“Dreaming, after all, is a form of planning.”
Gloria Steinem
“सपने देखना भी, देखा जाए तो, एक तरह से योजना बनाना ही है।”
ग्लोरिया स्टाइनेम
“Dreaming, after all, is a form of planning.”
Gloria Steinem
“सपने देखना भी, देखा जाए तो, एक तरह से योजना बनाना ही है।”
ग्लोरिया स्टाइनेम
The world is witnessing a positive shift in the fight against hunger. The latest data shows a decline in global undernourishment from 688 million in 2023 to 673 million in 2024. India has been a key player in this progress. Its efforts in food security and nutrition have helped reduce hunger amid pandemic challenges. This article explores India’s strategies and challenges in transforming food systems to ensure nutrition and sustainability.
Global hunger rates peaked during the COVID-19 pandemic. The recent decline marks the first fall since 2018 but still remains above pre-pandemic levels. About 8.2% of the world’s population is undernourished in 2024. This improvement is a sign of recovery but also marks ongoing challenges in food access and affordability.
India’s undernourishment rate dropped from 14.3% in 2020–22 to 12% in 2022–24. This means 30 million fewer people face hunger. The reduction is given India’s large population and pandemic disruptions. These gains reflect focused policy actions and improved service delivery systems.
India’s Public Distribution System (PDS) has been modernised through digital tools. Aadhaar-based targeting, biometric authentication, and electronic point-of-sale devices have increased efficiency. The One Nation One Ration Card scheme enables portability of food entitlements across states, aiding migrants and vulnerable groups. These innovations allowed rapid scaling of food support during crises.
While calorie intake has improved, nutrition remains a challenge. Over 60% of Indians cannot afford a healthy diet due to high costs of nutrient-rich foods and weak supply chains. Initiatives like the Pradhan Mantri Poshan Shakti Nirman and Integrated Child Development Services now prioritise dietary diversity and nutrition sensitivity, aiming for long-term health benefits.
Malnutrition, obesity, and micronutrient deficiencies are rising despite reduced hunger. Poor urban and rural populations are most affected. India’s agrifood system needs transformation to produce and make affordable nutrient-dense foods like pulses, fruits, vegetables, and animal products. Post-harvest losses of 13% reduce availability and increase prices.
Investing in cold storage, digital logistics, and market access is vital. Supporting women-led food enterprises and Farmer Producer Organizations, especially those growing climate-resilient crops, can improve nutrition and livelihoods. Digital platforms like AgriStack and e-NAM enhance agricultural planning and nutrition-sensitive interventions.
India’s progress is a model for developing countries. Its innovations in digital governance and social protection contribute to global food security goals. With five years left to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals, India’s leadership is critical. The country’s experience shows that political will and smart investments can scale hunger reduction efforts.
Data drawn principally from Expenditure Budget documents over the years reveal that India’s welfare template is suffering on account of the lengthening shadow of governmental negligence. A report by a Parliamentary Standing Committee on Education and Women and Child Development on Demand for Grants for School Education highlighted the dismal state of school education and the urgent need for the government to allocate greater funds to the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan: more than 14,000 government schools have shut down between 2020-21 and 2023-24, delivering a blow to the goal of achieving universal education. The mid-day meal, which has worked wonders in improving both nutrition and enrolment for school children, is being starved of funds too, spiking school dropout rates and deepening gender disparities in education. Saksham Anganwadi, meant to address the nutritional needs of children between 6 months and 6 years, pregnant women and lactating mothers apart from adolescent girls from “aspirational districts” — whatever that means — has seen cuts in funding as well, leading to severe institutional shortages in anganwadis. Political wrangling and funds freeze have been reported in the case of the 100 day rural job guarantee programme. There is also an urgent need to review the purse strings for the National Social Assistance Programme, which plays a crucial role in providing benefits to vulnerable constituencies such as the elderly, the disabled and widows.
Taken together, this set of data bares monumental government lapses in supporting what are deemed as public goods. This is catastrophic given the fact that welfare is a moral commitment on the part of the State. Moreover, India’s ambition of being a global economic powerhouse is contingent upon the claimants of its economic wealth being representative. This underlines the need for strengthening — not weakening — its welfare programmes, especially since the infrastructure of the delivery mechanism is mostly in place. The gradual enfeeblement of the State’s investment in welfare may also signal a possibility whose repercussions could be serious for Indian democracy. The emerging, transactional compact on welfare with the underprivileged — provision of basic amenities in return for electoral patronage for the ruling regime — threatens to transform citizens’ rights to a form of favour to be dispensed by whimsical powers that be. This would be an inversion — perversion — of the democratic ethos itself.
Source: The Telegraph, 22/08/25
With a volatile external sector increasing the challenge of demand-driven growth, the Prime Minister unveiled a slew of proposed reforms from the Red Fort’s ramparts on August 15. While a recalibration of GST could induce higher domestic consumption and spur domestic investment with employment growth, India must seize this opportunity to also rethink its education system and increase the productivity and employability of its labour force. Our traditional education system — academic and rote-based — is unlikely to deliver a workforce equipped for the future of work.
In India and across the world, formal vocational or skill training is associated with higher chances of an individual being employed and obtaining a job in the formal sector. Yet, only 4 per cent of India’s workforce is formally trained, even though the institutional coverage of the Vocational Education and Training (VET) system is extensive — with over 14,000 Industrial Training Institutes (ITIs) and 25 lakh sanctioned seats. Actual enrolment was only around 12 lakh in 2022, implying just 48 per cent seat utilisation. Our VET system struggles with not only low uptake but also modest employment rates for those who undergo training. In 2018, the employment rate among ITI graduates was 63 per cent, whereas countries with robust VET systems such as Germany, Singapore, and Canada reported employment rates ranging between 80 and 90 per cent. These statistics point to a VET system that is both ineffective and unattractive to our youth.
Why is the uptake and employment rate low for India’s VET system?
The first factor is the stage of the education system at which VET is integrated. Countries that introduce VET earlier in the schooling system show a stronger association with better labour market outcomes. In Germany, for example, VET is integrated at the upper secondary level through a dual system, combining school education with paid apprenticeships. In contrast, in India, VET is an afterthought — offered post high-school education, which not only shortens the period available for hands-on training before the youth enter the job market, but also does not allow for orientation towards employable skills.
A second aspect is the absence of a defined pathway to higher (or academic) education via vocational skilling. For instance, Singapore offers VET either as technical education at the post-secondary level or via polytechnics at the tertiary level through dual vocational tracks, but has defined pathways from VET to traditional university education. India, in contrast, offers no formal academic progression from VET to mainstream higher education, nor does our education system offer credit transfers between systems. This reduces the uptake of VET by many who wish to keep the option of traditional, academic education viable.
Third, and possibly most important, is the perception and quality of VET in India. Singapore has industry-led curriculum design, high instructor quality, regular audits and a mechanism that seeks constant feedback from employers and trainees. Singapore also has a Skill Future Programme, where the government offers subsidies to upskill throughout one’s career. In India, in contrast, many courses are outdated and misaligned with industry needs. Over one-third of ITI instructor posts are vacant due to limited training capacity at National Skill Training Institutes. Quality monitoring is weak, with irregular ITI grading and no feedback systems.
Relatedly, investing in robust public–private partnerships to deliver VET is critical for successful skilling. In Germany, Singapore, and Canada, governments fund VET institutions, while employers pay for apprenticeships, share training costs, and also help design curricula. In India, the engagement of employers in the private sector is limited, if not absent. ITIs depend heavily on government funding, with minimal private sector investment in infrastructure and training apparatus. Medium and Small Scale Enterprises drive local job creation, but have low engagement with ITIs due to capacity constraints. Sector Skill Councils, which play a key role in integrating training with industry needs, lack state-level presence.
What can India learn from international experiences to overhaul its VET programme?
First, integrate VET into early schooling. The National Education Policy (NEP), 2020 recommends such integration, but progress has been slow. Second, fast-track reforms to implement the National Credit Framework that defines clear progression pathways and aims to have a board for nationally recognised certifications. Third, to improve training quality, align VET courses with local industry demand through regular market assessments, expand NSTIs and fast-track instructor recruitment to address capacity gaps, and strengthen ITI grading by incorporating trainee feedback. Fourth, scale models like the Private Training Partner approach by leveraging public infrastructure and private expertise. Involve MSMEs, and strategically use CSR funding to boost industry relevance. Fifth, increase public spending on VET and ensure the financial viability of institutions by linking public funding to their performance and granting them autonomy to generate their own revenue.
We must invest more in human capital. India allocates around 3 per cent of total education expenditure to VET, compared to 10-13 per cent in countries like Germany, Singapore, and Canada. Public funding can be optimised with improved financial viability of ITIs through lower per-student costs of training and by allowing ITIs autonomy to generate their own revenue.
Recent government schemes — such as the Employment Linked Incentive (ELI) scheme, the PM Internship Scheme, and the ITI Upgradation Initiative — reflect an increased focus on employment outcomes. ELI Part A offers up to Rs 15,000 for first-time EPFO-registered workers, while the revised ELI, Part B gives employers Rs 3,000 a month for every new hire. Both ELI schemes push formalisation of jobs but have no skilling components. The Prime Minister Internship Scheme aims to provide one-year placements to youth in top companies, but lacks pathways to permanent jobs. The ITI Upgradation Scheme focuses on modernising 1,000 government ITIs in partnership with industry, but not necessarily the quality of training.
Policy initiatives, thus far, have either tinkered on the margins of our existing education system or are afterthoughts. They are unlikely to transform the level of productivity and employability of our workforce unless we overhaul a system that is becoming increasingly outdated. Such an overhaul is crucial for making vocational training a pathway to jobs — an essential step towards a Viksit Bharat.
ARJITA CHANDNA
Source: Indian Express, 22/08/25
“Everything you’ve ever wanted is on the other side of fear.”
George Addair
“वह सब कुछ जो आपने कभी भी चाहा है, वह भय के दूसरी ओर है।”
जॉर्ज एडेयर
The World Bank’s income classification system remains a key tool for comparing countries by income. Updated annually, it sorts countries into four groups based on gross national income (GNI) per capita. This system helps researchers and policymakers understand global economic diversity clearly and consistently. In 2024, the World Bank continued to classify countries into low, lower-middle, upper-middle, and high-income groups. These categories are based on fixed income thresholds adjusted yearly for inflation. Over the past two decades, many countries have shifted upward in income groups, reflecting economic growth. However, some have moved downward due to conflicts or crises.
GNI per capita measures the average income of a country’s residents, including income earned abroad. It is reported in local currency and converted to US dollars using exchange rates. This standardisation allows for consistent comparison across countries. The World Bank uses GNI per capita as the sole criterion for income classification.
The income groups are defined by fixed thresholds in US dollars. As of 2024, these are:
These thresholds are updated annually based on global inflation rates but remain absolute, not relative to other countries’ incomes.
The system began in the late 1980s to guide lending policies. The low-income threshold marked eligibility for concessional loans. Additional thresholds were introduced to better distinguish countries by income distribution. Today, the classification is independent of lending rules and serves mainly for statistical and policy analysis.
Countries can move between income groups as their GNI per capita changes. Growth, currency fluctuations, and population updates influence these shifts. Most nations have risen over time due to economic development. However, some like Syria and Yemen have fallen due to war and economic crises, moving from lower-middle to low income.
Population shares in each income group are uneven. In 2004, 37% lived in low-income countries; by 2024, this fell below 10%. The share in upper-middle income countries rose from under 10% to 35%. This reflects global economic progress but also marks disparities in wealth distribution.
Recent research by IIT Delhi and IIT Gandhinagar has introduced the District Flood Severity Index (DFSI) for India. This index aims to provide a comprehensive measure of flood severity at the district level. It combines flood duration, area affected, deaths, injuries, and population to better assess flood impacts. The DFSI addresses gaps in existing flood data and supports improved flood management policies.
Flooding in India causes displacement, injuries, and deaths regularly. However, no standard data-based index existed to measure flood severity at the district scale. Districts are key administrative units for flood response. Hence, a district-level index helps target relief and prevention efforts more effectively. The DFSI fills this important gap.
The index uses data collected annually since 1967 by the Indian Meteorological Department (IMD). It includes riverine floods and large inundations but often misses smaller events. DFSI incorporates five main factors – mean flood duration in days, percentage of district area flooded historically, total deaths, injuries, and district population. This multi-dimensional approach captures both flood magnitude and human impact.
The DFSI weighs flooding severity by combining the extent of flooding with population exposure and casualties. For example, a district with many floods but low population impact scores lower than one with fewer floods but higher casualties. This approach avoids misleading conclusions based solely on flood frequency. Patna ranks highest in DFSI, reflecting severe impacts in the Indo-Gangetic Plain.
Urban flooding is influenced by both heavy rainfall and poor urban planning. Cities like Thiruvananthapuram experience frequent floods partly due to unplanned development blocking natural drainage. While Thiruvananthapuram has the highest number of flood events, its DFSI rank is lower because of fewer casualties and smaller affected populations. Better urban water management can reduce such floods.
Current DFSI excludes agricultural flood impact due to lack of data. It also relies on available IMD datasets and district population figures. Researchers acknowledge the index can improve with finer data on flooded land types and socio-economic factors. The DFSI is a first-step tool to encourage more detailed flood data collection and targeted mitigation.
The DFSI offers a practical tool for policymakers to prioritise districts needing urgent flood relief and infrastructure investment. It marks the importance of considering human and spatial flood impacts together. Giving rivers room to move and improving urban drainage are key to reducing flood severity. The index supports data-driven, district-focused flood resilience planning.