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Wednesday, March 12, 2025

Faith and child rights

 

Does the doctrine of religious freedom extend to binding commitments made by or for children, especially when those commitments may contravene their other fundamental rights?



Imagine a young boy or a girl dressed in the robes of a monk reciting prayers in a dimly-lit monastery. Now picture another child engrossed in a classroom debate about rights, freedoms, and the principles enshrined in a modern Constitution. Both hypothetical situations are rich with meaning but they represent two vastly different lenses through which a young mind perceives the world. As societies strive to balance cultural heritage with democratic ideals, the question arises — how do we nurture children to embrace the constitutional freedoms while respecting the traditions of faith?

Diksha marks the initiation of an individual into a monastic life. Many people attain diksha in old age. But a recent trend shows a rise in the number of youngsters taking diksha. A child pandit-turned-social-media-­sensation, who speaks about Hindu religion and philosophy, is a case in point.

This growing inclination among children and young adults towards religious renunciation raises questions about the balance between religious practices and the rights of children enshrined in democratic frameworks. In countries like India, where both cultural pluralism and constitutional liberalism coexist, the judiciary has repeatedly upheld the importance of protecting essential religious practices under Article 25 of the Constitution. Yet, this protection must be weighed against Article 21A, which guarantees the right to education, and international obligations such as the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, which India has ratified.

Rituals like diksha are deeply rooted in the cultural and spiritual fabric of communities. But critics highlight the ethical dilemma of children being bound to lifelong commitments without fully understanding their implications. Furthermore, such practices often lead to the curtailment of basic rights, including the right to education, freedom of choice, and access to a well-rounded development. While spiritual growth is undeniably valuable, should it come at the cost of other freedoms?

The tension between tradition and modernity becomes even more pronounced when viewed through the lens of liberal constitutionalism. A democratic State must safeguard the freedom to practise one’s religion but it must also ensure that vulnerable groups—particularly children — are protected from decisions that might undermine their autonomy. The Indian Constitution strikes a delicate balance between protecting religious freedom and ensuring fundamental rights for all. Article 25 guarantees the freedom of religion, allowing individuals the right to profess, practise, and propagate their faith. However, this right is not absolute and is subject to public order, morality, health, and other provisions of Part III of the Constitution. Article 21, which ensures the right to life and personal liberty, has been expansively interpreted by the judiciary to include the right to live with dignity, access education, and make informed life choices. Furthermore, Article 21A mandates free and compulsory education for all children aged 6 to 14, reflecting the State’s commitment to their holistic development. Practices like child diksha, while falling under the purview of religious freedom, must be critically examined in light of these provisions. When such practices curtail a child’s access to education, personal development, and the ability to make autonomous decisions later in life, they raise significant constitutional concerns. The courts have consistently held that no fundamental right, including religious freedom, can override the best interests of children, underscoring the need to prioritise their rights to education, development, and a future of free choice.

Does the doctrine of religious freedom extend to binding commitments made by or for children, especially when those commitments may contravene their other fundamental rights?

Bhuvnesh Kumar, Sharad Panwar

Source: Telegraph India, 11/03/2025

Manipur’s strained peace: Ham-handed approach is likely to cause more harm than good

 The death of a Kuki protester and injuries to several others on March 8, including security forces personnel, shattered four months of relative calm in Manipur. The incident occurred when the protesters resisted the government’s efforts to open the highway from Senapati to Imphal in Kangpokpi district, north of Imphal. The highway connects Manipur with the rest of India through Nagaland and is the lifeline of the state for the movement of goods and personnel to the Meitei-dominated Imphal valley. This, and other highways connecting Manipur to other states, have been blocked for the last 22 months since the ethnic violence started. The other highway that was sought to be opened was the one connecting Imphal to Churachandpur. The bus managed to go up to Kangvai — about 20 km from Churachandpur town — through the Meitei areas but did not go beyond to the Kuki areas.

The incident is confirmation of the fact that the situation in Manipur is far from normal, and the tensions between the two conflicting communities are unlikely to be resolved anytime soon by symbolic actions such as the resignation of N Biren Singh and the subsequent imposition of President’s Rule.

The opening of highways from Imphal to Kangpokpi and Churachandpur was mandated by Home Minister Amit Shah in the security review meeting held on March 1. The Kukis, however, have reiterated that they will not allow the highways to be opened until their demand for an autonomous territory (separate administration) is met.

There is no denying the fact that blocking of highways has put the residents of the Imphal valley through a lot of hardship, leading to shortages of essential commodities. Prices have soared as well. The highways, therefore, must be opened. However, the manner and urgency in which this step has been initiated after 22 months of inaction is an example of the lack of perspective and priorities of the powers that be.

It is imperative that the authority and will of the government be enforced. However, that must be done diligently through a properly conceived plan of action. As has been stated by many experts, the first and foremost step is to ensure that all the weapons looted from the armouries of the Manipur Police and India Reserve Battalions are recovered. The deadline for this has gone by, with only a handful of sophisticated weapons having been surrendered. This is a dangerous situation. The armed forces must therefore be given a free hand to operate to recover these weapons.

Simultaneous action should be initiated to convince the chiefs and respected individuals of each community about the advantages of ensuring peace in general, besides the benefits and necessity of opening the supply routes. As of now, even if the highways are opened, there is no possibility of an individual from one community venturing through an area dominated by the other community. The fact that the vehicle going towards Churachandpur had to stop at Kangvai is proof that people do not feel safe crossing over the barriers that have been put up by security forces to separate the communities. However, by attempting to do so as an initial step, the government appears to be putting the cart before the horse.

Another issue with this approach is that it will involve committing a large number of troops to ensure that the convoys are not attacked. This will leave them with insufficient numbers of troops to conduct operations to recover weapons and dominate the area to ensure law and order. This will also bring troops into direct confrontation with civilians, which may result in casualties and thus cause further discontent.

While it is tempting to say that there is no point in harping on the past and that we must look forward, the impact of the violence of the last 22 months on the psyche of the victims and the communities involved cannot be forgotten easily. The government, therefore, must initiate a large-scale outreach to the people before initiating any coercive action. A ham-handed approach is likely to cause more harm than good


Sanjiv Krishnan Sood

Source: Indian Express, 11, 3/25


What is Assam’s healing law, and why it may be missing the mark

 

The Assam Healing (Prevention of Evil) Practices Act, 2024 was notified in March last year. The Act defines ‘healers’ in sweeping terms, opening up the possibility of misuse. It also misdiagnoses or ignores social realities, including why people sometimes gravitate towards healers and their unscientific methods.


It’s now almost a year since The Assam Healing (Prevention of Evil) Practices Act, 2024 – a law to “eradicate non-scientific healing practices…[used for] exploiting the innocent people…and destroying the fibre of the public health of society” – was notified.

The law targets “evil practices”, which it defines as “any act of healing practices and magic healing…with a sinister motive to exploit common people”.

It defines “healing and healing practices” in sweeping terms: “a traditional holistic approach to heal body, mind and spirit…with traditional medicine and art, including any system, treatment, diagnosis, or practice for ascertainment, cure, relief, correction of any human disease, ailment, deformity, injury or enhancement of a condition or appearance”.

What are the implications of the law, and are there similar legislation in other states as well?

Pitfalls in Assam Act

The very broad definition of healing under the Act – which may have been intended to provide cover against a challenge in court – leaves scope for the inclusion of entire systems of traditional medicine in its ambit.

These include Ayurveda, Siddha, and Unani, which are identified as part of “Ayush” (along with yoga and naturopathy, sowa rigpa, and homoeopathy) and promoted by the central government’s Ministry of Ayush.

The definition also covers various forms of religious healing practised in temples, mosques, dargahs, and shrines, and by wandering mendicants.

The Act fails to distinguish clearly between religion and superstition. The use of ambiguous terms such as “ulterior/ sinister motive” for a healer opens the law up to questions about its intent.

By failing to carve out protections for faith-based rituals, the law risks infringing on the fundamental right to practise religion. Practices that have long been integral to worship in various cultures, including praying for the sick and ritual healing ceremonies, could now be subject to prosecution under the law.

Background of the law

In early February 2024, Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma stated his government’s intent to curb evangelism, for which it was important to ban practices such as healing.

In response, the Assam Christian Forum denied that healing was being used for proselytisation, and submitted that labelling prayer as magical healing oversimplified the profound spiritual dimensions of both faith and life.

After the Bill was passed in the Assembly, the Chief Minister warned Badruddin Ajmal, chief of the opposition All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF), that he would be arrested if he took part in healing practices.

During the Assembly debate, after the opposition raised the issue of the potential impact of the law on tribal traditions, the Chief Minister said that only healing rituals that were carried out with ulterior motives would be targeted.

While the law does not define “ulterior motives”, given the CM’s statements that the intention is to prevent religious conversion through “magic healing”, it is likely that “ulterior motives” refer to religious conversion.

Similar laws elsewhere

  • The Karnataka Prevention And Eradication of Inhuman Evil Practices and Black Magic Act, 2017, exempts religious practices from the purview of the law.
  • The Maharashtra Prevention and Eradication of Human Sacrifice and other Inhuman, Evil and Aghori Practices and Black Magic Act, 2013, targets practices that cause physical harm or financial exploitation. The law also distinguishes between religious practices and “inhuman, evil and aghori practices and black magic”.

The faith in faith healers

People turn to traditional healers out of not just ignorance and superstition, but also desperation.

In many parts of Assam (and India), access to healthcare is limited, and there are often not enough qualified doctors to adequately serve the needs of the people. The situation is especially bad outside the urban centres.

Also, medical treatments, especially for chronic or serious conditions, can be expensive and involve long-term costs, which deter people from seeking professional healthcare.

Upshot of this situation

The Assam Healing (Prevention of Evil) Practices Act, 2024 raises several questions about the role of the state in regulating traditional and faith-based healing practices.

Protecting individuals from exploitative or harmful practices is indeed a legitimate objective for the state – the Maharashtra law, for example, arose from a movement spearheaded by the rationalist organisation Maharashtra Andhashraddha Nirmulan Samiti, which aimed to inculcate a scientific temper, eradicate superstition, and fight the caste system.

However, the Assam law does not stem from such a social movement. The broad definitions in the Act can be seen as threatening or undermining religious freedoms. In fact, statements made by the state government before the passage of the law in the Assembly, and the pattern of arrests under its provisions thereafter, suggest that it may be used to especially target Muslim and Christian healers.

A Christian priest named Pranjal Bhuyan, who was the first person to be arrested under the law, claimed that a Hindu family in Lothagoan village had requested his presence to pray for a seriously ill relative. Criminalising such practices without addressing the root cause, the lack of access to quality healthcare, misses the point. Also, the tension between traditional healing and modern medicine is neither new nor unique to Assam. Sociologists have long written about the place that traditional healing practices occupy across cultures, and emphasised their significance in healing and psychotherapy, and in reintegrating individuals into society with attention to their moral and spiritual well-being.

A more effective approach to address these issues would be to strengthen healthcare infrastructure, promote scientific awareness, and engage with communities to address harmful practices without erasing cultural traditions.

Written by Leah Verghese and Suraj Gogoi

Source: Indian Express, 11/03/25

Monday, February 24, 2025

Quote of the Day

 “Participate joyfully in the sorrows of the world. We cannot cure the world of sorrows, but we can choose to live in joy.”

Joseph Campbel

Economic and Political Weekly: Table of Contents

 

Vol. 60, Issue No. 8, 22 Feb, 2025

Editorials

From 25 Years Ago

From 50 Years Ago

Commentary

Book Reviews

Insight

Review of Urban Affairs

Current Statistics

Postscript

Letters

AI Dilemma

 India stands at a critical juncture in the global AI race. With 15 per cent of the world’s AI talent, a vibrant start-up ecosystem, and increasing investments from major tech companies, the country has all the ingredients to become an AI powerhouse.

India stands at a critical juncture in the global AI race. With 15 per cent of the world’s AI talent, a vibrant start-up ecosystem, and increasing investments from major tech companies, the country has all the ingredients to become an AI powerhouse. Yet, despite these advantages, India is struggling to keep pace with global leaders like the US and China. The absence of a home-grown foundational AI model, limited research infrastructure, and inadequate government funding raise pressing concerns about India’s ability to lead in the AI revolution. While the government has promised rapid development of an indigenous AI model, the challenges are immense.

Countries like the US and China have spent years building robust AI ecosystems, investing heavily in research, academia, and military applications. The US has committed an astronomical $500 billion to AI infrastructure, while China has set aside $137 billion to establish itself as a global AI hub. In stark contrast, India’s AI mission is worth only $1 billion ~ a fraction of what is required to compete at a global level. Without significant state backing, it is unrealistic to expect Indian start-ups and universities to bridge this gap on their own. Another fundamental issue is the lack of high-quality, India-specific da – t asets. AI models require vast amounts of data to train, and India’s linguistic and cultural diversity add an extra layer of complexity.

Training models to understand and respond accurately in multiple Indian languages requires extensive resources, but little has been done to address this gap. Without access to well-structured datasets, even the most advanced AI models will struggle to be effective in the Indian context. Additionally, India’s AI sector faces a persistent brain drain. While Indian talent is sought after globally, many top AI researchers and engineers prefer to work in the US or Europe due to better funding, research facilities, and career opportunities. Unlike in China, where the government has built a strong academic and corporate AI research ecosystem, India’s research environment remains weak. Universities and private companies must work together to build long-term R&D capabilities rather than focusing solely on short-term commercial applications.

However, all is not lost. India has already demonstrated its ability to leapfrog technological gaps, as seen in the success of the Unified Payments Interface (UPI). The digital payments revolution was made possible through a strong partnership between the government, industry, and academia. This model needs to be replicated for AI ~ where state-backed initiatives provide critical infrastructure, private companies invest in innovation, and universities drive fundamental research. In the short term, India can accelerate its AI development by leveraging open-source models and existing global platforms. But in the long run, strategic autonomy in AI will require deep investment in semiconductor manufacturing, computational infrastructure, and local R&D. If India fails to act decisively, it risks becoming a mere consumer of AI technologies developed elsewhere rather than a leader in the field.

Source: The Statesman, 21/02/25

Early end: Editorial on the alarming spike in youth suicides in India

 

Shrinking of employment opportunities is another factor. A issue is the absence of adequate job security; the high prevalence of suicide among daily wage earners is a case in point



Young Indians are snuffing out their own lives at an alarming rate. Statistics bear out the grimness of the situation. According to the latest National Crime Records Bureau data, India reported 1,70,924 suicides in 2022 — the highest in the world — out of which those aged between 18 and 30 comprised a staggering 35% and minors 6% of the total deaths. That is not all. Student suicides witnessed a spike of 4%, numbering 13,044 or 7.6% of the total figure. There seems to be a worrying overlap between the datasets pertaining to India and the world. According to the World Health Organization, suicide is the third leading global cause of death among those aged 15-29 years; a 2024 study published in Springer stated that suicide accounted for about 52,000 deaths annually in children and adolescents. Delving into the root causes of such deaths, as the recently-held National Suicide Prevention Conference attempted to do, is important. One of the factors that came up in the analysis is the rising stress of examinations. The relentless pressure to perform, driven by overambitious guardians, a score-based education system, coupled with the fierce competition for limited seats in premier educational institutions, places a formidable burden on students’ mental health. The rising cases of suicide at Kota, India’s principal coaching hub for competitive examinations, serve as an example of this: seven cases have already been reported in the first two months of this year. The shrinking of employment opportunities is another causal factor. A related issue is the absence of adequate job security; the high prevalence of suicide among daily wage earners is a case in point. Oppression due to caste discrimination is rampant, even in elite educational institutions, aggravating the sense of alienation among students from marginalised communities.

India must prioritise mental healthcare. The introduction of mental health in the school curriculum under the National Education Policy is a positive step. But this needs to be complemented by interventions in affiliated spaces — from improving the ratio between the number of therapists and modern treatment facilities and student populations to better employment opportunities for the youth to addressing the prohibitive cost of therapy, among other measures. But the shoots of change must begin at home. Indian families, overwhelmingly conservative temperamentally, need to understand that mental well-being matters.

Source: Telegraph India; 24.02.25