India

Preeta George, Chinmay Joshi

Facilitators and Barriers to Institutional Birth - A Community-based Study of the Lahaul Valley

Mandeep Kaur, Ajaz Ahmad Ganaie, Kuldeep Kaur

Sustainable Development in the High Mountains - The Case of Ladakh Pashmina

Ajay Bijoor, Munib Khanyari, Kulbhushansingh Suryawanshi

Current Statistics

Current Statistics

Letters

Environmental Priorities in the 2024 Elections

Nabeela Siddiqui

Micromanagement at the Workplace

Parul Rishi

Engage-Articles

“Sport Psychology”: The New Kid on the Sport Science Block

Sanika Divekar, Nainika Seth

The Changing Face of Kolkata Football: Fans, Fandom, and Political Statements

Sumallya Mukhopadhyay

Women on wheels: Editorial on the importance of intelligently devised welfare schemes for women

 In a democracy, public welfare is not a matter of benevolence. It entails the rights of the people. Indeed, the democratic compact between a government and the citizens who elect it is predicated upon the State’s ability to bring wide swathes of the population, especially those on the margin, within the ambit of welfarism. The prime minister of the mother of democracies, though, has, on numerous occasions, been sceptical about the efficacy of such targeted welfarism. He has described political commitments towards the greater good, especially those framed by the Opposition parties, as examples of sops — rewdis. It is true that political populism is often packaged with the glitter of welfare in this country. All political parties, including the Bharatiya Janata Party, pander to such competitive electoral populism. But a blanket dismissal of welfare programmes is not prudent either. When the State gets a targeted welfare initiative right, the consequences can be truly illuminating. One such initiative that seems to be actually working — transforming ground realities — is the Congress’s programme of guaranteeing free bus rides for women in Karnataka, one of the five guarantees in the Congress manifesto that played a pivotal role in catapulting it back to power in that state. Recent reports suggest that freed from the shackles of immobility and dependence, women in Karnataka are going places — literally and metaphorically — like never before. Since the scheme’s introduction, Karnataka’s four bus corporations have seen a 30% jump in passenger count with 1.10 crore daily passengers, of which nearly 60% are women. Crucially, this endeavour is also helping women reclaim public spaces that are still largely divided along gender lines.

Women voters — numbering 47.1 crore and forming nearly half of all eligible voters in the country — are a force to reckon with in India. The BJP’s recent victory in the assembly polls in Madhya Pradesh was attributed largely to its popularity among women voters. Unsurprisingly, political parties have begun tailoring welfare schemes for this electorally important constituency. The Aam Aadmi Party, for instance, promised Rs 1,000 per month to all women above 18 years of age for the 2024-25 fiscal year in the national capital and the BJP made a similar pledge in Madhya Pradesh. But it is important to remember that all welfare policies need not be emancipatory. Some, in fact, can reinforce discrimination. An interesting study by scholars at O.P. Jindal Global University, for instance, found that in states with lower female literacy rates — the BJP is often the party of choice in these — there is a disproportionate focus on policies which, while helpful, end up keeping women at home; even the financial dole is usually taken away from women by male or other family members. Conversely, states with higher female literacy rates tend to focus on policies that are enablers of women’s agency, mobility, employment and education. The Kanyashree Prakalpa in West Bengal, which reversed high female dropout rates at the middle- and high-school levels in the state, is one case in point. 

Intelligently devised welfare measures that assure basic amenities like healthcare, education and employment for women are a necessity in a deeply inequitable and patriarchal country like India. The demonisation of welfarism by conflating it with populism is a sinister ploy to absolve the State of its commitment to collective betterment.

Source: The Telegraph, 11/05/24

Behind the 20-year delay in Nagaland’s urban local body elections

 

Nagaland is set to hold urban local body elections next month, for the first time since 2004. Here is what lay behind the long wait, and how elections are being held now.

After the conclusion of Lok Sabha polling in Nagaland, the state is gearing up for another election next month: its long pending municipal polls, which last took place in 2004.

On April 26, the state cabinet approved the conduct of the urban local body polls to the state’s 3 municipal councils and 36 town councils. Subsequently, the State Election Commission (SEC) notified the schedule for the election, set to take place on June 26.

Over the years, Nagalands’s urban local bodies elections have been a contentious matter, particularly over the question of women’s reservation. If the polls are successfully conducted next month, it will come after several failed attempts, court proceedings, and political opposition — which have led to violence, the resignation of a chief minister, and finally, the creation of a new municipal act last year.

Behind the contention

Urban local body polls were held for the first and last time in Nagaland in 2004, in line with the provisions of the Nagaland Municipal Act, 2001 (henceforth, ‘the Act’). In 2006, this Act was amended to include 33% reservation for women — in line with the 73rd and 74th constitutional amendments of 1992 which mandated reserving “not less than one-third of the total number of seats” for women in rural and urban local bodies.

It was this 2006 amendment that became a subject of controversy. The opposition to it, led by tribal bodies, was on the grounds that the reservation for women was in contravention with Naga customary laws, as enshrined in Article 371(A) of the Constitution, which accords special status to Nagaland for the protection of traditional religious and social practices of the Nagas.

In 2009, the state government deferred municipal elections, which were set to be held the following year, in light of the controversy surrounding the Act.

Over a decade long fight

However, there were also those fighting to implement women’s reservations in Nagaland. In 2011, the Naga Mothers’ Association (NMA), an influential women’s organisation, petitioned the Gauhati High Court on the matter. That year, the court directed the Nagaland government to hold local body elections.

But in 2012, the state assembly passed a resolution rejecting women’s reservation in the polls. Following this, the NMA filed a special leave petition in the Supreme Court based on which, in 2017, the apex court directed the government to hold the polls. When the government moved to conduct the elections in line with this directive, the state was rocked with violent protests in which two people died. In the face of mounting pressure, T R Zeliang, then Chief Minister — and now Deputy CM — resigned from his position.

The matter seemed to take a new direction in 2022, when the Nagaland government conducted a multi-stakeholder meeting in March with tribal bodies, churches, civil society organisations, and NGOs in which a resolution to hold the polls was adopted. The government then informed the SC that it was ready to implement 33% womens’ reservation in the polls. The top court asked the Nagaland SEC to schedule dates.

Some more hiccups

Despite this, municipal elections are yet to take place in Nagaland. After the current Neiphiu Rio-led government was elected last year, the SEC notified that the election would be conducted that May.Once again, however, opposition to the reservations began to emerge, despite the earlier claimed consensus. Tribal hohos — apex tribal bodies — resolved to boycott the polls till the Nagaland Municipal Act was reviewed. Among the concerns they listed was a demand for a “guarantee” from the government that the 33% women’s reservation does not infringe on Article 371-A “before rushing to conduct the Urban local Body election”; a demand for specifying the duration for which the reservation would be applied, suggesting that it be capped at two tenures; and an opposition to reserving the position of chairperson for women.

A new municipal act

Following the boycott call, the state assembly in March last year repealed the Act and passed a resolution that a new law would be enacted that would “take into consideration once and for all the grievances of all the interested parties so that the elections could be conducted in accordance to law.” The assembly resolution stated that there were concerns that the law and order in the state would deteriorate if the elections were held without reviewing the Act.

In November, in a special emergency session, the assembly passed a new Nagaland Municipal Bill, 2023 which retains 33% reservation for women in the urban local bodies but has done away with the provision of reservation to the post of chairperson to municipal bodies, as well as the provisions for taxes on immovable property.

The polls which are now scheduled are in line with this new Act.

Written by Sukrita Barua

Source: Indian Express, 12/05/24